The Kalida venture. [volume], December 16, 1845, Image 3

About The Kalida venture. [volume] (Kalida, Ohio) 1841-1865

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tection or advantage, to the amount of one
t
per cent, to the borne manufacturer ot a aim'
ilaf or like article over the importer.
If the duty be raised to ten per cent., it
will produce a greater amount of money, and
afford creator protection. If it bo raised to
twenty, twenty-five, or thirty per cent., and
If, as it is raised, the revenue derived from
it is found to be increased, the protection or
advantage will also be increased; but Hit bo
raised to thirty-one per cent., and it is found
that the revenue produced at that rate, is
less than at thirty per cent., it ceases to be a
rovenuo duty. The precise point in the as
cending scale of duties at which it is ascer
tained from experience that the revenue is
greatest, is the maximum rate of duty which
can be laid for the bona fide purpose of col
lecting money for the support of government.
To raise the duties higher than that point,
and thereby diminish the amount collected,
is to levy them for protection merely, and not
for revenue. As long, then, as Congress
may gradually increase the rate of duty on a
given article, and the revenue is increased
by such increase of duty, they aro within tlio
revenue standard. When they go beyond
that point, and, as they increase the duties,
too revenue is diminished or destroyed, the
act ceases to have for its object the raising of
money to support government, but is for pro
tection merely.
It does not follow that Congress should
levy the highest duty on all articles of import
which they will bear within the revenue stan
dard, for such rates would probably produce
a much larger cmouut than the economical
, administration of the government would re
quire, rs or does it follow that tiio duties on
articles should be at the same or a horizontal
rate. Some articles will bear a much higher
revenue duty than others. Below the max
imum of the revenue standard Congress may
nnd ought to discriminate in the rates im
posed, taking care so to adjust them on dif
ferent articles as to produce in the aggregate
the amount which, when added to the pro
ceeds of sales of public lands, may bo need
ed to pay tho economical expenses of the
government.
In levying a tariff of duties, Congress
exercises the taxing power, and for purposes
of revenue may select the objects of taxation.
They may exempt certain articles altogether,
and permit their importation free ofduty. In
others they may impose low duties. In these
classes should be embraced such articles of
necessity as aro in general ugC( Rn( especial
ly such as are consumed by the laborer and
the poor, as well as the wealthy citizens.
Care should bs taken Wat all tlie great inte
rests of the country, including the manufac
tures, agriculture, commerce, navigation, and
the mcrchauic arts, should, as fur as may be
uracticable, derive equal advantages from the
incidental protection which a just system of
revenue duties may afford.
Taxation direct or indirect, is a burden,
mid it should be so imposed as to operate as
fir as may be cnall classjs.in the proportion of
their ability to bear it. lo make the axing
nower an actual bene lit to one class neces
sarily increases the burden of others beyond
their proportion, and would bo manifestly
unjust. The terms " piolcction to domestic
industry," aro of popular import, but they
should apply under a just system to all the
various brauchss of industry in our country.
The farmer or planter who toils yearly in his
fields, is engaged in " domestic industry,"
and is as much entitled to have Ins labor
" nrotected," as the manufacturer, tho man
of commerce, the navigator, or the mechanic,
who are engaged also in " domestic industry"
in their diilerent pursuits. 1 lie joint labors
of all these classes constitute the aggregate
of the " domestic industry" of the nation,
and they are equally entitled to the nation's
" protection." Io one ot inem can jusuy
claim to be the exclusive recipients of "pro
nation." which can only be afforded by in
creasing burdens on the " domestic industry"
of the others.
If these views be correct, it remains to in
quire how far the tariff act of 1842 is consist
ent with them. That many of the provisions
of that act in violation of the cardinal prin
ciples here laid down, all must concede.
Tho rates of duty imposed by it on some
articles are prohibitory, and on others so high
as greatly lo diminish importions, and to pro
duce a less amount of revenue than would
from lower rates. They operate
as " protection merely," to one branch of
. i ' Nti invinn nilmr branches.
