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THE TIMES: GREENVILLE,' MISSISSIPPI, 6ATUUDAY, MARCH 1901.
THE GREENVILLE TIMES. J-'.t ..IMied in 18H. Oldest Newspaper Issued in th Delta. Published by The Times Printing and Publishing Comp'ny Oltice on Miiin Htrw t, OpMwite l'nstnfiice. 'I wi Dollars a Year b i" it scriptum. Five On Ik a week Delivered nt Your Home Im Carrier. Entered at I he Pof.tolbVe at Greenville, MiniHHip pi, aa Hecond-Clas Mail Matter. H. T. CHOSBY, Business Manager. SATURDAY. MARCH 2. 1901 CUBA AND THE CON SENT OH THE GOVERNED." he If the press dispute-lies may be relied upon, Gomez bus demntiHtrated a better title to the designation of states man than i possessed by the vast majority of American politicians who arrogate to themselves the right to the name. If ha really has taken a stand in opposition to the immediate sur render of Cuba to the tender mercies of its motley crew of "patriots", he is at- I tempting to render his people a service in peace creator than any be did them in war. - The most Utopian of all political theories is that of a state of universal equality; the most disastrous of all po litical experiments, especially to a new state, .is that of a universal suffrage. That such an experiment would he at tempted in Cuba, immediately upon the withdrawal of American control, is too plain a proposition to admit of dit-cussion. What tbe result of such an experiment would be is already testified to by the perennial chaos, masquer ading as government, in the states of South and Central Anieiica. It has been more than seventy-five years since tbe great apostle of tbe self-govering idea wrote, of these very people, as composing the population of certain South American states: "The qualifications for self -gov eminent in society are not innate- Tbey are the result of habit and long training. For these, they (the Spanish-J Am ricans) will require time and probably much suffer ing." He is also responsible for the statement that feared "tbe Spaniards" to be "too heavily oppressed ifuoraiice and superstition for self-government." Yet the experiment was tried, and all tbe years since he wrote have but served to prove how well founded were bis tears. And Jefferson is the man under the aegis of whose name it bos been so earnestly attempted to demon Strate that self-government was not only a divine right, but also a sort of opopanax for healing all the ill of gov ernment that troubled the people of Cuba and the Philip pines. It avails nothing to answer, "it is no concern of ours, it the people of Cuba are not capable of properly govern ing themselves; we have said that tbey ought to be free and independent, and have pledged ourselves to make them so." The refusal ot the United States to surrender Cuba to its own people at once, just because they have framed a constitution, cannot be twisted into a contraven tion of our pledge; for every American promise has been based upon the previous establishment af a stable govern ment. In so far as pledges and promises go, however, it has been found necessary in the affairs of men and nations to disregard many a one given with more sincerity and possi bility of fulfillment than surrounded tbe forced declaration of sentimental nonsense under which the Spanish American war was begun. It was declared by the man whose name is now coupled with Jefferson's, as a twin apostle of the rights of man, to be venerated by all true believers in the new democracy, that in the matter of interference with their slaves, by a Republican administration, the Southern people "would be in no more danger than in the days of Washington." Mr. Lincoln made this solemn assertion after South Carolina had seceded from tbe Union. To go further, he said, in his inaugural address. "I have no purpose directly or indirectly to interfere with the insti tution of slavery in the states where it now exists. I be mhve i have no lawful eioht to do so, and I have no inclination to do so.v Yet the "Emancipation Proolama tion" is today one of America's historic documents, and it bears the signature of the author of these words, while the world glorifies him as 'the great emancipator, What do tbe champions of suffering humanity say about the breaking of the most solemn of pledges by their new patron saint 1 Governments must treat conditions as they arise, and as tbe cold reasoning of necessity dictates. History jasti fies Lincoln's course, upon the grounds of expediency and necessity; history will justify whatever action the govern meat of the United States takes teward Cuba, if only the same plea may be entered ra its behalf. Common sense and expediency and necessity should determine our eourse not tho wailing voice of sentimsnt. however, to have escaped the attention of tbe l lers of the new democracy, in their frantic efforts to secure expiii tion of the crime of '73, and to right the wrong of suffer nig humanity in the Philippines, Cuba, Africa, and the rest of the world. Apropos of tho recent touch of tariff reprisal by Ras- sia, the vie we of the man who holds the tariff and financial policies of that great empire in the hollow of his band are not without some interest M. de VVitte, who is today pro bably the foremost politico-economist of tbe world, is a believer in a theory of "educational protection," and thus defines his attitude: "The ultimate aim of the protection ist system is therefore to enfranchise our national produc tion from its dependence alike