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For President, JAMES A GARFIELD, or ohio. For Vice President, CHESTER A. ARTHUR, OF NEW YORK. OUE CANDIDATE. James A. Garfield. James Abraham Garfield was born on November 19, 1831, in the township of Orange, Cuyahoga County, Ohio, about fifteen miles southeast of Cleve land. He comes of plain New England country stock. His father, Abraham Garfield, was a farmer in very moderate circumstances, who died in 1833, leaving a family of four children, of whom James was the youngest. His mother, a woman of unusual strength of char acter, is still living. By her exertions she managed to keep the family to gether until the boys were old enough to earn their own living. The land in Orange is poor, and the little Garfield farm afforded only a scanty subsistence to the family. James got a few months cf district school tuition winters, and the rest of the year worked upon the farm cr hejied in a carpenter’s shop. He had an absorbing ambition to get a good education, which at an early age gave his character its bent, and shaped his future course in life. The Ohio and Erie Canal ran not far from his mothers house, and, finding that the men em ployed upon it got better wages than he could earn at the carpenter’s bench, he hired out as a driver when he was seventeen years old. and soon rose to the position of boatman. Hard work and exposure brought on a fever in the Fall of 1818, which lasted three months and put an end to a scheme for shipping as a sailor on tbs lakes. In the Spring of 1849, the boy’s mother gave him a few dollars which she had saved for the purpose by pinching econ omy, and told him he could now realize his ambition of learning something more than the district school could teach. He went to Geauga Academy, an obscure institution in a country village not far from Orange, and being too poor to pay the $1.50 a week, which was the price asked for board, he took a few cooking utensils and a stock of provisions, and, hiring a room in an old unpainted farm house, boarded himself. From the day he left home for the Academy he never had a dollar which he did not earn. He soon found employment with the carpenters of the village, and by work ing mornings and evenings and Satur days he earned enough to pay his way. The Summer vacation enabled him to save something toward the Fall term, and in the ensuing Winter he taught a district school. Thus he kept on for several years, teaching in the Winter, working at the bench in Summers, and attending the Academy during the Fall and Spring terms. He was a tall, mus cular. fair-haired country lad in those days, looking a good deal like a German in spite of his pure Yankee blood. Healthy in mind and body, genial in temperament, a good wrestler and ball player as well as a good student, he was a great favorite with his comrades and teachers. AT COLLEGE. When he was twenty-three years old, he felt that he had got all the education out of the country academy which it was capable of giving, and resolved to go to college, tie was confident that he could enter the junior class, and so have only two years to complete the college course, and he calculated that he had saved by his teaching and car penter work about Dalf enough money to pay his expenses. How to get the rest of the sum needed was a problem. A kind-hearted gentle nan, many years his senior, who has ever since been one of his closest friends, loaned him the amount. So scrupulous was the young man about the payment of the debt that he got his life Insured and placed the policy in his creditor’s hands. “If I live,” he said, “ I shall pay you, and if I die you will sufier no loss.” The debt was repaid soon after he gradu ated. He went to Williams College in the Fall of 1854, and, as he had antici pated, passed the examination for the junior class. Two years later he grad uated, and bore off the metaphysical honor. His classmates remember well his prodigious industry as a student, his physical activity in the college games, and his cordial, hearty social ways. While at the Geauga Academy Gar field joined the Disciples’ Church, a new sect which had spread with remark able rapidity in Ohio under the iufiu ence of the preaching of Alexander Campbell. It has often been said that Garfield was at one time a minister. This is not true. The story had a foundation, however, in the fact that he used to speak in the churches of the denomination. The Disciples at that time had no regular paid ministry. They supported traveling elders, but the congregations had no pastors, and were usually addressed by someone among the members who had a natural talent for pulpit oratory. Garfield’s purpose was to be a lawyer, and he had not swerved from it at the time he used to talk of religion and a future life to the little congregations in the Disciples’ meeting-houses in Northern Ohio. COLLEGE rRESIDENT. In the County of Portage, not far from where Garfield lived, the Disciples had a struggling college, called Hiram Eclectic Institute, which undertook to furnish education and religious training at the lowest possible price. It was natural that the young, talented Disciple, who had just been graduated with dis tinction in an Eastern college, should be attracted to this school. He became professor of Latin and Greek, and the next year, when he was only twenty-six vears'old. he was made president of the institute. There probably never was a vounger college president. He carried into his new position the remarkable energy and