The spirit of democracy. [volume], June 28, 1844, Image 1

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"PRINCIPLES AND MEASURES, AND MEN THAT WILL CARRY THOSE PRINCIPLES AND MEASURES INTO EFFECT.1
BY JA.MK3 R. MORRIS.
WOO DSFIELD, OHIO, FRIDAY, JUNI5 28, 1811.
VULUAlli I. KUMBKli IS.
TJIE SPIRIT OF DEMOCRACY
' IS PUBLISHED EVERT FRIDAY MORNING,
, DY J. 11. MORRIS.
TERMS: $1,50 per annum h advtncs; $2,00
if paid within aix months; $2,60 if paid within the
year, and $3,00 if payment be delayed urai after
(be expiration of the year.
' 09- No paper will be discontinued, except at the
(option of the editor, until all arrears are paid.
CO- All communications aent by mail must be
post-paid. t
Advertisements inserted at the uaual rates.
' POETltY.
, ', From the Boston Morning Post.
, KNOW YE NOT THAT YE ARE MN.'
: Know ye not that ye are men, .
-i Ye laboring throngs of earth?
- Must ye be told and told again
. . ThatTiuth and Toil are worth?
Why do you look upon the ground.
' ' No fire within the eye.
When noble born are all around,
" ' And Wealth and Rank go by?
For, have ye not a heart within.
And sense and soul as they?
And more have ye not toiled to win
The bread ye eat to-day?
, Do ye despise your sunburnt hands
So bard and brown with toil;
( .- That have made fair the forest lands, .
', And turned the forest soil?
- What! do you fear the haughty gaze
Of men in rich array)
Tis said. Pride hath not many days,
And Riches fly away.
Up, heart and hand, and persevere,
' And overcome the scorn
The haughty hate and heat tlesa sneer
Of this world's gentle-born
' Fear not shrink not to you is given.
The guardianship of Earth;
, And on the record book of Heaven -
Is writ your honest worth!
. Honor yourselves! be honest, true,
" And willing, firm, and strong;
Po well whate'er your hands may do,
Though praise may linger long!
A high and holy work is yours,
' And yours should be a fame
That lives for ages, and endures
Beyond the hero's name 1
Go, with your hands upon the plough,
" And the plough beneath the sod;
- Pity the heart that scorns, and bow
To nothing but your God!
. AN ADDKJBS3
TO THE ELECTORS OF OHIO,
ON
The CoaUtion o m5 :
.- "- :. OR,
Henry Clay' bargain with John Quinty Adams,
through which the latter in defiance of the will
of the people, wat made President of the Uni-
ted Slate; and the former corruptly secured to
himself the office of Seerttary of State.
.
. BY THE YOCHO MEN'S DEHOR ATIC STATE CEN
TRAL COMMITTEE Or OHIO
"The coalition of Blifil and Black George the
combination unheard of till then of the puman
.with the blackleg. John Randolph.
TO THE FREEMEN OF OHIO.
Fellow-Citizens:
Henry Clay is once again a candidate for the
high office of Chief Magistrate of this glorious
Union. Twenty years have n6w elapsed aince be
was first an unsuccessful candidate for this same
office, and his repeated defeats and disappointments
render it sufficiently evident, that with the mass
of the American people, bis general unfitness for
that station is do new theme. But that act of his
life which has been rightly considered of a darker
hue and a more damning character than any other,
is one to which we may justly call your especial
attention. It belongs to an era since which an
' entire generation has passed from the stage of
human action; and though the career of its author
had otherwise been "without spot or blemish," it
- should of itself suffice forever to debar him from
the exalted place to which he aspires.
'. In entering upon a detailed exposition of that
foul transaction, we do but avail ourselves of a
right that belongs to all American citizens the
right freely to discuss the character and qualifica
',"', (ions of every mad who asks us lor our votes. We
shall endeavor to give its history with perfect
fairness and candor. We have ever been taught,
and we most sincerely believe, that no falsehood
can be of any use injree discussion before a free
people. If we should err in a single statement,
the error will not only be unintentional, but it must
occur in spite of our most anxious precaution.
