The Kalida venture. [volume], December 16, 1845, Image 1

About The Kalida venture. [volume] (Kalida, Ohio) 1841-1865

Image provided by: Ohio History Connection, Columbus, OH

                
TIE'KAL IB A VENTUEE
Equal Laws Equal Rights, and Equal Burdens The Constitution and Us Currency.
VOL. V. NO 43.
KALIDA, PUTNAM COUNTY, OHIO, TUESDAY, DECEMBER 1G, 1845.
WHOLE NO. 251.
From tin " Arlstldcan ."
ENGLAND.
The curse of the poor on Enoland lies
Now and forever more
The curse of the beggar, who, starving, dies
In sight of the nobleman's palace door.
And that curse one day will work its way ;
And with many a groan.
The harlot of nations, in scarlet arrayed,
Shall die on her gilded throne.
The curse of the past on England weighs
Now and forever more
And though daintily now, she her body arrays,
In a robe of velvet embroidered o'er
Yet the day shall come when the trumpet and drum
And the laugn 01 tno uaui, . .
Shall make up a funeral march to the tomb,
Whilo the nations rejoice at her fall.
The curse f the dead on Enoland bears
Now and forever more
For the very banner her proud ship wears,
Is dyed with her victim's gore.
And the dead shall be heard, when the earth is
stirred,
An d the phantoms so pale
Shall flit with delight to see her bat hour,
And mock at her dying wail.
PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.
Fellow-citizens of the Senate
and House of Representatives:
It is to mo a source of unaffected satisfuc-
tiou to meet the Representatives of tlio
States and the people iu Congress assembled.
as it will be to receive the aid of their com-
iiined wisdom in the administration of public
ittluirs. In performing, for the first time,
the duty imposed on mo by the constitution,
of giving to you information of the state of
the Union, and recommending to your con
sideraliou such measures as in my judgment
are necessary and expedient, I am happy
that I can congratulatp you on the continued
prosperity of our country. Under the bless-
ings oi iivine rroviuence ana tne uenim in
fluence of our free institutions, it stands be
fore the world n spec'aele of national hap
piness. With our unexampled advancement
in all the elements of national greatness, the
ruTection of the people is confirmed for the
union of the States, and for the doctrines of
popular liberty, which lie at the foundation
of our government
It becomes us, iu humility, to make our
devout acknowledgments to tlio Supreme
Ruler of the Universe, for the inestimable
civil and religious blessings with which we
are favored
Iu calling the attention of Congress to our
relations with foreign powers, I am gratified
to be able to state, that, though with some of
them there have existed since your last ses
sion serious causes of irritation and misun
derstanding, yet no actual hostilities have
taken place. Adopting the maxim in the
conduct of our foreign affairs, to " nsk nothing
that is not right, and submit to nothing that
is wrong1' it has been my anxious desire to
preserve peace with all nations; but, at the
same time, to be prepared to resist aggression
and to maintain vl our just rights.