vigor and good sen*e x which are the mainsprings of his character. He soon doubled the attendance at the school, raised its standard of scholar ship, strengthened its faculty, and in spired everybody connected with it with something of his own zeal and enthu siasm. At the same time he studied law and was an omnivorous reader of general literature. His place in life seemed now won, and he married the object of his youthful love —Lucretia Rudolph, a farmer's daughter, who had been hia fellow-stu dent at the academy. Miss Rudolph was a refined, intelligent, affectionate girl, who shared his thirst for knowl edge and his ambition for culture, and had, at the same time, the domestic tastes and talents which fitted her equally to preside over the home of the poor college professor and that of the famous statesman. Much of Garfield’s subsequent success in life may be attrib uted to his fortunate marriage. His wife has grown with his growth, and has been, during all his career, the appre ciative companion of his studies, the loving mother of his children, the grace ful, hospitable hostess of his friends and guests, and the wise and faithful help meet in the trials, vicissitudes and suc cesses of his busy life. LEGISLATUEE AND ARMY. In 1859 Garfield was elected to the Senate of Ohio from the Counties of Portage and Summit He had taken part in the political campaigns of 1857 and 1858, and had become pretty well known as a vigorous, logical stump orator. He did not think a few weeks in the Winter at Columbus would break in seriously upon his college work, to which he was devoted. It is probable, however, that he already felt the promptings of political ambition, which he did not even acknowledge to him self. His most intimate friend in the Senate was J. D. Cox, who afterward became a Major-General and Governor of the State. Daring the session of 1860-’6l Garfield was characteristically active and vigorous in aiding to prepare the State to stand by the General Gov ernment in opposition to the rising storm of rebellion. When the storm burst he determined to drop everything ana enter the army. A company was raised at Hiram composed exclusively of the students of his c filege, and was attached to the 42d Ohio Infantry. At that time the Ohio Regiments when organized elected their field officers by ballot. Garfield was chosen Colonel, and the regiment took the field in East ern Kentucky in December, 1861. Colonel Garfield was assigned to the command of the 18th Brigade, and was ordered by General BueJl to drive Humphrey Marshall out of the Sandy Valley. Thus a citizen soldier who had never seen a battle was entrusted with the serious task of defeating a force outnumbering his by nearly two to one, and commanded by a man who had led the famous charge of the Kentucky Vohmteers at Buena Vista. By a forced night march he reached Marshall’s position near Prestonburg at daybreak; fell upon him with impetuosity, and after a sharp tight forced him to burn his baggage and retreat into Virginia. The Rebels left a small force in Pound Gap, which they fortified and held as a point of observation. On the 14th of March Colonel Garfield started with 500 infantry and 200 cavalry to dislodge this force. A severe march of ten days brought his men to the gap. He sent his cavalry along the main road to at tract the enemy’s attention while he scrambled over the rocks and through the woods with his infantry, and reached the outskirts of the Rebel camp unobserved. A few volleys scat tered them in full retreat. These operations cleared Eastern Kentucky and stopped the flank move ment which w’as disturbing Buell’s plan. It was of much greater military im portance than the number of troops in it indicated. Garfield was rewarded for his victory with the rank of Brigadier- General, and was ordered to join Buell's army which was then on its way to rein force Grant at Pittsburg Landing. In command of the Twentieth Brigade he reached the battlefield in the second day of the engagement. His brigade next took part in the tedious siege of Corinth. In August ill-health compelled him to leave the field for a time and he was made a member of the court-martial for the trial of Fitz John Porter. In January, 1863, he was made Chief of Staff of the Army of the Cumberland, and became the intimate friend and ad viser of its commander, General Eose cranz At the battle of Chickamauga he wrote every order save one, submit ting each to General Kosecranz for approval or change. That one was the fatal order to General Wood, which lost the day. The words did not clearly convey the meaning of the commanding general. Wood misinterpreted them, and the result was the opening of the gap in the main lines through which the Kebels poured, flanking and des troying Eosecranz’s right wing. Gen eral Garfield was made a Major-General tor his conduct at Chickamauga. ELECTED TO CONGRESS. In the Summer of 186*2, when every body supposed the war was going to end in a few months, a number of officers who had gained distinction in the field were taken up at home and elected to Congress. Among them was Geuerrl Garfield, who was nominated by the Eepublicans of Joshua E. Gid dings’ old district, while with his brig ade in Kentucky. He had no knowl edge of any such movement in his behalf, and when he accepted the nom ination he did so in the belief that the Eebellion would be subdued before he would be called upon to take his seat in the House, in December. 