The Kalida venture. [volume], December 16, 1845, Image 2

About The Kalida venture. [volume] (Kalida, Ohio) 1841-1865

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this was the iame ' offer which had been
made by the British, and rejected by the A-
merican government in the negotiation of
1820. This proposition was nroDerlv reject
ed by the American plenipotentiary on tho
day it was submitted. This was the only
proposition of compromise offered by the
British plenipotentiary. The proposition on
the part of Great Britain having boon rejected,
the British plenipotentiary requested that a
proposal should be made by the United
States for " an equitable adjustment of the
question."
When I came into omce, I found this 10 be
the stato of the negotiation. Though enter
taining the settled conviction, that th.d British
pretensions of title could not be maintained
to any portion of the Oregon territory upon
any principle of public iaw recognised by
nations, yet, in deference to what had been
done by my predecessors, and especially in
consideration Vnat oroDositionsof comDromise
had been thrice made bv two preceding ad
ministrations, to adjust the Question on the
parallel of forty-nine degrees, and in two of
tbem yielding to Ureal Britain the free navi
gation of the Columbia, and that the pending
-negotiation had been commenced on the
basis of compromise, I deemed it to be my
duty not abruptly to break off. In consider
ation, too, that under the conventions of
1818 and 1827, the citizens and subjects of
the two Powers held a joint occupancy of
the country, I was induced to make another
effort to settle this lone pending con
troversy in the spirit of moderation which
had given birth to the renewed discus
won.
A proposition was accordingly made,
which was rejected by the British pkni
poienuary, wno witiiout submitting any
oilier proposition, sultered the negotiation on
his part to drop, expressing his trust that tho
United States would offer what he saw fit to
call "some further proposal for the setl le
nient ol the Uregon question, more consistent
with fairness and equity, and with the rea
sonable expectations of the British govern
ment." The proposition thus offered and
rejected, repealed the offer of tho parallel of
lorty-nine degrees ot north latitude, which
had been made by two preceding adminis
trations, but without proposing to surrender
to Great Britain, as they had done, tho free
navigation of the Columbia rivor. The right
of any foreign power to the free navigation of
any of our rivers, through the heart of our
country, was one which I was unwilling to
concede. It also embraced a provision to
make free to Great Britain any part of ports
on the cap of Quadra and Vancouver's island,
south of this parallel. Had this been a new
question, coming under discussion for the
first time, this proposition would not have
keen made. The extraordinary and wholly
inadmissible demands ot the British govern
ment, ana the rejection ot the proposition
made in deterence alone to what had been
dine by my predecessors, and the implied
obligation which their acts seemed to impose,
afford satistactory evidence that no compro
mise, which the United Slates ought to accept,
can be effected. With this conviction, the
proposition of compromise which had been
made and rejected, was, by my direction,
subsequently withdrawn, and our titlo to the
...l.i. r . r.- . i . .
wnoi urcguu territory asserted, and, as is
believed, maintained by irrefragable facts and
arguments.
. i no civilized world win see in these pro
ceedings a spirit ot liberal concession on the
part of the United States; and this govern
ment will be relieved from all responsibility
which may follow the failuro to settle the
controversy.
All attempts at compromising having failed,
it becomes the duty of Congress to consider
what measures it may be proper to adopt for
the security and protection of our citizens
now inhabiting, or whe may hereafter inhabit
Oregon, and for the maintenance of our just
title to the territory. In adopting measures
for this purpose, care should be taken that
nothing be done to violate the stipulations of
the conventien ot 185J7, which is still in
force. The faith of treaties, in their letter
and spirit, has ever been, and, I trust, will
over be, scrupulously observed by tho Uuited
States. Under that convention, a year's
notice is required to be given by either party
to the other before the joint occupancy shall
terminate, and before either can rightfully
assert of exercise exclusive jurisdiction over
ny portion of the territory. This notice it
would, in my judgment, be propor to give;
and I recommend that provision be made by
law for giving it accordingly, and terminating
in this manner the convention of the sixth of
August, 1827.