In pursuance of the joint resolution of
Congress, " for annexing Texas to the United
States," my predecessor, on the third day of
March, 1815, elected to submit tho first and
second sections of that resolution to the
republic of Texas, as an overture, on the
part of the United States, for her admission
as a State into our Union. This election I
approved, and accordingly the charge d'af
faires of the United States in Texas, under
instructions of tho tenth of March, 1345,
presented these sections of the resolution
for the acceptance of that republic. I lie
executive government, the Congress, and the
people of Texas in convention, have success
ively complied with all the terms and condi
tions of the joint resolution A constitution
for the government of the State of Texas,
formed by a convention of deputies, is here
with laid before Congress. It is well known,
also, that the people of Texas at the poll
have accepted the terms of annexation, and
ratified the constitution
I communicate to Congress the correspond
ence between the Secretary ot state and our
charge d'affaires in lexas; and also the cor-
respondence of the latter with the authorities
of Texas; together with the oilicial docu
ments transmitted by him to his own govern
ment. The terms of annexation which wore of
fered by tho United States having been ac
cepled by Texas, the public faith of both
parties is solemnly pledged to the compact
of their union. Nothing remains to consum
mate the event, but the passage of an act by
Congress to admit the State o? Texas into
the Union upon an equal tooting with the
original States. Strong reasons exist why
this should be done at an early period of the
session. It will be observed that, by the
constitution of Texas, the existing govern
ment is only continued temporarily till Con
gress can act; and that the third Monday of
the present month is the day appointed for
holding the first general election. On that
day a governor, a lieutenant-governor, and
both branches of the legislature, will be cho
sen by the people. The President of Texas
is required, immediately after the receipt of
official information that the new state lias
been admitted into our Union by Congress,
to convene the lcgislatuae; and, upon its
meotiug, the existing government will be
superseded, and the State government organized-
Questions deeply interesting to
Texas, in common with the other States; the
extension of our revenue laws and judicial
ystem over her people and territory, as well
as measures of a local character, will claim
the early attention of Congress; and, there
fore, upon every principle of republican gov
eminent, she ought to be represented in that'
body without unnecessary dolav. I cannot
too earnestly recommend prompt action on
tins important subject
As soon as the act to admit Texas as a
State shall be passed, the union of the two
republics will bo consummated by their own
voluntary consent.
This accession to our territory has been a
bloodless achievement. No arm of force
has been rained to produce tho result. The
sword has had no part in tho victory. . We
have not sought to cr.tend our territorial
possessions by conquest, or our republican
institutions over a reluctant people. It was
the deliberate homage of each people to the
great principle of our federative union.
If wo consider tho extent of territory in
volved in the annexation its prosoeclive in
fluence on America the means by which it
has been accomplished, sprnigiii'r purely
from the choice of the people themselves to
share tho blessings of our union, the history
of the world may bo challenged to furnish a
parallel.
J he jurisdiction of the United States,
which at the formation of the federal consti
tution was bounded by the Gt. Mary's,
on tho Atlantic, has passed the Canes of
Florida, and been peacefully extended to the
Del. Norte. In contemplating the grandeur
of this event, it is not to be forgotten, that
the result was achieved in despite of the
diplomatic interference ofEuropcan monarch
ies. Even France tho country which had
been our ancient ally 1 lie country which
has a common interest with us i;i maintain
ing the freedom of the seas the country
which, by the ccrsion of Louisiana, f.r?t open
ed to ns access to the Gulf of Mexico the
country with which wo have been every year
drawing more and more closely tho bonds of
successful commerce most unexnectedlv.
and to our unfeigned regret, took part in an
effort to prevent annexation, and to impose
on Texas, as a condition of the recognition
of her independsnce by Mexico, that she
would never join herself to the United States.
We may rejoice that tho tranquil and per
vading inlluence of the American principle
of self-government, was sufficient to defeat
the purposes of British and French interfer
ence, and that the almost unanimous voice
ot tno people ot I e::an lias given to that in
terference a peaceful and effective rebuke.
t rom this example, European governments
may learn how vain diplomatic arts and intri
gues must ever provs upon this continent,
against that system of self-government which
seems natural to ot:r soil, and which will
ever resist foreign interference.
I owards Texas, I do not doubt that a liber
al and generous spirit will actuate Congres3,
in all that concerns her interests and prosper
ity, and that she will never have cause to
regret that she has united her " lone star" to
our glorious constellation.