' All Important facts shall be stated with the utmost
.'particularity. We will give Dames, times and
places, and all our quotations shall be from the
most authentic sources. We desire, fellow citi
sens, to lay nothing before you which will not
safely bear your severest scrutiny, ; May we not,
therefore, fairly solicit, and confidently expect,
the candid attention of every honest man into
'" whose hands this address may fall, no matter what
may have been his previous political bias? v v ;
ei" -Vf THE CHARGE. "::; ,.-, .
f': ' The charge against Mr.- Clay, in tho investiga-
f ' tfon of which wo now wish you, to Jab," is briefly
, this: V ' : :. : ' .. '
I i That he, while die election for Preaident wis
before the house of representatives, In the winter
-, l' of 1824-8, being a representative from Kentucky
"and Speaker of the House, entered into a corrupt
"' coalition with John Quiucy Adams', a man to whom
. he had been previously, and politically opposed,
J in consummation of which coalition, in open de-
fiance of the will of the people of tho State of
Kentucky and of the United States, and also in
direct opposition to his own professed principles,
he mada Adams President of the United States,
and Adams in retain, made him his Secretary of
State, and placed him, in what he afterwards
termed "the line of safe precedents" for elevation
to the Presidency or, to state it still more briefly,
that so far as in him lay,
He sold , himself his constituents and his coun
try to a political andptrsonal enemy for the cor
rupt and selfish purpose of obtaining the office of
Secretary if State, and securing the succession to
the highest office in the land.
POSITION" OF MEJT AJVD PARTIES Iff
"The Hartford Convention, the victory of Or
leans, the peace of Ghent prostrated the name of
federalism. Its votaries abandoned it througn
shame and mortification, and now call themselves
republicans." Such was the language of Jeffer
son, in a letter written to General La Fayette, near
the close of the year 1823. See ith vo.. of Jeffer
son's Coriespondence, p. 884. -
It was indeed true that federalism had nominally
ceased to exist. There were then four candidates
for the presidency in the field, all aeeking support
from the republican party. Three of these, An
drew Jackson, William H. Crawford and Henry
Clay had always been associated with that party.
One of them, John Quincy Adams, was the son of
that black cockade federalist, John Adams, and in
the outset of his public life, had shown himself
one of the most bitter and vindictive among the
federal politicians. But, in 1807, he suddenly
apostatized from his father's party, and became a
supporter of the Jeflersonian administration. So
managing as to make the republican party believe
him sincere, he was taken into favor, became the
recipient of their country ,and at the time of which
we speak, was President Monroe's Secretary of
State. He had, however, so cultivated the good
will of his old associates, that the great majority
of the republicans became distrustful of him; and
in the same letter just quoted, Mr. Jefferson,
speaking of him as '"the northernmost candidate,"
declared that he would "get every federal vote in
the Uuion." It should here be remarked that
when Mr. Jefferson said that the federalists had
changed their name, he added, "but the name
alone is changed, (he principles are the same."
The republicanism of Jackson and Crawford had
never been distrusted.
Mr. Clay had many splendid qualities, and bad
been of some service to the republican cause. In
1811, he had made an eloquent and unanswerable
argument against a national bank, and he had given
a vigorous support to the war. Still he had not
gained the confidence of the people. His abilities
were deemed more showy than solid, and, in seve
ral instances, he had exhibited an overweening
ambition, and an ungenerous jealousy of those
supposed to stand in bis way. Thomas M. Ran
dolph, the son-in-law and intimate friend of Thom
as Jefferson, has given us Mr. Jefferson's opinion
of Mr. Clay, in these words :
"Toward Mr. Clay, as a politician, Mr. Jeffer
son constantly manifested a strong repugnance,
and'otten said that he was merely a splendid orator,
without any valuable knowledge from experience
or study, or any determined public principles
founded in sound political science, either practical
or theoretical." See Mies' Register, vol. 33,p.21.
MR. CLAY'S RELATIONS TOWARD 3
JACKSON AND CRAWFORD.
In his speech on the Seminole war, in 1818 Mr.
Clay expressed his high respect for General Jack
son in the following words:
"Towards that distinguished Captain, who shed
so much glory on our country, whose renown con
stitutes so great a portion of its moral property, I
never had, I never can have, any other feelings
than those of the most profound respect, aud of
the utmost kindness. See Mallory'l edition of
Clay's speeches, vol. I, p. sua.