Gometsu; iuuumj,
By the introduction of minimums, or as
sumed and false values, and by the imposi
tion of specific duties, the injustice and in
equality of the act of 1812, in its practical
operations on different classes and pursuits,
rB onpn and felt. Many of the oppressive
duties imposed by it under tho operation of
these principles,, range trom one per ccm. 10
more thau two hundred per cent. They are
prohibitory on some articles, and partially so
on others, and bear most heavily on articles
of common necessity, and but lightly on ar
ticles of luxury. It is so framed that much
tho greatest burden which it imposes is
thrown on the laborer and the poorer classes
who are least able to bear it, while it protects
capital and exempts the rich from paying
their just proportion of the taxation required
for the support of government. Whilo it
protects the capital of tho wealthy manufac
turer, and increases his profits, it does not
benefit the operatives or laborers in his em
ployment, whoso wages have not been in
creased by it. Articles of prime necessi'y,
or of coarso quality, and low price, used by
the names of the people, are in many instan
ces, subjected by it to heavy taxes, while
articles of finer quality and higher price, or
of luxury, which can bo used only, by the
opulent, are lightly uxea. n imposes nenvy
and unjust burdens on the farmer, the planter,
the commercial man, and those of all other
Eursuits except the capitalists who has made
is investments in manufactures. All the
great interests of the country are not, as
pearly as may be practicable, equally protect
ed by it. .
The government in theory knows no dis
tinction of persons or classes, and should
not bestow upon some favors and privileges
wnicn an oiners may not enjoy, it was the
purpose of its illustrious founders to baso the
institutions which they reared upon the great
and unchanging principles of justice and
equity, conscious that if administered in the
spirit in which they were conceived, they
would bo felt only by the benefits which
they diffused, and would secure for themsel
ves a defenco in the hearts cf tho people,
more powerful than standing armies, and all
the means and appliances invented to sustain
governments founded in injustice and op
pression. The well-known fact that the tariff act of
1842 was passed by a majority of one vote
in the Senate, and two in the House of Re
presentatives, and that some of those who
felt themselves contrained, under the pecu
liar circumstances existing at the time, to
vote in its favor, proclaimed its defects, and
expressed their determination to aid in its
modification on the first opportunity, affords
strong and conclusive evidence that it was
not intended to bo permanent, aud of the ex
pediency and necessity of its thoro1 revision.
In recommending to Congress a reduction
of the present rates of duly, and a revision
and modification of tho act of 1842, 1 am far
from entertaining opinions unfriendly to the
manufacturers. On tho contrary, I desire
lo see them prosperous, as far as they can
be so, without imposing unequal burthens on
other interests. Tho advantage unde." any
system of indirect taxation, even within
revenue standard, must bo in fuvor of the
manufacturing interests; and of this no other
interest will complain
I recommend to Congress the abolition of
the minimum principle, or assumed, arbitrary,
and false values, and of specific duties, and
the substitution in their place of ad valorem
duties, as the fairest and most equital.lc in
direct tax which can be imposed. By the
ad valorem principle all articles are taxed ac
cording to their cost or value, and those which
arc of inferior quality, or of small cost, bear
only the. just proportion of the tax with those
which arc of superior quality or greater cost.
lho articles consumed by all arc taxed
at the same rate. A system of ad valorem
revenue duties, with proper discriminations
and proper guaids, against frauds,
in collecting them, it is not doubted,
will afford ample incidental advantages to the
manufacturers, and enable them to derive as
great profits at can be derived from any
otlier regular business. It is believed that
such a system, strictly within the revenue
standard, will placo the manufacturing inte
rests on a stable footing, and inure to their
permanent advantage; while it will, as near
ly as may be practicable, extend to all the
great interests of the country tho incidental
protection wtncu can be atlorded by our
revenue laws.
Such a system, when once firmly establish
ed, would bo permanent, and not be subject
to tho constant complaints, agitations, and
changes, which must ever occur when duties
are not laid for revenue, but for the "p.-otec
tion merely" of a favored interest.
In the deliberations of Congress on this
subject, it is hoped that a spirit of mutual
concession and compromise between collid
ing interests may prevail, and that the result
of their labors may be crowned with the
happiest consequences.