I regret to inform you that our relations
with Mexico, sir.ee your last session, have
not been of the amicable character which it
is our desire to cultivate with all foreign na
tions. On the sixtn day cf Marcli last, the
Mexican envoy extraordinary and minister
plenipotentiary to the United States, made a
formal protest, in the name of his government,
against the joint resolution passed by Con
gress, " tor the annexation ot Texas to tne
United States," which he chore to regard as
a violation of the rights of Mexico, and, in
consequence of it, he demanded his passports.
lie was informed that the government of the
Uuited States did not consider this joint reso
lution as a violation of any of the rights of
Mexico, or that it afforded any just cause of
offence to his government; that the Repub
lic of Texas Tas an independent power,
owing no allegiance to Mexico, and constilut-
ng no part of her territory or rightful sover
eignty and jurisdiction. Ho was also assured
that it was the sincere desire of this govern
ment to maintain with that of Mexico rela
tions of peace and good understanding. That
functionary, however, notwithstanding these
representations and assurances, abruptly ter
minated ins mission, and shortly alterwards
left the country. Our Envoy Extraordinary
and Minister Plcnipotanliary to Mexico was
refused all official intercourse with that gov
ernment, and, after remaining several months.
by the permission of his own government, he
returned to tho U. States. Thus, by the acts
of Mexico, all diplomatic intercourse between
the two countries was suspended.
Since that time Mexico has, until recent-
ty, occupied an attitude of hostility towards
the United States has been marshalling
and organizing armies, issuing proclamations,
and avowing tho intention to make war on
tho United Slates, either by an open declara
tion, or by invading Texas. Both the Con
gress and convention of the people of Texas
nvited this government to send an army
nto that territory, to protect and defend
them against the menaced attack. The mo
ment the terms of annexation, offered by the
United States, were accepted by Texas, the
latter became so far a part of our own coun
try, as to make it our duty to afford such pro
tection and defence. I therefore deemed it
proper, as a precautionary measure, to order
strong squadron to the coasts ot Mexico,
nd to concentrate an efficient military force
on the western frontier of Texas. Our army
was ordered to take position in the country
between the Nueces and the Del Norte, and
to repel any invasion of tho Texan territory
which might be attempted by tho Mexican
forces. Our squadron in the gull was order
ed to co-operate with the army. But though
our army and navy were placed in a position
to defend our own, and the rights ot 1 exas,
they were ordered to commit no act of hosti
lity against Mexico, unless she declared war
or wos herself the aggressor by striking the
first blow. The result has been, that Mexi
co has made no aggressive movement, and
our military and naval commanders have
executed their orders with such discretion
that tho pcaco of the two republics has not
been disturbed.
Texas had declared her independence,
and maintained it by her arms for moro than
nine years. Slio had an organized govern
ment in successful, operation during that
period. Her separate existence, as an indc
pendent Slate, had been recognised by the
United States and the principal powers of
Europe. Treaties of commerce and naviga
tion had been concluded with her by differ
ent nations, and it had become manifest
to the whole world that any further attempt
on the part ot Mexico to conquer her, or
overthrow her government, would bo vain
Even Mexico herself had become satisfied
of this fact; and whilst the question of annex
ation was ponding before the people of Tex
as, during the past summer, the government
of Mexico, by a formal act, agreed to recog
nize the independence ot lexas on condition
that she would not annex herself to any other
power. The agreement to acknowledge the
independence ot lexas, whether with or
without this condition, is conclusive against
Mexico. The independence of Texas, is a
fact conceded by Mexico herself, and she
had no right or authority to prescribe restric
tions as to tho form of government wind
Texas might afterwards choose to assume,
But although Mexico cannot complain of
the United States on account of the annexa
tion of Texas, it is to be regretted that serious
causes of misunderstanding between the two
countries continue to exist, growing out of
unredressed imurics inflicted by the Mexican
authorities and people on the persons and
property of citizens of tho United states,
through a long scries ot years. Mexico has
admitted these injuries, but has neglected
and refused to repair them. Such was the
character of tho wrongs, and such the insults
repeatedly offered to American citizens and
the American flag by Mexico, in palpable
violation of the laws, of nations and tho trea
ty between the two countries of the fifth of
April, 1831, that they have been repeatedly
brought to the notice of Congress by my
predecessors. As early as the eighth of
February, 1837, the President of the United