1 It will become propor for Congress to de
termine what legislation they can, in the
mean time, adopt without violating this con
vention. Beyond all question, the protection
of our laws and our jurisdiction, civil and
Criminal, ought to be immediately extended
over our citizens in Oregon. They have had
just cause to complain of our long neglect in
this particular, and have, in consequence,
been compelled for their own security and
protection, to establish a provisional govern
ment for themselves. Strong in (heir allegi
ance and ardenl in their attachment to the
United States, they have been thus cast upon
their own resources. They are anxious that
our laws should be extended over them, and
J recommend that this bo done by Congress
with as little delay as possible, in the full ex
tent to which the British Parliament have
proceeded in regard to British subjects in
jhdt (erritory, by tlierr act of July the second,
1821, " for regulating lh? fur-trade, and estab
lishing a criminal and civil jurisdiction within
certain parts of North America." By this act
Great Britain extended her laws a.?d jurisdic
tion, civil and criminal, over her subjects,
engaged jn thB fur-iradq in that territo.'"-
By i), the courts of the province of Upper
Canada were empowered to take cognizance
of causes civil and criminal, Justfcei of the
peace and other judicial officers were author
ized to be appointed in Oregon, with power
o execute all piocess issuing from tho courts
of that province, and to ' sit and hold courts
pf record for the trial of criminal' offences
ajH misdemeanors," not made the tubject of
capital punishment, and also of civil cases,
where the cause of action shall not " excee-j
in value the amount or sum of two hundred
pou ads."
Subsequent to the dMe of t.'g act 0f Par
liament, a grant was made from the British
crown" to the Hudson's Bay Company, of
iuo elusive iraaq with the Indian tribes in
the Oregon teritorv. suhier.t to a reservation
that U shall, not opeiate to the exclusion " of
mo sunsets ot any foreign States who, under
or by force of any convention for the time
heing, between us and such foreign States
respectively, may be entitled to, and shall be
engaged in, the said trade."
It is much to be regretted, that while
under this act, British subjects have enjoyed
the protection of British lawsjudicialtribunals
throughout the whole of Oregon, American
citizens, in the same territory, have enjoyed
no such protection from their government.
At the same time, the result illustrates the
character of our oeonle and their institutions.
In spite of this neglect, they have multiplied,
and their number is rapidly increasing in
that territory. They have made no appeal
to arms, but have peacefully fortified them
selves in their new homes, by the adoption
of republican institutions for themselves;
furnishing another example of the truth that
self-government is inherent in the American
breast, and must prevail. It is due to them
that they should be embraced and protected
by our laws.
It is deemed important that our laws, regu
lating trade and intercourse with the Indian
tribes east of the Rocky mountains should be
extended to such tribes as dwell beyond
them.
The increasing emigration to Oregon, and
the care and protection which is due from the
government to its citizens in that distant
region, make it our duty, as it is our interest,
to cultivate amicable relations with the Indian
tribes of that territory. For this purpose, I
recommend that provision be made for estab
lishing an Indian agency, and such sub-agencies
as may be deemed necessary, beyond
the Rocky mountains.
For the protection of emigrants whilst on
their way to Oregon, against the attacks of
the Indian tribes occupying the country
through which they pass, I recommend that
suitable number of stockades and block
house forts be erected along the usual route
between our frontier settlements on the Mis
souri and the Rocky mountains; and that an
adequate force of mounted riflemen be raised
to guard and protect them on their journey.
The immediate adoption of these recommen
dations by Congress will not violate tho pro
visions of the existing treaty. It will bo
doing nothing more for American citizens
than British laws have long since done for
British subjects in the same territory.
It requires several months to perform the
voyage by sea from the Atlantic Stales to
Oregon: and although we have a largo num
ber of whale ships in the Pacific, hut few of
them afford an opportunity of interchanging
intelligence, without great delay, between
our settlements in that distant region and
tho United States. An overland mail is be
lieved to be entirely practicable, and tho im
portance of establishing such a mail, at least
once a month, is submitted to the favorable
consideration of Congress.
It is submitted to the wisdom of Congress
to determine whether, at their present session,
and until after the expiration of the year's
notice, any other measures may be adopted
consistently with the convention of 1627, for
the security of our rights and the government
and protection of our citizens in Oregon.
That it will ultimately be wise and proper to
make liberal grants of land to the patriotic
pioneers, who, amidst privations and dangers,
lead the way through savage tribes inhabiting
the vast wilderness intervening between our
frontier settlements and Oregon, and who
cultivate and are ever ready to defend the
soil, I am fully satisfied. To doubt whether
they will obtain such granls as soon as the
convention between the United States and
Great Britain shall have ceased to exist,
would be to doubt the justice of Congress;
but, pending tho year's notice, it is worthy of
consideration whether a stipulation to this
effect may be made, consistently with the
spirit of that convention.