By tho Constitution of tho United States
it is provided that " no money shall be drawn
from the treasury but in consequence of ap
propriations mide by law." A public treas
ury was undoubtedly contemplated and in
tended to be created, in which tho public
money should be kept from the period of
collection until needed for public uses. In
the collection and disbursement of the pub
lic money, no agencies have ever been
employed by law, except such as were ap
pointed by the government, directly respon
sible to it and under its control.
The safe koeping of the public money should
be confided to a public treasury created by law,
and under like responsibility and control. It is
not to be imagined that the framers of the Consti
tution could have intended that a treasury should
be created as a place of deposite and safe-keeping
f the public money which was irresponsible to
the government. The first Congress under the
Constitution, by the set of the second September,
1789, " to establish the Treasury Department,"
provided for the appointment of a Treasurer, and
made it his duty " to receive and keep the moneys
of the United States," and "at all times to submit
to the Secretary ol the Treasury and the Comp
toller, or either of them, the inspection of the mo
neys in his hands."
That banks, national or state, could not have
been intended to be used as a substitute for the
Treasury spoken of in the Constitution, as keepers
of the public money, is manifest from the tact,
thru at that timo there was no national bank, and
but three or four state banks of limited capital
existed in the country. Their employment as de
positories was at first' resorted to, to a limited ex
tent, but with no avowed intention of continuing
them permanently, in place of the Treasury of the
Constitution. When they wero attcrwards trom
time lo time employed, it was from motives ol sup
posed convenience.
Our experience has shown, that when banking
corporations have been the keepers of tho public
money, and been thereby made in effect the trea
sury, tho government can have no guaranty that
it can command the use of its own money for
public purposes. The late Bank of the United
States proved to be faithless. The State banks,
which were afterwards employed, were faithless.
But a few years ago, with millions of public
money in their keeping, the government was
broueht almost to bankruptcy, and the public
credit seriously impaired, becuuseof their inubility
or indispositien to pay, on demand, to the public
creditors, in the only currency recognized Dy tne
constitution. Their failure occurred in a period
of peace, and great inconvenience and loss were
sutlereu Dy tne public trom it. nan tne country
been involved in a foreign war, that inconvenience
and loss would have been much greater, and
might have resulted in extreme public calumity.
The public money should not be mingled with
the private funds of banks or individuals, or be
used for private purposes. When it is placed in
banks for safe keeping, it is in effect louned lo
them without interest, and is loaned by them upon
interest to the borrowers from them. The public
money is converted into banking capital, nnd is
used and loaned out for the private profit of bank
stockholders; and when called for, (as was the
case in 1837,) it may be in the pockets of the bor
rowers from the banks, instead of being in the
public treasury, as contemplated by the constitu
tion. The framers of the constitution eoald
never have intended that the money paid into the
treasury should be thus converted to private use,
and placed beyond the control of the government.
Banks which hold the public money are often
erupted, by a desire of gain, to extend their loon-,
incrcme their circulation, and thus stimulate, it
not produce a spirit of speculation and extrava
gance, which sooner orlater must result in ruin to
thousands. If tho public money be not permitted
to be thus used, but be kopt in the treasury and
paid out to the public creditors in gold or silver,
the temptation afforded by its depostte with banks
to an undue expansion of their business would be
checked, while the amount of the constitutional
currency left in circulation would be enlarged,
by its employment in the public collections nnd
disbursements, and the bunks themselves would,
in consequence, be found in a .safer and sounder
condition.
At present, State banks are employed as
depositories, but without adequate regulation
of law, whereby tho public money can be se
cured against the casualties nnd excesses.
revulsions, suspensions, and defalcations, to
which, from over issues, overtrading, an in
ordinate desire for cam, or otlier causes, tlicy
aro constantly exposed. Tho Secretary of
tho Treasury has in all cases, when it is prac
ticable, taken collateral security for the
amount which they hold, by tho pledge of
stocks of tho United blates, or such ot the
Slates as were in cood credit. Some of the
deposite banks have given this description of
security, and others have declined to do so.