upou foreign labor and for eign markets, and to raise our country to an economic unity of an independent importance." Mark the stress upon this saving clause: "Like all other methods of ac tion, protection should only be regarded as a temporary measuhe, in force until tbe time comes when its object is reached." In tne following remarks he must have bad American "infant industries" in mind: "It is not, how ever, surprising that many persons think this temporary measure should be permanent. Those who benefit by pro tection are not disposed to let themselves be deprived of all the advantages which it brings them. The American devotee of the protectionist policy has always sought to deny or evade the truth of tbe axiomatic proposition that "the consumer pays the tax, be it imposed in tariff or whatever form. Not so this Russian, who is resolutely and successfully pursuing a definite object He says: "The protectionist system has the effect of creating a school for our young industry. Important results have already been obtained in this respect. Doubtless this school costs us dear. x The Russian consumer pays a high price for manufactured articles; that is the chief reproach that can he made against protection. But it is precisely for this reason that the present phase must be traversed as QUICKLY AS POSSIBLE. " The phase through which de VVitte is today carrying Russian industries was traversed in America many years ago; but tbe system remains with us yet, and the cry of tbe horse leech's daughter was mild in comparison with that kept up by its beneficiaries. To reform this miqui tous system of legalized robbery if to accomplish for the American people all that was worth fighting for in the two last democratic platforms. To iguore it, as the logical, legitimate paramount issue, as was done in 1890, was a folly only surpassed by the crowning act of its repetition in 1900. Why it was abaudoned for the will-o'-the-wisp of free silver tbe first time, and deserted the second for the bug-a-boo of fbaperialism, are questions which must be relegated to the limbo of unsolved problems, along with tbe striking of Billy Patterson, the authorship of Beautiful Snow, and the theft of Charlie Rosa. tho very simple reason that the amount-required to in fluence an election result, at two dollars per vote, is more than any parly is goiBg to put out on what would be, at best, in Mississippi, but a doubtful experiment. The poll tax should be optional, and no man white or black, democrat or republican, should he allowed a vote in any. primary election who has not paid it, and complied with every other requirement exacted of a voter at a reg ular election. In short, the common sense of the matter should be regarded, and no man allowed, a voice id select ing a candidate through a primary who is not qualified to vote for him at the polls. " The Clarion-Ledger takes the stand that the collection of the poll tax should be made by any possible means; it says: The proposition that all liable should pay the poll tax, devoted by the constitution to the common school fund, is so just and fair that all may be assumed to favor any means to enforce payments which are admissible, except those persons under tbe delusion that collecting this tax from negroes liable to it would cause them THE POLL TAX. I THR I I TARIFF I AS AN I ISSUE. I I The progress of events daily emphasize! the stupidity which characterized the abandonment by the party leaders of the time honored democratic doctrine of opposition to a high protective tariff. The greatest econ omists of the world have agreed that a high tariff is defensible only as a measure of protection to manufacturing industries unable to develop under stress of foreign I competition. The logical conclusion is that as soon as these manufacturing enterprises, through this, government aid, reach that stage in their growth where artificial stimulus is no longer essential to their con tinued advancemrnt, the tariff should be so reformed as to !e a mere means of producing revenue. Many have even taken the ground that this reform should extend to such a reduction of imposts' as would bring about a condition of practical free trade. Another proposition, agreed on .with singular nnani mity, is that those combinations of capital operating under the form popularly known as a trust, are the legitimate product of the perpetuation of a protective tariff after the disappearance of the necessity, or even expediency, of its imposition OuZUIVIKu (iniuutis. uui vuij wiio, iwivkiuu awinence is eauatlv true; sucn comoinauons can not suc cessfully exist in the face of foreign competition, and if the bounty, which the domestic consumer is forced to contrib ute under the form of a protective tariff, be discontinued, the trust will disappear. The anomalous condition of Amer ican economic affairs which enables a consumer in almost any European state to purchase the output of an American factory at ft less price than the consumer at home is forced to pay 'or the same article, has been matter ni daily comment all over the werld for some years past , It seems, j to vote. It is a mistaken notion that the requirement of payment of taxes keeps negroes from the polls. They rarely voted before the constitution of 1890, for a number of years. After the government of Mississippi was resumed by its right ful governeis in 1876, as the result of the electfon of 1875, followed by the first administration of Mr. Cleveland of