1863. His nomination was partly the result of his military fame and partly of a desire on the part of the friends of Giddings to 'efeat the man who had pushed him out of Congress two years before. Garfield’s popularity made him the most available man in the district for this purpose. He was elected by a large majority. He continued his mili rary service up to the day of the meet ing of Congress. Even then, he seri ously thought of resigning his position as a R epresentative rather than his ilajor-General’s commission, and would have done so had there been any pros pect of active service in the field dur ing the Winter months. He has often expressed regret that he did not fight the war through. Had he done so, he would, no doubt, hare ranked at its OUR NEXT PRESIDENT. JAMES A. GARFIELD, OF OHIO. close among the foremost of the victo rious generals of the Republic. He was appointed on the Military Committee, under the chairmanship of General Schenck, and was of great serv ice in carrying through the measures which recruited the armies during the closing years of the war. At the same time he began a course of severe study of the subjects of finance and political economy, going home every evening to his modest lodgings in Thirteenth-st., with his arms full of books borrowed from the Congressional Library. He soon took rank in the House as a ready and forcible debater, a hard worker, and a diligent, practical legislator. His sup erior knowledge used to offend some of his less learned colleagues at first. They thought him bookish and pedantic until they found how solid and useful was his store of knowledge, and how pertinent to the business in hand were the draf os he made upon it. His genial personal ways soon made him many warm friends in Congress. The men of brains in both houses and in the De partments were not long in discovering that here was a fresh, strong intellectual force that was destined to make its mark upon the politics of the country. They sought his acquaintance, and before he had been long in Washington he had the advantage of the best society of the Capital. In 1864 General Garfield was renom inated without opposition and re-elect ed by an increased majority. He served on the Committee of Ways and Means, which was very much in the line of his tastes and studies. He favored a moder ate protective tariff, and a steady reduc tion of taxation and Government ex penditures. In 1866 a few of his con stituents l.ving in the Mahoning Talley, an iron producing district, opposed his re-nomination on the ground that he did not favor as high a tariff on iron as they wanted. The convention was over whelmingly on his side, however, and in after years he succeeded in convincing his opponents that a moderate duty, affording a sufficient margin for protec tion, was better for their interests than a high prohibitory rate. In his third term he was Chairman of the Committee on Military Affairs and had plenty of work in remodeling the Regular Army and looking after the demands of the discharged soldiers for pay and bounty, of wdiich many had been deprived by the red-tape decisions of the Govern ment accounting officers. A SPLENDID FINANCIAL RECORD. Again re-elected in 1868, General Garfield was appointed chairman of the Banking and Currency Committee, and during the same Congress did most of the hard work of the Committee on the ninth census. His financial views, always sound, and based upon the firm foundation of honest money and un sullied National honor, had now be come strengthened by his studies and investigations, and he was recognized as the best authority in the Rouse on the great subjects of the debt and the currency. His record in the legislation concerning these subjects is without a flaw. No man in Congress made a more consistent and unwavering fight against the paper money delusions that flour ished during the decade following the war, and in favor of specie payments and the strict fulfillment of the Nation’s obligations to its creditors. His speech es became the financial gospel of the Republican party. In 1871 General Garfield was made Chairman of the Committee on Appro priations, and held the post until the Democrats got control of the House in 1875. In that important position he largely reduced the expenditures of the Government, and thoroughly re formed the system of estimates and ap propriations, providing for closer ac countability on the part of those who spend the public money, and a clear knowledge on the part of those who vote it of what it is used for. LEADERSHIP OF THE HODSE. "When James G, Blaine went to the Senate, in 1877, .he mantle of Republi can leadership in the House was by common consent placed upon Garfield, and he has worn it ever since. In Jan uary last he was elected to the Senate, to the seat which will be vacated by Allen G. Thurman on the 4th of March, 1881. He received the unanimous vote of the Republican caucus, an honor never given to any other man of any party in the State of Ohio. Asa leader in the House, he is more cautious and less dashing than Blaine, and his judicial turn of mind makes him too prone to look for two sides of a question for him to be an efficient partisan. When the issue fairly touches Cis convictions, however, he becomes thoroughly aroused and strikes tremen dous blows. Blaine’s tactics were to continually harrass the enemy by sharp shooting surprises and picket firing. Garfield waits for an opportunity to de liver a pitched battle, and his general- ship is shown to best advantage when the fight is a fair one, and waged on grounds where