Lntertaining the opinion thai, the -'separation
of tho moneys of the government
from banking institutions is indispensiblo for
tho safety of tho funds of tho government
and the rights of tho people," I recommend
to Congress that provision be made by law
lor such separation, and that a constitutiona
freasury bo erected for the safe keeping of
' llin nnlilir- mmiiir rPltf fnnatitilf innnt trpn.
surv recommended is designed as a secure
depository for the. public money, without any
power to jnakc loans or discounts, or to use
any paper whatever as a currency or circula
tion. I doubt not that such a treasury as
was contemplated by ti'.e constitution, should
bo independent of all banking corporations.
The money of tho people should be .kept in
the treasury of the peoplo created by lalVt
and be in the custody of agen's of the peo
plo chosen by themselves, according to the
forms of the constitution; agents who are di
rcctly responsible to the government, who
are under adequate bonds and oaths, and are
subject to severe punishments for any cm
bczzlemcnt, private use, or misapplication of
the public funds, and for any failure in otlier
respects to perform their duties, lo say
that the people or their government are in
competent, or not to be trusted with the cus
tody of their own money, in their own trea
sury, provided by themselves, but must rely
on ilie presidents, cashiers and stockholders
of banking corporations, not appointed by
them, nor responsible to them would be to
concede that they are incompetent of self-
government,
In recommending tho establishment of a
constitutional treasury, in which the public
mono shah be kept, 1 desire that adequate
provision be made by law for its safety, and
that all executive discretion or control over
it should bo removed, except such may be ne
cessary in directing its disbursements in pur
suance of appropriations made by law.
Under our present land system, limiting
the minimum price at which the public lands
can be entered to ono dollar aud twenty-live
cents per acre, largo quantities of land of
inferior quality remain unsold, because it will
not command that price. From the records
of tho General Land Office it appears, that,
of tho public lands remaining unsold in the
several blutes and territories m winch they
aro situated, thirty-nine millions one hundred
aud five thousand five hundred and seventy
seven acres have been in the market, subject
to entry more thau twenty years; forty-nine
millions six hundred and thirty-eight thou
sand six hundred and forty-four acres for
more than hlteen years, seventy-three mill
ions seventy-four thousand and six hundred
acres for more than ten years; and one hun
dred and six millions one hundred and seventy-six
thousand nine hundred and sixty
one acres for more than five years. Much
the largest portion of these lands will con
tinue to be unsaleable at the minimum price
at which they are permitted to be sold, so
long as largo territories ot lands trom which
the more valuable portions have not been
selected, aro annually brought into market
by the government. With a view to the salo
and settlement of these inferior lands, I re
commend that the price be graduated and
reduced below the present minimum rate,
confining tho sale at the reduced prices for
a limited term to ono dollar per acre, and af
ter the expiration of that period for a second
and third term to loiver rates, a large portion
of these lands would be purchased, and ma
ny worthy citizens, who are unable to pay
higher rates, could purchase homes for them
selves and their families. By adopting the
policy of graduation and reduction of price,
these inferior lands will bo sold for their re
al value, while the States in which they lie
will be freed from the inconvenience, if not
injustice, lo which they aro subjected, in
consequence of the United States continu
ing to own largo quantities ot public lanas
within their borders, not liable to taxation
for the support of their local government.
I recommend tho continuance of the poli
cy of granting pre-emptions, in its most libe
ral extent, to all those who have settled, or
may hereafter settle, on the public lands,
whether surveyed or unsurveyed, to which
the Indian title may have been extinguished
at the time of settlement. It has been found
by experience, that in consequence of com
binations of purchasers and oilier causes, a
very small quantity of the public lands, when
sold at public auction, commands a higher
price than the minimum rate established by
law. Tho settlers on the public lands,
arc, however, but rarely ablo to secure their
homes and improvements at the public sales,
at that rate; because these combinations, by
means of the capital they command, and
their superior ability to purchase, render it
impossible for the settlor lo compete with
ihem in the market. By putting down
all competition, these combina
tionsof capitalists and speculators are usu
ally enabled to purchase the lands, including
the improvements of settlers, at the minimum
pries of tho government, and either turn'
them out of their homes, or extort from them,
according to their ability to pay, double or
quadruple, the amount paid for them to the
government. It is to tho enterprise and per-
severence of tho hardy pioneers of the West
who penetrate the wilderness with their fa
milies, suffer the dangers, the privations, and
hardships attending the settlement ot a new
country, and prepare the way for tho body
of emigrants who in the course of a few
years, usually follow them, that we are, in
a great degree, indebted for the rapid exten
sion and aggrandizement of our country.