The recommendations which I have made,
as to the best manner of securing our rights
in Oregon, are submitted to Congress with
great deference. Should they in their wis
dom, devise any other mode better calculated
to accomplish the same object, it shall meet
with my hearty concurrence.
At the end of the years notice, should
Congress think it proper to make provision
for giving that notice, we shall have reached
a period when the national rights in Oregon
must either be abandoned or firmly maintain
ed. That they cannot be abandoned without
a sacrifice of both national honor and interest,
is too clear to admit of doubt.
Oregon is a part of the North American
continent, to which, it is confidently affirmed,
the tale ot the United States is the best now
existence. For the grounds on which
that titlo rests, I refer you to the correspond
ence of the late and present Secretary of
Stato with the British plenipotentiary during
the negotiation. The British proposition of
compromise, which would make the Colum
bia the line south of forty-nine degrees, with
a trifling addition of detached territory to the
United Slates, north ot that river, and would
leave on the British side two-thirds of the
whole Oregon territory, including the free
navigation of the Columbia and all the val
uable harbors on the Pacific, can never, for
moment, be cntortamed by the United
States, without an abandonment of their just
and clear territorial rights, their own self
respect, and the national ' honor. Fo the
information of Congress, I communicate
herewith tho correspondence which took
plac" between the two governments during
the late- negotiation.
The rapid extension of our settlements
over our territories heretofore unoccupied;
the addition of new Slates to our confederacy;
the expansion of free principles, and our ris
ing greatnen as a nation, are attracting the
Attention of the Powers of Europe; and late
ly the doctrine has been broached in some of
them, of a " balance of power ' on tbia con
tinent, to check our advancement. The
United States, sincerely desirous of preserv
ing relations of good understanding with all
nations, cannot in silence permit any Euro
pean interference on the North American
contmont; and should any such inlerlerence
be attempted, will be ready to resist it at any
and all hazards.
It is well known to the American people
and to all nations, that this government has
never interfered with the relations subsisting
between other governments. We have never
made ourselves parties to their wars or their
alliances: we have not sought their territories
by conquest; we nave not iningicu wuu pur
ties in their domestic struggles: and believing
our own form of government to bo the best,
we have never attempted to propagate it by
intrigues, by diplomacy, or by force. We
may claim on this continent a like exemption
J . mi . r
Irom European interterence. i ne nations oi
America are equally sovereign and independ
ent with those of Europe. They possess the
same rights, independent of all foreign inter
position, to make war, to conclude peace,
and to regulate their internal affairs. The
peoplo of the United States cannot, therefore,
view with indiflerence attempts ot European
powers to interfere with the independent ac
tion of the nations on this continent. The
American system of government is entirely
different from that of Europe. Jealousy
among the different sovereigns of Europe,
lest any one of them might become too
powerful for the rest, has caused them an
xiously to desire the establishment ot what
they term the " balance of power." It can
not bo permitted to have any application on
the North American continent, and especially
to the United States. We must ever main
tain the principle, that the people of this con
tinent alone have the right to decide their
own destiny. Should any portion of them,
constituting an independent state, propose to
unite themselves wilh our confederacy, this
will be a question for them and us to deter
mine, without any foreign interposition. We
can never consent that European Powers shall
interfere to prevent such a union, because it
might disturb the "balance of power" which
they may desiro to maintain upon this conti
nent. Near a quarter of a century ago, the
principle was distinctly announced to the
world, in the annual message of one of my
predecessors, that " the American continents,
by the free and independent condition which
they have assumed and maintain, arc hence
forth not to be considered as subjects for
future colonization by any European power."
1 his principle will apply with greatly incrcas-
ed force, should any European power attempt
to establish any new colony in North Amer
ica. In tho existing circumstances of the
world, the present is deemed a proper occas
ion to reiterate and reaffirm the principal
avowed by Mr. Monroe, and to state my cor
dial concurrence in its wisdom and sound
policy. Tho reassertion of this principle,
especially in reference to North America, is
at this day but the promulgation of a policy
which no European power should cherish the
disposition to resist. Existing rights of every
European nation should be respected; but it
is duo alike to our safety and our interests,
that the efficient protection of our laws should
be extended over our whole territorial limits,
and that it should be distinctly announced
to the world as our setilcd policy, that no
future European colony or dominion shall,
with our consent, be planted or established
on any part of the North American continent.