In consequence, however, of Mr. Clay's course
upon the Seminole campaign, a temporary estrange,
ment occurred between him and Gen. Jackson;
but in his address to the public of December, 1827,
Mr. Clay, alluding to bis opinions in regard to
that campaign, says that,
"They never had been supposed by hie to form
any just occasion for private enmity between us,
and that none had been cherished on my part."
In the same address, Mr. Caly testifies that
"friendly intercourse" was restored between them
at the session of 1823, and, a fter admitting that
they then repeatedly dined together, he adds :
"We frequently met, in the course of the winter,
alwaya respectfully addressing each other." See
Nites' Register, vol. S3, p. 803.
Even afteri the coalition, in his address to his
constituents, of the d ue of March 26, 1825, Mr.
Clay was compelled to speak of General Jackson
in these terms)
"In speaking of General Jackson, I am aware
of the delicacy and respect which are justly due
to.that distinguished citizen. It is far from my
purpose to attempt to disparage him. I could not
do it if I weie capable of making the attempt."
"He has displayed great skill and bravery, as a
military commander, and bis own renown will
endure as lone as the means exist of preserving a
recollection of human transactions." See thi$
address in Mallory's edition,vol. I, p. 495.
Mr. Crawford was on friendly terms with Mr.
Clay. Early in the campaign he was prostrated
by sickness, and ceased to be regarded as a formi
dable candidate. ' , . :
MR. .CLAY'S RELATI0JV8 TO JOHN Q.
, ADAMS. "THE ADJOURNED QUES
TION OF VERACITY." .
. How stood Henry Clay and John Quincy Ad
ams? A few facts will show that they were per
sonal and political enemies.
Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay had been associated as
commissioners for the negotiation. of the treaty of
Ghent. . A difference arose between them, in that
negociation, in respect to a proposition, supported
by Mr. Adams, to surrender to the British the
right of free navigation of the Mississippi, as an
equivalent for the privilege of fishing on the Brit
ish coast of North America. .: In 1822, a bouk
was published by Mr. Adams, on this subject, in
which he reflected severely on the character of
Mr. Clay. Mr. Clay was obliged to take some
notice of this book,-, Accordingly he sent a note
to- the National Intelligencer, dated the 16th of
November, 1822, in which, after declaring that
Mr. Adams had made erroneous statements, both
of fact and opinion, in regard to the transactions
at Ghent, he says ; -
"I WILL, at some future period, more propi
tious than the present to calm and dispassionate
consideration, and when there can be no misrepre
sentation of motives, lay before the public a narra
tive ol those transactions as 1 understand them."
This was published in the National intelligencer
at Washington on the 17 to of December, 1822.
On the 18th of December, the very next day, Mr.
Adams sent to the Intelligencer a reply to Clay,
beginning with a sneering allusion to "a note from
Mr. Henry Clay," instead of the Honorable Hen
ry Clay, and ending with the following keenly
pointed paragraph :
"But as to the adjournment of that publication
to a period "more propitious than the present to
calm and dispassionate consideration, and when
there can be no misrepresentation of motives," it
may ihance to be postponed until both of us shall
have been summoned to account for our errors
before a higher tribunal than that of our country,
I feel myself now called upon to say, that let the
appropriate dispositions, when and now they Mrttl
expose the open day and secret night of the trans
actions at Ghent, the statements both of fact and
opinion in the papers which I have written and
published, in relation to this controversy, will in
every particular, essential or important to the inte
rests of the nation, or to the character of Mr. Clay,
be found to abide unshaken the test of human
scrutiny, of talents and of time.
"John Qcincv Adams."
This is the affair usually referred to as "the
adjourned question of veracity." For the sake of
the coalition, Mr. Clay has pocketed a gross insult,
his veracity is still in dispute, and as Mr. Adams
tauntingly insinuated, the question will continue
to be postponed" until they both shall have been
summoned before the tribunal of another world.
CLAY'S HOSTILITY TO ADAMS.
Mr. Clay had, very early, been led to look upon
Adams as a rival whom it was expedient to crush.