States declared, in a message to Congress,
th.it " the length of time since some of the
injuries have been committed, the jxputod
and unavailing applications for redress, the
wanton character of some of the outrages
upon the persons and property of our citi
zens, upon tho officers and flng of the United
States, independent of recent insults of this
government and people by the late Extraord
inary Mexican minister, would justify in the
eyes of all nations immediate war.," He did
not, however, recommend -an immediate
resort to this extreme measure, which, he
declared, " should not be used by just and
generous nations, confiding in their strength
for injuries committed, if it can be honorably
avoided ;" but, in a spirit of forbearance, pro
posed that another demand be made on
Mexico for that redress which had been so
long and unjustly withheld. In these views,
committees of the two Houses of Congress,
in reports made to their respective bodies,
concurred, since tnese proceeamgs more
than eight years have elapsed, during which,
in addition to the wrongs then complained of,
others of an aggravated character have been
committed on the persons and property of
our citizens. A special agent was sent to
Mexico in the summer of 1838, with full
authority to make another and final demand
for redress. The demand was made; the
Mexican governmci.t promised to repair the
wrongs of which we complained; and after
much delav, a treaty of indemnity with that
view was concluded between the two powers
on the eleventh of Aptil, 183 5), and was duly
ratified by both governments. By this treaty
a joint commission was created to adjudicate
. . n t .
and decide on the claims oc American citi
zens on the government of Mexico. The
commission was organized at Washington on
the twenty-fifth day of August, 1840. Their
time was limited to eighteen months; at the
expiration of which, they had adjudicated
and decided claims amounting to two millions
twentv-six thousand one hundred and thirty-
nine dollars and sixty-eight cents in favor of
citizens of the United stales against the
Mexican government, leaving a large amount
of claims undecided. Of tho latter, the A
merican commissioners had decided in favor
of our citizens, claims amounting to nine
hundred and twenty-eight thousand six hun
dred and twenty-seven dollars and eighty
eight cents, which were left unacted on by
the umpire authorized by the treaty. Still
further claims, nmounting to between three
and four millions of dollars, were submitted
to the board too lato to bo considered; and
were left undisposed of. The sum of two
millions twenty-six thousand one hundred
and thirty-nine dollars and sixty-eight cents,
decided by the board, was a liquidated and
ascertained debt due by Mexico to the clai
mants, and thoro was no justifiable reason for
delaying its payment according to the terms
of tho treaty. It was not, however, paid.
Mexico applied for further indulgence; and,
in that spirit of liberality and forbearance
which has ever marked the policy of the
United States towards that republic, the
renuest was granted; and, on the thirtieth of
January, 1843, a new treaty was concluded.
By this treat it was provided, mat tne interest
due on the awards in favor of claimants
under tho convention of tho eleventh of
April, 1820, should bo paid on the thirtieth
of April, 1843; and that "tho principal of
tho said awards, and the interest arising
thereon, shall bo paid in five years, in equal
instalments, every throe months; the said
term of five years to commence on the thir
tieth day of April, lm6, as aforesaid." The
interest due on the thirtieth day of April,
1843, and the three first of the twenty instal
ments, have been paid. Soventeen of these
instalments remain unpaid seven of which
are now due.
The claims which were left undecided by
tho joint commission, amounting to more
than three millions of dollars, together with
other claims for spoliations on the property
of our citizens, were subsequently presented
to the Mexican government for payment, and
were so fur recognised, that a treaty, provid
ing for their examination and settlement by
aioint commission, was concluded and signed
at Mexico on tho twentieth day of November,
1842. This treaty was ratified by the United
States, with certain amendments, to which
no just exception could have been taken;
but it has not yet received the ratification of
the Mexican government. In the meantime,
our citizens who suffered great losses, and
some of whom have been reduced from af
fluence to bankruptcy, arc without remedy,
unless their rights bo enforced by their go
vernment. Such a continued and unprovok
ed series of wrongs could never have been
tolerated by the United. States, had they been
committed by ono of the principal nations of
Europe. Mexico was, however, a neighbor
ing sister republic, which, following our
example, had achieved her independence,
and for whose success and prosperity nil our
sympathies were early enlisted. The United ,
States were the first to recognise her inde
pendence, and to receivo her into the family
ot nations, and have ever been desirous ot
cultivating with her a good understanding.