the Federal gov ernment, the negroes saw that their liberty was secure under Democratic rule, and, no longer moved by the fear induced by carpet bag lies, of danger from Democratic success, they ceased to concern themselves about political elections and stayed away from the polls. It is well known that the requirement of payment of poll taxes as a condition of voting has very little influence on the negro vote. If negroes were concerned to vote, as they once were, they would pay taxes, or it would be done for them. Their absence from the polls arises from other causes, and chiefly from indifference, be cause they found no gain from voting, and lost interest in elec tions. The only provision of real value in the constitution as to the elective franchise is the educational requirement. That excludes great numbers. Enforcement of the collection of poll taxes would not induce a desire among negroes to particip ate in elections, for few of them fully qualified to vote exercise the privilege. . It is news to us that after the first administration of Mr. Cleveland, to say nothing of going back to 1876, the negroes "ceased to concern themselves about political elec tions and stayed away from the polls." , The prime object of the last constitutional convention was admitted by its ablest members to be the elimination of the negro from politics in Mississippi, in so far aa possible. If the negro had already "lost interest In elections," and had ceased to vote, there has been ft terrible fuss stirred up over nothing. And by what process does the "educational requirement" of tbe constitution which the C.-li considers "the only provision of real value", where, according to its statement, none was really needed at all "exclude great numbers" of negroes who have already "lost interest ia elections," and who voluntarily "stay away from the polls" any way t We regard it as a most serious mistake to tamper in the least degree with any possible safeguard erected by the constitution of 1890.. That the wisdom of the framers of that instrument one of these was ft poll tax, the payment of which was intended to be discretionary, the Clarion-Ledger will not deny. Tbe value of its opinion of the value of the provision, it will pardon us for ques tioning. In common with many other of the voluntary acts of man. voting may be to some extent ft matter of habit Many thousands of most intelligent Englishmen, having never contracted the voting habit, do not care enough about "the sacred right of the ballot" to qualify by paying an income tax. . And we also Know that of late years many thousands of most intelligent Mississippi ns seem to have overcome the voting habit pretty success fully. While the darkey may have dropped into the habit of staying away from the polls, we esteem it the part of wisdom to assist him by every possible means in making the habit perpetually hereditary. We know from personal experience that where the question of the payment of a poll tax is raised with the ne gro, that of voting is also suggested; and we behove it to be the best policy to refrain from enforcing the collection of a tax the payment of which is inseparably associated in every man's mind, white or black, with tbe idea of voting. If .it is entirely optional tbe negroes, as a mass, are not going to pay it It is not going to be paid for thrm, for DARK HORSE COMPROMISE. We have never had a very high regard for the dark horse raethed of settling political fights; it is a poorer practice still, when applied to the relief ot a troublesome situation which should, by its nature, be above political practice's, such, for in stance, as tbe selection of men foi judicial position. - The Times regrets that the governor found it necessary to adopt such a solution of tbe question of the succession to Judge Henry's place. This view of the matter has no reference whatever to the fitness for the position of tbe gentleman appointed. He is doubtless well enough qualified for tbe place. We regret it because of the peculiar conditions surrounding tbe cas. Xt ! I t I I II. I I . m air. Jicuaoe uaa unquesiionaoiy i.ne enuorsement oi a great majority of the bar of the district; Mr. Hudson also presented certain endorsements for the place. The' issue was fairly drawn and merited a clean cut decision, as be tween those two gentlemen. To ignore them entirely looks too much like an exhibition of evasiveness, which should not characterize the conduct of a governor who bad made such emphatic declarations of bis purpose to be governed in such matters by the wishes of the bar. The question could not properly turn upon the fitness of Mr. Anderson; the only issue was as to the relative merits of the only two applicants for the position. Had any section of the bar asked for Mr. Anderson's appointment? The fact does not appear of record. In men tioning tbe appointment, however, the Jackson correspond ent of the Commercial-Appeal say3 the appointee "is a member of the firm of Anderson & McLaurin." Is it the magic of & name once potent in our affairs? Or did the visits to Jackson, of tbe retiring judge, really possess the signific ance at the time attributed to them At any rate, when the support of the two applicants is analyzed, it does not appear that the McCabe opposition was so completely ig nored after all. Since the above was written, Mr, which appears . elsewhere, has been JNO. It. BAIIt'). PKE81DKNT. CIIAS. JI. 8T A UU NO, VlOK-1'HliHlOKN'r. Skua ThcBaird-SmithC WHOLESALE OROCE ' DEALERS IN Grain, Provisions, El Warehouse, on R. R. tract, j General Office, 23 Poplar Strec Prices Quoted on Applicatic GREENVILLE, - MIS Hudson's card, given to the public. Mr. Hudson shows conclusively that the glory of having made an appointment for the sole purpose of pour ing oil upon the troubled waters is, after all, based upou a protty slim foundation. There was, it seeafs, no factional tight to settle. AH of which is balm to the feelings of those of Mr. McCabe's friends who based their hopes upon a candid consideration of that gentleman's claims. If You arc Looking for something New n Jcwe Cot Class, Watches, Clocks. e are prepared to interest you. uur line of Wedding ...... ini uuai iivuiowiiw"! i(urAtcllci III UlC Klalft, Call or send your order. 