Experienco has proved that no portion of
our population are more patriotic than tho
hardy and brave men of the frontier, or
more ready to obey the call of our country,
and to defend .her rights and her honor, when
ever and by whatever enemy assailed. 1 hey
should bo protected from the grasping spe
dilator, and secured at tho minimum price
of the public lands, in the bumble homes
which they havo improved by their labor..
With this "end in view, ell vexations of un
necessary restrictions imposed upon them by
the existing preemption laws, should be re'
pealed or modified. It is tho true policy of
the government to afford facilities to its ci t
izens to become the owners of small portions
of our vast public domain at low and moder
ate rates.
The present system of managing the mineral Innds of the
United Slates, Is believed to be rndically defective. More
than a million of acres of the public lands, supposed to con'
tuin lead and other minerals, hnve been reserved from sale,
and numerous lenses upon them hove been grnnted to Indi'
vidunls upon nstipuhttcd rent. The system of srnnlinir leas
es has proved to bo not only unprolituhle to the government
but unsatisfactory to the citizens who have rone upon tl:c
lands, and must, II continued, lay tne foundation or much
luture difficulty between tne government and the lessees.
According to the official records, the nmount of rents receiv
ed by the government for the years, 1841, IH-J3, 16-1:1, nnd
1814, Was 8U,:iS4 74, while tin expenses of the system dur
ing the same period, including salaries of superintendents,
agents, clerks, and incidental expenses, were twenty-six
thousand one hundred and eleven dollars and eleven cents
the income being less than one fourth of the expenses.
To this pecuniary loss may be added the injury
sustained by the public in consequence of tho de
struction of timber, and the careless and Warteful
manner of working the mines. The system has
riven rise to much litiantion between the United
Struts and the individual citizens, producing
irritation and excitement in the mineral region,
and involving the government in heavy additional
expenditures. It is believed that similar losses
and embairassmetfts will continue to occur, while
tho prosent system of .'easing these lands remains
unchanged. These lands are now under the
superintendence and care of the" War Department,
with the ordinary duties of which they havo no
proper or natural connexion. I recommend the
repeal of the present system, and that these lands
be nlaced under the sunerintendance and manage
ment of the General Land Office, as other lands,
and be brought into market and sold upon such
terms as Congress in their wisdom may prescribe,
reserving to the government an equitable per ccn
tuge of the gross amount of mineral product, and
that the pre-emption principlo be cr.tended to
resident miners and settlers upon them, at the
minimum price which may be established by
Congress.
I refer you to, the accompanying report of the
Secretary of War, for information respecting the
present situation of the army, and its operations
during the present year; the stato of our defences,
the condition of the public vorks; and our rela
tions with the various Indian tribes within our
limits orupon our borders. I invite yourattonticn
to the suggestions contained in that report, in
relation to these prominent objects oi national
interest.
When orders were given during the past sum
mer for concentrating a military force on the wes
tern frontier of Texas, our troops were widely dis
persed, nnd in small detachments, occupying
posts remote from each other. Tho prompt and
expeditious manner in which an army, embracing
more than half our peace establishment, was
drawn together on an emergency, so sudden,
retlccts great credit on tho olticers wr.a were in
trusted with the execution of these orders, as well
as upon the discipline of the army itself. To be
in strength to protect and defend the people and
territory of Texas, in the event Mexico should
commence hostilities, or invade her territories
with a large army, which she threatened, I
authorized the general assigned to the command
of the army of occupation to make requisitions for
additional forcei from several of the States near
est the Texan territory, and which could most
expeditiously furnish them, if, in his opinion, a
larger force than that under his command, and
tho auxiliary aid which, under like circumstances,
he was authorized to receivo from Texas, should
bo required. The contingency on which the exer
cise of this authority depended has not occurred.