A question has recently arisen under the
tenth article of the subsisting treaty between
the United States and Prussia. By this ar
ticle, the consuls of the two countries have
the right to sit as judges and arbitrators " in
such differences as may arise between the
captains and crews of the vessels belonging
to tho nation whose interests are committed
to their charge without the interference of
the local authorities, unless tho conduct of
the crews or of the captain should disturb the
order or tranquility of the country, or the
said consuls should require their- assistance
to cause their decisions to be carried into
effect or supported."
The Prussian consul at New Bedford, in
June, 1844, applied to Mr. Justice Story to
carry into effect a decision made by him be
tween the captain and crew of the Prussian
ship Borussia; but the request was refused
on the ground that, without previous legisla
tion by Congress, the judiciary did not possess
the power to give effect to this article of the
treaty. The Prussian government, through
their minister here, have complained of this
violation of (he treaty, and have asked the
government of the United States to adopt the
necessary measures to prevent similar viola
tions hereafter. Good faith to Prussia, as
well as to other nations with whom we have
similar treaty stipulations, requires, that these
should be faithfully observed. I have deemed
it proper, therefore, to lay the subject be
fore Congress, and recommend such legisla
tion as may be necessary to give effect to these
treaty obligations.
By virtue of an arrangement made between
the Spanish government and that of the Uni
ted States, in December, 1831, American
vessels, since the twenty-ninth of April,
1832, have been admitted to entry in the
ports of Spain, including (hose of the Balear
ic and Canary Islands, on payment of the
same tonnage duty of five cents per ton, as
though they had been Spanish vessels; and
this, whether our vessels arrive in Spain di
rectly lrom the United fetates, or indirectly
from any other country. When Congress,
by the act of the thirteenth of Julv, 1832,
gave effect to this arrangement between the
two governments, they confined the reduc
tion of tonnage duty merely to Spanish ves
sels "coming from a port in Spain," leaving
the tor me r discriminating duty to remain a
gainst such vessels coming from a port in any
other country. It is manifestly unjust that,
whilst American vessels, arriving in the ports
of Spain from other countries, pay no more
duty than Spanish vessels, Spanish vessels
arriving in the porta of the United States
from other countries should be subjected to
heavy discriminating tonnage duties. This
is neither equality nor reciprocity, and is in
violation of the arrangement concluded in
December, 1831, between the two coun
tries. Tho Spanish government have made
repeated and earnest remonsLances against
this inequality, and the favorable attention
of Congress has been several times invoked
to the subject by my predecessors. I recom
mend, as an act of justice to Spain, that this
inequality be removed by Congress, and that
the discriminating duties which have been
levied under the act of the thirteenth of July,
1632, on Spanish vessels coming to the Unit
ed States from any other foieign country, be
refunded. This recommendation docs not
embrace Spanish vessels arriving in the Unit
ed States from Cuba and Porto Rico, which
will still remain subject to the provision of
the act of June thirteenth, 1834, concerning
tonnage-duty on such vessels.
By the act of the fourteenth of July, 1832,
coffee was exempted from duty altogether.
This exemption was universal, without refer
ence to the country where it was produced,
or the national character of the vessel in
which it was imported. By the tariff act of
the thirtieth of August, 1842, this exemp
tion from duty was restricted to coffee im
ported in American vessels from the placo of
its production; whilst coffee imported under
all other circumstances was subjected to a
duty of twenty percent, ad valorem. Under
this act, and our existing treaty with the
King of the Netherlands, Java coffee impor
ted from the European ports of that kingdom
into the Uuited States, whether in Dutch or
American vessels, now pays this rato of du
ty. The government of the Netherlands
complains that such a descriminating duty
should have been imposed on coffee, the pro
duction of one of its colonies, and which is
chiefly brought from Java to the ports of that
kingdom, and exported from thence to for
eign countries. Our trade with the Nether
lands is highly beneficial to boh countries,
and our relations with them have ever been
of the most friendly character. Under all the
circumstances of the case, I recommend that
this discrimination should be abolished, and
that the coffee of Java imported from the
Netherlands bo placed upon the same footing
with that imported directly from Brazil and
other countries where it is produced.