331 Washington Avenue. if rank Bm6 THE ONLY SAFE WA jfgitntKiir FIGHUNGHKE On a cold night is one of th unpleasant incidents of M occur when least expected. l worse it falls on the nmnoff ed means, that has do intf on bis home, and is there) homeless Insure in time. ciraw you up a policy will flaw in it that wifl maktl heart glad if you are burned Every good citizen of the state should endorse Gov ernor Longjno's utterances on tbe subject of lynching, LYNCH INd - AS A HABIT. and his efforts to suppress it. But even as the governor'; words meet the approval of his conscious ness of wnat is pest for the state, for her society, her good name and her youthful citizenry, to every reflecting man will come a realizing sense of the utter futility of any ana all discussion and effort and legislation which has not the unqualified support of public sentiment. And when public sentiment reaches that point where it supports the efforts of officers to suppress lynch mg, legislation on the subject will be but little needed, for indiscriminate lynchings will have ceased As an abstract proposition, the extra-legal inflictio of the death penalty, for any crime whatsoever, is inde fensible; in its concrete application, through a conjunction of conditions, it has come to be regarded throughout the south as a justifiable mode of punishment fftr one crime. In a matter so entirely dependent upon public sentiment, every, citizen owes a duty to the state and the society in which he lives, to assist io giving proper shape to that sentiment; for, after all, that which we call publip sent! ment is but a consensus of the individual opinions of the community. In discharging this duty it is only necessary to discriminate', between silent acquiesence in the propri ety of a technically illegal act lynching for rape and public appluase of its commission. To applaud and widely publish lynching, for any ciime, is to encourage and insure it for others. - We cannot condemn a lynchinc forrane we may deplore it; assuredly we need not blazon it to the world, nor applaud it through the press. ' It is safe to say that just so long as tbe crime of rape is committed will each act be followed by a lynching. But the community whioh fails to condemn lynching for other crimes, just to that extent encourages a habit which, it would appear, is fast becoming fixed upon at least one or two sections of the state. It has become so common a practice in some localities along Mississippi's gulf coast that it now provokes but little condemnation. It seems to have reached almost the dignity ef ft legal punishment for any crime id tbe calendar, from rape to larceny. "It is a lone step from lynching ft black brute for the rape of a white woman to inflicting tbe identical penalty upon ft white man for a homicide; even though tbe victim were ft child inca pable of offense. Yet such a step is a logical and inevlt able growth of the lynching habit, unchecked, encour aged and applauded, and it has been taken at Scranton The prevalence of the practice merits tbe thooghful consideration of all who bare the good name of the state. and the preservation of its society upon a higher plane of lawtnan obtains in a iUoadyke mining camp, ftt heart The suppression of lynching for crimes other than race depends upon public sentiment; which, m turn, depends, to some extent at least, upon the attitude of the pi ess. HENRY T. IRbYS, JR., Fire, Life, Accident and Tornado Insun According to Auditor Cole's figures the bank depos its in Mississippi on January 31st amounted to $ 16,144,. 659. This shows a gain over the statement of the pre vious month of about $300,000. The state's paid in banking capital is shown to be a little more than four and one-half million dollars. Tbe Lincoln-day Bryan boom seems to hare aborning. It appeared too early in the season. died Seasonable Delicacies. Sausages are an agreeable change from other kinds of meats. Makes an excellent breakfast dish. Appetizing and satisfying. Our Sausages . are made from Fresh Coontry Pork seasoned with celery, sage, thyme and other wholesome herbs. Their flavor is delicious. I Hetfbeff t Hfoschj JLAf wvvNtvvvvvw Texas Black Land PLOWS YOU KNOW THEM, THE Easy Running Kind FOR BLACK LAND. MEMPHIS QUEENS - (Steel Eezxvs) for ZZixsA Land. ' DELTA STAR. S 6 and S 7, Steel Beam, L Loam Land. t : HALL & ROELKER'S New Ground Plows Steel Beam, J2 Cert. Efghfy recommend tils Jm. pfament. The afore name:' plows have feeen tested lid sot found wanting. For section of the cotmtry they ar Get octt prises. They will tat-? t t . s t : : Moline Middle Breakers jost the thing, est yoW i't PLOW GEAR; ALL KINDS Wethcrbee Hardware Co The Oldest and Best. -