Z'ue circumstances under which two companies
of State artillery from the city of New Orleans
were sent to Texas, nnd mustered into tho service
of the United States, are fully stated in the report
of the Secretary of War. I recommend to Con
gress that provision be made for the payment of
these troops, as well as a small number of Texan
volunteers, whom the commanding gonetal
thought necessary to receive or muster into our
service.
Diirinu the last summer, the first rer?iment of
dragoons made extensive excursions through the
Indian country on our borders, a part of tlicm ad
vancing nearly to the possessions of the Hudson's
Bay Conpany in the north, and a part as far as the
South Pass of tho Rocky mountains, and the head
waters of the tributary streams of the Colorado of
the West. The exhibition of this military force
among the Indian tribes in those distant regions,
anu tne councils neiu witn tnem oy tne command
ers of the expeditions, it is believed, will I'Uve a
salutary influence in restraining them from hostili
ties among themselves, and maintaining friendly
relations betvecen them and the United States.
An interesting account of one of ihese excursions
accompanies the report of the department. Brevet
Capt. Fremont, of tho coips of topographical en
gineers, has been employed since 1842 in explor
ing the COUUtry west "of the Miasissinni nnd
beyond tho Rocky mountnins. Two eYtmilitinnH
have already been brought to a close, and the re
ports of that scientific and enterprising officer
have furnished much interest-ng and valuable in-
lormation. lie is now engaged in a third expedi
tion; but it is not expected that this arduous ser
vice will bo completed in season to enable me to
ci mmunicate the result to Congress at the present
session.
Our rc'ntions with the Indian tribes are of a favorable
character. The policy of removing them to a country de
signed for their permanent residence, west of the Mississip
pi and without trie limits of the organized States nnd Terri
tories is better appreciated by them fan It. was a few years
ago ; while education is now attended to, and the habits of
civilized life are guining ground among them.
Serious difficulties of long standing continue to distract
the several pnrties into which the Cherokces are unhnppily
divided. The e It oris of the governments udjust the diliicul
ties between them hnve hitherto proved unsuccessful there
remains no probability this desirable object can be accom
plished without the aid of further legislation by Congress. I
will, at an curly period of your session, present the subject
for your consideration, accompanied with nn exposition of
the complaints and claims of the several parties into which
the nation is divided, with a view to the adoption of such
measures by Congress, as may onnble the Executive to do
justice to tlieiu respectively, and to put nn end, if possible,
to the dissentions which have long prevailed, and still pre
vail, among Ihem.
I refer you to the report of the Secretary of the Nnyy for
the present condition of that branch of the national defence ;
and for grave suggestions, having for their object the in
crease of its efficiency, and a greater economy in its man
agement. During the pnst year the olticers and men have
performed their duty in a satisfactory manner. The orders
which have been given, hnve been executed with prompt
ness and fidelity. A larger force thun has often formed one
Squadron under our flag was collected in the gulf of Mexlro,
and apparently without unusual effort. II is especially to
be olwerved; that notwithstanding thennion of an consider.
able force, no act was committed that even the Jealousy of
nn irruuiBU puwnr cvuU construe an aci oi aggressron ;
and that the commander of the squadron, and his officers,
ia 1'rkl eenfernisy with their Instructions, helding then-
selves ever ready for the most active duty, hare achieves
the Hill more pure glory of contributing to the preservation
or peace. It Is bt'levod that at all our foreign stations the
honor of our flue bi n been maintained, and that. ceneraU.
our ships of war hare been distinguished for their good dis
cipline and order. I am happy to add, thdt the display f
maritime force which was required by the events of thT
summer, has been made wholly within the aunroprlatlom' ,
for the service of the year, so that no additional upproprlav
lions are required.