We have, therefore, borne the repeated
wrongs she has committed, with great pa
tience, in the hope that a returning sense of
justice would ultimately guido her councils,
and that we might, if possible, honorably
avoid any hostile collision with her.
Without the previous authority ot Uongress,
the Executive possessed no power to adopt
or enforce adequate remedies for the injuries
we had suffered, or to do more than be pre
pared to repel the threatened aggression on
tho part of Mexico. After our army and
navy had remained on the frontier and coasts
of Mexico for many weeks, with nut any hos
tile movement on her part, though her men
aces were continued, I deemed it important
to put an end, if possible, to this state of
things. With this view, I caused steps to be
taken in the mouth of September last, to as
certain distinctly, and in an authentic form,
what the designs of the Mexican government
were; whether it was their intention to de
clare war, or invade Texas, or whether they
were disposed to adjust and settle, in an
amicable manner, the pending differences
between the (wo countries. On the ninth
of November an official answer was received,
that the Mexican government consented to
renew the diplomatic relations which had
been suspended in March last; and for that
purpose, were willing to accredit a minister i
from the United states. With a sincere
desire to preserve peace, and restore rela
tions of good understanding between the
two republics, I waived all ceremony as to
the manner of renewing diplomatic inter
course between them; and, assuming the
initiative, on the tenth of November a dis
tinguished citizen of Louisiana was appoint
ed envoy entraordinary and minister pleni
potentiary !o Mexico, clothed with full powers
to adjust, and definitively settle, all pending
differences between the two countries, in
eluding those of boundary between Mexico
and tho State of Texas. The minister ap
pointed has set out on his mission, and is
probably by this time near tho Mexican capi
tal. He has been instructed to bring the ne
gotiation with which he is charged to a con
clusion at tho earliest practicable period;
which, it is expected, will be in time to
enable me to communicate the result to
Congress during the present session. Until
that result is known, I forbear to recommend
to Congress such ulterior measures of redress
for the wrongs and injuries we have so long
borne, as it would have been proper to make,
had no such negotiation been instituted.
Congress appropriated, at the last session,
the sum of two hundred and seventy-five
thousand dollars for the payment of the April
and July instalments of the Mexican indem
nities for the year 1844: "Provided it shall
be ascertained to the satisfaction of the A
merican government that said instalments
have been paid by the Mexican government
to the agent appointed by the United States
to receive tho same, in such manner as lo
discharge all claim on the Mexican govern
ment, and said agent to be delinquent in re
mitting the money to the United States."
The unsettled state of our relations with
Mexico has involved this subject in much
mvstery. The first information, in an authen
tic form, from the agent of the United States,
appointed under the administration of my
predecessor, was received at the state De
partment on the ninth of November last.
This- is contained in a letter, dated the seven
teenth of October, addressed by him to one
of our citizens then is Mexico, with the view
of having it communicated to that depart
ment. From this it appears that the agent,
on the twentieth of September, 1844, gave a
receipt to the treasury of Mexico for the
amount of the April and July instalments
of the indemnity. In the same communica
tion, however, he asserts that he had not
received a single dollar in each: but that he
holds such securities as warranted him at the
time in giving the receipt, and entertains no
doubt but that he will eventually obtain the
money. As these instalments appear never
to have been actually paid by the govern
ment it hns not therefore been released so as
to discharge the claim, I do not feel myself
warranted in directing payment to be made
to the claiments out of the treasury, without
further legislation. Their case is, undoubt
edly, one of much hardship, and it remains
for Congress to decide whether any, and
what, relief ought to be granted to them.
Our minister to Mexico has been instructed
to ascertain the facts of the case from the
Mexican government, in an authentic and
official form, and report the result with as
little delay as possible.