each party thinks itself strongest. Then his solid shot of ar gument are exceedingly effective. On the stump Garfield is one of the very best orators in the Republican party. He has a good voice, an air of evident sincerity, great clearness and vigor of statement and a way of knitting his arguments together so as to make a speech deepen its impression on the mind of the hearer until the climax is reached. With the single exception of 1867, when he made a tour in Europe, he has done hard work on the stump for the Republican party in every campaign since he entered Congress. For the past ten years his services have been in demand in all parts of the country. He has usually reserved half his time for the Ohio canvass, and given the other half to other States. The Novem ber election finds him worn and hag gard with traveling and speaking in the open air, but his robust constitu tion always carries him through, and after a few weeks’ rest on his farm ha appears in Washington refreshed and ready for the duties of the session. HIS INDUSTRIOUS HABITS. Of his industry aud studious habits a great deal might be said, but a single illustration will suffice. Once during the busiest part of a very busy session at Washington, a friend found him in his library behind a big barricade of books. This was no unusual sight, but when the visitor glanced at the volumes he saw they were all different editions of Horace, or books relating to that poet. I find I am overworked and need recreation,” said the General. “Now, my theory is that the best way to rest the mind is not to let it be idle, but to put it at something quite outside of the ordinary line of its employment. So I am resting by learning all the Congressional Library can show about Horace, and the various editions and translations of his poems.” General Garfield never went through the lower grades of law practice. After he made his reputation in Congress he was occa sionally associated with Jeremiah S. Black, in important Supreme Court cases, where his power of close, logical argument made his aid of great value. He has never sought law business and has never accepted any which interfered with his public duties. GENERAL GARFIELD’S HOME LIFE. General Garfield is the possessor of two homes, and his family migrates twice a year. Some ten years ago, find ing ho-* unsatisfactory life was in hotels and boarding houses, he bought a lot of ground on the corner of Thirteenth and Ist Sts., in Washington, and with money borrowed of a friend built a plain, substantial three-story house. A wing was extended afterward to make room for the fast growing library. The The money was repaid in time, and was probably saved in great part from what would otherwise have gone to landlords. The children grew up in pleasant home surroundings, and the house became a centre of much simple and cordial hos pitality. Five or six years ago the little cottage at Hiram was sold, and for a time the only residence the Garfields had in his district was a Summer house he built on Little Mountain, a bold elevation in Lake County, which com mands a view of thirty miles of rich farming country stretched along the shore of Lake Erie. Three years ago he bought a farm in Mentor, in the same county, lying on both sides of the Lake Shore and Michigan Southern Railroad. Here his family spend all the time when he is free from his duties in Washington. The original farm house was a low, old-fashioned, story and-a-half building, and its limited ac commodations were supplemented by numerous outbuildings, one of which General Garfield uses for office and library purposes. Last Spring he had the house enlarged and remodeled, so that it now has a handsome modern look. The farm contains about 120 acres of excellent land in a high state of cultivation, and the Congressman finds a recreation, of which he never tires, in directing the field work aud making improvements in the buildings, fences, and orchards. Cleveland is only twenty-five miles away; there is a post office and a railway station within half a mile, and the pretty country town of Painesville is but five miles distant. One of the pleasures of Summer life on the Garfield farm is a drive of two miles through the woods to the lake shore and a oath in the breakers. Visitors who come unannounced often find the General working in the hay field with his boys, with his broad, gen ial face sheltered from the sun under a big chip hat and his trousers tucked in a pair of cowhide boots. He is a thorough countryman by instinct. The smell of the good brown earth, the low ing of cattle, the perfume of the new cut grass, and all the sights and sounds of farm life are dear to him from early associations. General Garfield has five children living, and has lost two, who died in infancy. The two older boys, Harvey and James, are now at school in New Hampshire. Mary, or Molly, as every body calls her, is a handsome, rosy cheeked girl of about twelve. The two younger boys are named Irwin and Abram. The General's mother is still living and has long been a member of his family. She is an intelligent, ener getic old lady, with a clear head and a strong will, who keeps well posted in 1 the news of the day, and is very proud ' of her son’s career, though more liberal | of criticism than of praise. THE EARNINGS OF AN ACTIVE LIFE. General Garfield’s propertv may amount to $20,000. It consists exclu sively of his farm in Ohio, and his house in Washington, and every dollar of it has been earned by his own exer tions. He