The commerce of the United States, and with It the Bart
gating Interest, have steadily and rapidly increased since the
organization of our government, until it is believed, we ar
second to bat one power in the world, und at no distant day
we shall probably he Inferior to none. Exposed as thty
must be, it hns been a wise polic y lo nli'ord to these Interests'
protection with our ships Of War, dlstrll otrrl in (lie grt(
highways of trado throughout the world. For more ;ima
thirty years apdropriatlons have been made and annually
expended, lor the gradual Increase of our naval forces. Ju
nonce, the new nerl'oruis the imnortaiit (lutv of protecting
our commerce, and In the event of a war, will be, as it iiu
been, a uiostethclent means ot acicnce.
The successful use ot atoum navigation on the
ocan has been followed by the introduction of
war steamers in groat and increasing numbers in
to tho navies of the principal maritime power of
the world. A duo regard to our own safety and
to an efficient protection to our large and increas
ing commerce demands a corresponding increase
on our port. No country hns greater facilities for
the construction of vessels of tins desciiption than
ours, or can promise itsolf greater advantages
trom then employment.
They aro admirably adapted to the protection of
our commerce, to tho rapid transmission of intelli
gence anu to tne coast detenco. m pursuance or
the wise policy of a irradual increase of our navy.
large supplies of tiro oak timber, end other mate
rials for ship building, have been collected and
are now under shelter, and in a state of good pre
servation, while iron stcumers can be built with
great facility in various parts of the Union.
The uso of iron ns a material, especially fn the'
construction of steamers, which can enter with
salety, many ol the liaroors aiong our coasi, now
inaccessible to vessels of greater draught, and the
practicability of constructiim them in the interior,"
Btronrrlv recommends that liberal appropriation
should bo made for this important object. What-'
vcr may nnve been our policy in tne earner stag
es of tho government, when the nation was in its
infancy, our shipping interests and commerce
compnrhtivoly small, our resources limited, our
population sparse and scarcely extending beyond
tlm limifti nf lhn nrnrinnl thirteen fltntes. that Doli-
cy must he essentially different now that we have,
grown from threo to more than twenty millions of
people that our commerce carried in our own
ships, in found in every sea, and that our territor
ial boundaries and settlements have been so
greatly extended. Neither our commerce tfor our
Ions line of coast on tho ocean and on the lakes.
can be successfully defended against foreign ag
gression bv means of fortifications alone. These
are essential at important commercial and milita
ry points, out our duel reliance lor mis oujeci
must be on a well organized efficient navy, fha
benefits ro3Ulting trom such a navy are not connn-
cd to the Atlantic States. The productions of the
interior wh'ch seek a market abroad, are directly
ependanton tho safety and freedom ot our com
merce. The occupation ot the lialize below Jew
Orleans by a hostilo force would embarass, if not
Stagnate the whole export trado of the Mississip
pi, and affect lho valuoof the agricultural products
of the entire vulley of that mighty river and its
tributaries. ,
It has never been our policy to maintain latg
standing armies in timo of peac e i They ar6 eon
trary to the genius of our free insti tutioni, would
impose heavy burdens on the people, and be dan'
gctous to public liberty. Our reliance for protec-'
tion and defence on the land must be mainly on'
our citizen soldier3, who will be ever ready, a
thev ever have been ready in timo past, to rush
with alacrity, at tin call of their country to her
defence. This desciiption of force, however, can
not defend our coast, harbor, and inland seat, nor
protect our commerce on the ocean or the lakes.
These must be protected by our navy.
Considering r.n iecrcns?d naval force, and eipe
cially of steam vessels, corresponding with our
growth and importanca as a nation, and propoM
tioned to the increased and increasing naval pow
er of other nations of vast importance as regards
our safety, and the great and growing interests to
be protected by it, 1 recommend thq,subject to the
favorable consideration of Congress.