My attention was early directed to tlio
negotiation, which, on the fourth of March
last, I found pending at Washington between
the United States and Great Britain, on the
subject of the Oregon Territory. Three
several attempts had been previously made
to settle the questions in dispute between
the two countries, by negotiation, upon the
principle of compromise; but each had proved
unsuccessful.
These negotiations took place at London,
in tho. years 1818, 1824, and 1826; the two
first under the administration of Mr. Monroe.
and the last under that of Mr. Adams. The
negotiation of 1818 having failed to accom
plish its obiect, resulted in the convention of
the twentieth of October of that year. By
tlio third article of that convention, it was
"attested, that any country that may be
claimed by either party on the northwest
coast of America, westward of the. Stony
mountains, shall, together with its harbors,
bays, and creeks, and the navigation of all
rivers within the same, be free and open for
the term of ten years from the date of the
signature of the present convention, to the
vessels, citizens, and subjects of the two
powers; it being well understood that this
agreement is not to be construed to the
prejudice of any claim which either of the
two high contracting parties may have to any
part of the said country, nor shall it be taken
to affect the claims of any other power or
State to any part of the said country; the
only object of the high contracting parties in
that respect being, to prevent disputes and
differences among themselves."
The negotiation of 1824 was productive
of no result, and the convention of 1S18 was
left unchanged.
The negotiation of 1826, having also failed
to effect an adjustment by compromise, result
ed in the convention of August the sixth,
1827, by which it was agreed to continue in
force, for an indefinite, period the provisions
of the third article of the convention of the
twentieth of October, 1818; and it was fur
ther provided, that " it shall be competent,
however, to either of the contracting parties,
in case either should think fit, at any time
after the twentieth of October, 1828, on giv
ins due notice of twelve months to the other
contracting party, to annul and abrogate,
this convention, and it shall, in such case
be accordingly entirely, annulled and abrogat
ed after the expiration of the said term of
notice." In these attempts to adjust the
controversy, the parallel of the forty-ninth
degree of north latitude had been offered by
the United states to ureal Britain, anu in
those of 1818 and 1826, with a further con
cession of the free navigation of the Colum
bia river south of that latitude. The parallel
of the forty-ninth degree, fiom the Rocky
mounlains to its intersection with the north
easternmost branch of the Columbia, and
thence down the channel of that river to the
sea, had been offered by Great Britain, with
an addition of a small detached territory
north of the Culumbia. Each of these pro
positions had been rejected by the parties
respectively.
In October, 1843, the Envoy Extraordinary
and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United
Slates in London was authorized to make a
similar offer to those make in 1818 and 1826.
Thus stood the question, when the negotiv
tion was shortly afterwards transferred to
Washington; and, on the twenty-third of
August, 1844, was formally opened, under
the direction of my immediate predecessor.
Like all the previous negotiations, it was
based u pon princi pies of " compromise ;" and
the avowed purpose of the parties was, " to
treat of the respective claims of the two
countries to the Oregon territory, with the
view to establish permanent boundary De
tween them westward of the Rocky moun
tuins to tho Pacific ocean." Accordingly,
on the twenty-sixth of August, 1844, the
British plenipotentiary offered to divide the
Oregon territory by the forty-ninth parallel of
north latitude from the Rocky mountains to
the point of its intersection with the north
eastern most branch of the Columbia river,
and thence down that river to the sea; leav
ing the free navigation of the river to be en
joyed in common by nom panics me tuuu-
try south of this line to oeiong io wie uuueu
States, and that north of it to Great Britain.
At tho same time, he proposed, in addition,
to yield to the United States a detached ter
ritory, north of tho Columbia, extending
along tho Pacific and the Straits of Puca,
from Bulfinch's harbor inclusive, to Hood's
canal, and to make free to the United States
any port or ports south of latitude forty-nine
degrees, which they might desire, either on
the main land, or on Quadra wid Vancouver's
island. With the exception of the ftee ports