Under tho eighth section of the tariff act
of the thirtieth of August, 1842, a duty of
fifteen cents per gallon was imposed on Port
wine in casks; while, on the red wines of
several other countries, when imported in
casks, a duty of only six cents per gallon
was imposed. This discrimination, so far as
regarded the Port wine of Portugal, was
deemed a violation of our treaty with that
Power, which provides, that "No higher or
other duties shall be imposed on the impor
tation into the United States of America of
any article the growth, produce, or manufac
ture of the kingdom and possessions of Portu
gal, than such as are or shall be payable on
the like article being the growth, produce,
or manufacture ot any other foreign coun
try." Accordingly, to give effect to the
treaty, as well as to the intention of Con
gress, expressed in a proviso to the tariff
act itself, that nothing therein contained
should be so construed as to interfere with
subsisting treaties with foreign nations, a
treasury circular was issued on the sixteenth
of July, 1844, which, among other things,
declared the duty on the Port wine of Porta
gal, in casks, under tho existing hws and
treaty, to be six cents per gallon, and direc
ted that the excess of duties which had been
collected on such wine should be refunded.
By virtue of another clause in the same sec
tion of the act, it is provided that all imita
tions of Port, or any other wines, "shall be
subject to .ho duty provided for the genuine
article." Imitatations of Port wine, the pro
duction of I1 ranee, are imported to some
extent into the United States; aud the gov
ernment of that country now claims that, un
der a correct construction of the act, these
imitations ought not to pay a higher duty than
.that imposed upon the original Port wine of
Portugal. It appears to me to be unequal
and unjust, that French imitations of Port
wine should be subjected to a duty of fifteen
cents, while the more valuable article from
Portugal should pay a duty of six cents only
per gallon. 1 thorefote recommend to Con
gress such legislation as may bo necessary
to correct the inequality.
The late President, in his annual message
of December last recommended an appropri
ation to satisfy the claims of that Texan
Government against the United States, of
which had been previously adjusted, so tar
as the powers of the executive extend.
These claims arose out of the act of disarm
ing a body of Texan troops under the com
mand of Major Snively, by an officer in the
service of the United States, acting under
the orders of our Government; and the forci
ble entry into the custom-house at Bve.'ly's
landing, on Red river, by certain citizens of
the United States, and taking away therefrom
the goods seized by the collector of the cus
toms as forfeited under the laws of Texas.
This was a liquidated debt, ascertained to be
due to Texas when an independent state.
Her acceptance of the terms of annexation
proposed by the United States does not dis
charge or invalidate the claim. I recommend
that provision be made tor its payment.
The commissioners appointed to China
during tho special session of the Senate in
March last, shortly atierwards set out on his
mission in the United States ship Columbus.
On arriving at Rio de Janeiro on his pas
sage, the state of his health had become so
critical, that, by the advice of his medical
attendants, he returned to the United States
early in the month of October last. Com
modore Biddle, commanding the East India
squadron, proceeded on his voyage in the
Columbus, and was charged by tho commis
sioners with the duty of exchanging with the
proper authorities the ratifications ot the
treaty la'ely concluded with the Emperor of
China. Since the return of the commission
er to the United States, his health has been
much improved, and he entertains the confi
dent belief that ho will soon bo able to pro
ceed on his mission.
Unfortuntcly, differences continue to exist
among some of the nations of South America,
which, following our example, have estab
lished their independence, while in others,
internal dissension prevail. It is natural that
our sympathies should be warmly enlisted for
their welfare; that we should desire that all
controversies between them should be ami
cably adjusted, and their governments ad
ministered in a manner to protect the rights,
and promote tho prosperity of their people.
It is contrary, however, to our settled policy,
to interfere in their controversies, whether
external or internal.
I have thus adverted to all the subjects con
nected with our foreign relations, to which
I deem it necessary to call your attention.
Our policy is not only peace with all, but good
will towards all the Powers of earth. While
we are just to all, we require that all shall
be just to us. Excepting tho differences with
Mexico and Great Britain, our relations Witb
all civilized nations are of the moat satisfac
tory character. It is hoped that in tbia en
lightened age, these differences may be am
icably adjusted.