has s ived a little every year , from his salary, and this, with an occa sional legal fee, has made up the bulk of his estate. When he entered Con gress he owned a little house in Hiram, worth perhaps $1,500. His hospitable habits have interfered somewhat with his economies. It rarely happens that the family are a week by themselves in ashington or in Mentor. Guests are always welcome, and are made to feel at home by being taken into the daily life of the family. The long table usu ally reaches from one end of the din ing room to the other, and there is a chair and a plate for every chance caller. General Garfield’s district is in the extreme northeastern corner of Ohio, and now embraces the counties of Ashtabula, Trumbull, Geuga, Lake and Mahoning. Kis old home, county of Portage, was detached from it a year ago. With the exception of the "coal and iron regions in the extreme south ern part, the district is purely a rural one, and is inhabited by a population of pure New England ancestry. It is claimed that there is less illiteracy in proportion to the population than in any other district in the United States. In person General Garfield is six feet high, broad-shouldered and strongly built. He has an unusually large head, that seems to be three-fourths forehead, light brown hair and beard, now touch ed with gray; large, light blue eyes, a prominent nose and full cheeks. HIS APPEARANCE AND CHARACTER. He dresses plainly, is fond of broad brimmed slouch hats and stout boots, eats heartily, cares nothing for luxuri ous living, is a great reader of good books on all subjects, is thoroughly temperate in ail respects save in that of brain-work, and is devoted to his wife and children. Among men he is genial, approachable, companionable and a remarkably entertaining talker. His mind is a vast storehouse of facts, rem iniscences and anecdotes. He is not what is called a practical politician. He knows little of the mac ainery of caucuses and conventions, or of the methods of conducting close campaigns. His constituents have nine times nominated him without any effort on his part, and have elected him by majorities ranging from 6,000 to 11,000. Asa politician in the larger and better sense of shaping the policy of a great party, however, he has few equals. To no man is the Kepublican party more indebted for its successes in recent years than to James A. Gar field. A Good Time to Reflect. New York Tribune. In this warm weather, when business is not pressing and political excitement is not yet strongly felt, it is a good time for practical men to think over the bearings of the campaign calmly and the probable effects of one result or the other upon their personal interests. We have not a very strong Government in this Republic, but it is strong enough for its measures and policy seriously to affect business concerns. It levies taxes and tariff duties which materially influ ence the prices of many commodities. It charters and controls a banking sys tem which ramifies into almost every village in the country. It issues a paper currency which goes into the pocket of every citizen. It owes a large debt, in the faithful payment of which many thousands of people are directly con cerned and many hundreds of thous ands indirectly. The administration of this Government is by no means an affair of theoretical politics. There is some thing more involved than abstract ideas of the distribution and limitations of power. Anew Government policy may involve the ruin of hundreds of pros perous enterprises. It may even pro duce a great financial panic and wide spread commercial calamity, as did the policy of Andrew Jackson toward the Bank of the United States. Every one knows just what to expect if a Republican President is elected next Fall. There will be no shock to business. No experiments will be tried with the currency. No crusade will be made upon the banks. No schemes for shirking the payment of the public debt and interest will be entertained for a moment at the White House or in the Treasury. The burden of National taxation will not be shifted from whis ky and tobacco at the demand of the South, and placed upon articles of ne cessity made in the North. The safe protective system under which Ameri can manufactures have been established and developed will not be broken down at the bidding of the politicians from the cotton-growing States. The ma chinery of Government will continue in the hands of experienced, efficient men, who have established a claim to the public confidence by years of hon est, capable service. But how wall it be if the Democratic candidate is elected ? Of course the policy of the Democratic party will be carried out, for General Hancock is a man without political ideas or experi ence, who will be like clay in the hands of the Democratic potter. There is none of the stuff of “ Old Hickory” in him; he wifi have no policy of his own. The party, it must not be forgotten, is ruled by the Congressional caucus, and in this caucus the Southern members are in a large majority. The course •f the Democratic Administration, if the people should elect Hancock would, therefore, be shaped by the Southern politicans. How would it af fect business interests ? Protective dr ties would be abolished at once ; this much we know, because the Cincinnati platform plainly says so. Many forms of industrial enterprise would be de stroyed, the capital embarked in them wiped out, and ihe workmen they em ploy set adrift. Others not wholly ruined would be seriously