The report of the Postmaster General herewith oommun
icoteil, contuius a detailed ntntcuont of the operations of hit
department during the prist year. It will be seen that the
income from postages will fall short of the expenditures for
the year between one and two millions of dollars. This
deficiency has been caused by tho reduction of the rates of
postage, which wnB made by the act of the third of March
last. IVo principle has been more generally acquiesced In
by the people than that this department should sustuin it
sidf by limiting its cxpenditurcsto its income. Congress has
never sought to make it a source of revenue for general pur
poses, except for a short period during the lust wur witii Gt,
Uritnin, nor should it ever become a charge on the general
treasury. I!' Congress shnll adhere to this principle, as I
think they ought, it will bo necessary either to curtail tl.
present mail service, so as to reuuee the expenditures, or to
to modify the act of the third of March last as to improve (
its revenue.
The extension of the mnll service, and the additional fa
cilities which will be demanded by the rnpid extension and
increase of population on our western frontier, will not ad
mit of such curtailment os wHI materially reduce the pres
ent expenditures. In thoadjustinentef thetarili' of postages
the Interests of the people demand, that the lowest rates be
adopted which will produce the necessary revenue to meet
the expenditures of the department 1 invite the attention
of Congress to the suggestions of the Postn.-nstcr General
on this subject, under a belief that such a nioditication of the
late law may be made as will yield sufficient revenue with
out farther calls on the treasury, and with very little change
urtue present rates ot postugc.
Fropirr measures have been taken, In pursuance of the
act of the third of March last, lor the establishment of lines
of mail steamers between this and foreign countries. The
importance of tnls service commends until strongly to fav
orable consideration.
With the growtli of our country, the public busmen
which devolves on the bends of the several executive de
partments, hns greatly iucrensed. In some respects, the
distribution of duties iimong them seems to be incongruous,
mill many ot these might be transferred from one to ano
ther with advantage to the public interests. A more auspi
cious time for tire consideration of this subject by Congress,
witii n view to system in the organization of the several de
partments, nnd a more appropriate division of public busi
ness, will not probably occur,
(The Mcssngo recommends the separation of the Patenr
Office from the Ucj.artinent of State, aud its transfer to the'
Attorney Ge:.i!rl ; nkn tlmt thiit officer be nlaced on the
same footing with heads of the other executive depurtments.
Congress possesscsthe power of exclusive legislation over
the district of Columbia ,- nnd I commend the interests of
Its inhabitants to your favorable consideration. The peoplr
of this District hnve no legislative body of their own, ana
must confide their local as well ns their general interests to
representatives in whose election they hnve no voice, and
over whoso otiicinl conduct they hnve no control. Each
member ol'tlie National Legislature should consider himself
as their immediate representative, nnd should be the more
ready to give attention lo their interests and wants, because
lie is not responsible for them. 1 recommend that a liberal
nnd generous spirit limy characterize your measures in re
lation to tliein. I shall be ever disposed to show a proper
regard for their wishes, and, within constitntiennl limits,
slmll at all times cheerfully co operate with yeu for the ad
vancement of their welfare.
I truBt it may not bo deemed inappropriate to
the occasion for mo to dwell for a moment on lha
memory of the most eminent citizen of our coun
try, who, during the summer that is gone by, has
descended to the tomb. The enjoyment of con
templating at the advanced ugo of near four acora
years, tho happy condition of bis country, cheered
the last hours of Andrew Jackson, who departed
this life in the tranquil hope of a blessed immor
tality, ilis death was happy as his life had been
eminently useful; He had. an unfaltering confi
dence in the virtue and capacity of the people, and
in the permanence of that freo government which
he had largely contributed to establish and defend.
His great deeds had secured to him the affections
of his fellow-citizens, and it was his happiness to
witness tho growth and glory of hie country which
he loved so well.
He departed amidst the benedictions of millioDa
of freemen. The nation paid its tribute to hia me
mory at his tomb. Coming generations will learn .
from his example the love of country, and the
rights of man. In hip language on a similar occa
sion to tho present, " I now commend you, fellow-citizens,
to the guidance of Almighty God,
with a full reliance on Ilia merciful Providence
for the maintenance of our free institutions, and
with an earnest supplication that whatever enora -it
may be my lot to commit in'discharging the ar
duous duties which have devolved on me, will find
a remedy in the harmony and wiadom of vour
counscla." JAMES K. FOLlf.
Washington, JJcc.?, 1M&