The Secretary of the Treasury, in his an
nual report to Congress, will communicate
a full statement of tho condition of our finan
ces. Tho imports for the fiscal year ending
on tho thirtieth of June last, were of value
of one hundred and seventeen millions two
hundred and fifty-four thousand five hundred
and sixty-four dollars, of which the amount
exported was fifteen millions three hundred
and forty-six thousand eight hundred and
thirty dollars leaving a balance of one hun
dred and one millions nine hundred and sev
en thousand seven hundred and thirty-four
dollars for domestic consumption. The ex
ports for the same year were of the value of
one hundred and fourteen millions six hun
dred and forty-six thousand six hundred and
six dollais; of which, the amount of domes
tic articles was ninety-nine millions two hun
dred and ninety-nine thousand seven hun
dred and seventy-six dollars. Tho receipts
into the treasury during the same year were
twenty-nine millions seven hundred aud six
ty nine thousand one hundred and thirty-three
dollars and fifty-six cents; of which, there
were derived from customs, twenty-seven
millions live hundred and twenty-eight thou
sand one hundred and twelve dollars and
seventy cents; from sales of public lands,
two millions seventy-seven thousand and
twenty-two dollars and thirty cents; and from
incidental and miscellaneous sources, one
hundred and sixty-three thousand nine hun
dred and ninety-eight dollars and fifty-six
cents. Tho expenditures for the samo peri
od were twenty nine millions nine hundred
and sixty-eight thousand two hundred and
six dollars and ninety -eight cents; of which,
eight millions five hundred and eighty-eight
thousand one hundred and fifty seven dollar
and sixty-two cents wore applied to the pay
ment of tho public debt. The balance in
the treasury on the first of July last, was
seven millions six hundred and fifty eight
thousand three hundred aud six dollars and
twenty two cents.
The amount of the public debt remaining
unpaid on the first of October last was sev
enteen millions seventy-five thousand ibur
hundred and forty-five dollars and fifty-two
cents. Further payments of the public debt
would have been made, in anticipation of tho
period of its reimbursement under the au
thority conferred upon the Secretary of the
Treasury by tho acts of July twenty-first,
1641, and of April fifteenth, and of March
third, 1843, had not the unsettled state of
our relations with Mexico menaced hostilo
collision wilh that power. In view of such a
contingency, it was deemed prudent to re
tain in the treasury an amount unusually
large for ordinary purposes.
A few years ago, our whole national debt
growing out of the Revolution and war of
1812 with Great Britain was extinguished,
and we presented to the world the rare and
noble spectacle of a great and growing peo
ple who had ful'y discharged every obliga
tion. Since that time, the existing debt hat
been contracted; aud small as it is, in com
parison with the similar burdens of most oth
er nations, it should be extinguished at tho
earliest practicable period. Should the state
of tho country permit, and, especially if our
foreign relations interpose no obstacle, it is
contemplated to apply all the moneys in tho
treasury as they accrue beyond what is re
quired for the appropriation by Congress, t
its liquidation. 1 cherish the hope of soon
being able to congratulate the country on its
recovering once more the lofty position which
it so recently occupied. Our country, which
exhibits to the world the benefits of self-government,
in developing all the sources of
national prosperity, owes to mankind the
permanent example of a nation fiee from the
blighting influence of a public debt.
The attention of Congress is invited to the
importance of making suitable modification
and reductions of the rates of duty imposed
by our present tariff laws. I ho object of
imposing duties on imports should be to raise
revenue to pay the necessary expenses of
government. Congress may, undoubtedly.
in the exercise of a sound discretion, discrim
inate in arranging the rates of duty on differ
ent articles; but the descriminations should
be within tho revenue standard, and be mads
with the view to raise money for the support
of government.
It becomes important to understand dis
tinctly what is meant by a revenue standard,.
the maximum ot which should not be exceed
ed in the rates of duly imposed. It is con
ceded, and experience proves, that dutiea
may be laid so high as to diminish, or pro
hibit altogether, the importation of any given
a. tide, and thereby lessen or destroy the rev
enue which, at lower rates, would be deriv
ed from its importation. Such duties exceed
the revenue rates, and are not imposed to
raise money for the support of government.
If Congress levy a duly, for revenue, of one
per cent, on a given article, it will produce
a given amount of money to the treasury, and
will incidentally and necessarily afford pre-