crippled and obliged to reduce their operations. Our markets would be flooded with the cheap goods of England, Belgium, France, and Germany ; many thousands of industrious mechanics and factory operatives would have the alternative of starving in the East or going to the Western prairies, if they could, and raising corn ; and hundreds of pros perous towns md villages in X3w Eng land, Xew lork, Xew Jersey, Pennsyl vania and Ohio would be made desolate. What would the Democratic Admin istration do with the public debt? Who can tell? We only know that the Southern politicians who would control its policy have repudiated the debts of their own States, and have no reason for treating differently the obligations of the Xation contracted for suppress ing their rebellion. What would it do with the currency? Who can predict? e know that every project for inflation and repudiation broached during the past fifteen years has been tenr.erly coddled by the Democratic party, .ud that every effort to elevate the public credit and resume specie payments found its chief obstacles within the lines of that party. What ■would become of the banks, those con servators of the credit and surplus i s the business community? Almost every Democratic leader west of the Alleghanies and south of the Potomac has taken ground in favor of their destruction. They cannot be de stroyed without breaking down the whole system of commercial credits which is the life-blood of all large business operations; but a Democratic Administration, ruled by Southern would not stop on this ac count. Why pursue the argument further? Is it not plain to business men that their interests would be seriously jeop ardized if the Democrats got hold of the Government? Some of them mav think that the dogs in charge of the sheepfold are not just what they ought to be, but do they want on this account to let in the ravenous Democratic wolves ? HANCOCK. Not the Alan for Leader. Chicago Times (Dera.) June 25. Like the Chicago convention, the i Cincinnati convention, in a sudden out break ° f spontaneity, has taken itself i and the country by surprise. The nom ination of General Hancock was neither expected nor intende.-l. Like the nomi nation cf Garfield, it was made wijh out premeditation or deliberation. Al so like the nomination of Garfield, it is perhaps a more commendable ou - come than would have resulted from deliberate party selection. It is, at all events, a fortunate escape from Tilden upon which the party is to be congrat ulated. But it is not a nomination that can be said to fulfill the party’s opportunity. It never had a more favorable opportu nity to bring to the front anew political leader ; one who would give promise of leading the party out of the old political graveyard and onward to anew and hopeful future of political activity. General Hancock lias furnished no evidence of good capacity fir political leadership. As the Times said of him yesterday, he is nothing but a soldier, and not a very brilliant one at that. Lducated for tiie profession of arms, li© has always pursued that profession, and rose by personal gallantry during the civil war to the rank of a major general ; though he never held an independent command, and never gained a victory. It was when commander of the military district of New Orleans, in 1867, that he chiefly gained public note by the tenor of his military orders, declaring that the true function of the military, after armed rebellion had been put down! was to uphold the civil power in the normal exercise of its functions. This he said would be the guiding principle of his action j but he at the same time announced that any forcible obstruction of the laws would be “ instantly sup pressed by arms.” These orders were put forth with a good deal of declam atory flourish about “free institutions and “ the gre it principles of American libertya style of superfluous magnilo quence that greatly tickled the effusive Southerners,and led them to regard Gen eral Hancock as a “ Northern man with Southern ideas.” Ever since, the South ern politicians have been favorably in clined toward him as a presidential possibility—a circumstance not likely to strengthen his candidacy at the North. His rme was brought before the con vention of 18# ; but the objection of presenting a man who was nothing but a soldier in opposition to one who, though also nothing but a soldier, was a more famous one,earned it to be received with little favor. It was then believed to be the hue policy of the tarty to present an eminent civilian, of known capacity for political leadership. The foundation of that belkf was good in 1868, and is equally good now. If the party at Cincinnati had fulfilled its op portunity, it would have chosen for its leader a statesman, not a mere soldier. As regards the military record of the two men, General Hancock and Mr. Gar field may be regarded as standing on the same platform. Their military rec ords are perhaps equally good. But while one stands on nothing but his* military record, the other has gained his widest repute as one of tie foremost among the ablest of our living states men. The nomination of a soloier with a good war record, whose fidelity to the National cause is unassailable, will go far to suppress any " bloody-shirt ’’char acter cf tfie canvass. The rejection of Mr. Tilden takes the hypocritical “fraud issue” out of the combat. What re mains ? There remain the important political questions that hare been raised by the action, or attempted reaction.