As early as 1818, Jhe Kentucky Reporter, a paper
edited by Mr. Smith, a friend, connexion and de
voted instrument of Mr. Clay, contained articles
bitterly attacking Mr. Adams. From one of these,
of the date of July 15, 1818, we take the follow
ing extract, in relation to the appointment of Mr.
Adams by Mr. Monroe," to be Secretary of State :
"Mr. Adams is designated by the president and
his presses as the heir apparent, the next succesor
to the presidency bmce the principle was intro
duced, there has been a rapid degeneracy in the
chief magistrate; and the prospect of still greater
degeneracy is strong and alarming. Admit the
people should acquiesce in the presidential ap
pointment of Mr. Adams to that high office; who,
again will be chosen his successor? Will it be
Josiah Quincy, H. G. Otis, or Rufus King? An
aristocrat, at least, it not a traitor will be our por
tion." In the Presidential contest, Clay regarded Ad
ant as lib rhiof nmtmmt. Ha seemed utterlv
ignorant of the strong hold which General Jackson
had upon the esteem of the people. On the 16th
of February, 1823, he wrote a letter from Wash
ington to Amos Kendall, then in Kentucky, in
which he says:
"Judging from present appearances, the contest
will be between Mr. Adams and me."
Mr. Kendall was then the warm and intimate
friend of Mr. Clay. He abandoned Clay when he
found that Clay had abandoned his republican
principles, and allied himself to Adams
On the 17th of December, of the same year,
Clay again wrote to Kendall as follows
"There is an effort making to get up a Caucus.
I doubt its success. Mr. Adams is weaker to the
north than I supposed him to be, if one is to judge
trom wbat he hears at this place. My prospects
are very good."
CIA Y 'S ATTACKS WV ADAMS,
In the fall of 1822, Mr. Clay procured a series
of articles signed "Wayne," to be published in the
"Liberty Hall and Cincinnati Gazette," (then, as
now, a Clay paper) for the purpose of prejudicing
the people of Ohio against John Quincy Adams.
These articles charged Mr. Adams with "an un
feeling policy," with "giving our wives and chil
dren for fish, and bartering the blood of our cut
tens for money;" with a policy which "would
crimson our fresh fields with the blood of our
border brethren, and light the midnight forest with
the flames of their dwellings." "John Quincy
Adams," said one of these articles, "can never
receive the vote of Ohio. He is too ignorant of
our interests, or he disregards them." Such was
the language sanctioned by Mr. Clay in 1822. In
the ensuing year, a pamphlet was written in Ken
tucky, at his instigation, by Mr. Kendall, on the
subject of the fisheries, in which Mr. Adams was
charged with hostility to the west, with violation
of instructions, and with duplicity, falsehood, and
almost every thing dishonorable and base in a
public man. Mr. Adams was denounced in it as
"on artful sophist, a clumsy negoaator," aud as
possessing "views too erroneous,' feelings too
sectional aud temper too vindictive for the chiel
magistrate of a tree people !"
For printing this pamphlet, Mr. Clay paid to
Mr. Tanner of Lexington, Ky. the sum of one
hundred dollars, as was proven by Mr. Tanner's
own testimony before the legislature of Kentucky,
in 1928. He was also personally active in the
circulation of it, as is proven by the following
tetter to its author, a part of which he have before
quoted: '
' "Dear Sir t Several inquiries have been made
about your pamphlet on the fisheries, by members
of Congress, and I have promised to request a copy
to. be sent to Mr. David Sloane, of the Ohio Sen
ate, at Columbus; another to the Hon. Henry R.
Storrs, and another to the Hon. John Sloane, here.
Will you be good snough to have them forwarded?
"There is an effort making to get up a caucus.
I doubt its success. Mr. Adams is weaker to the
north than I supposed him to be, if one is to judge
from i what he hears at this place. . My prospects
are very good.,, Yours with great esteem, , ...
it . . . "H. Clat.
"Washington, 17h Dec." 1 '
THE COURSE OF Mr. CLAY'S FRIENDS.
' The subordinates took their cue from fhe chief.
Every where Clay's friends attacked Adams as
unfit for the presidency. V :"' '.V; .M " - "
David Trimble, one of Mr. Clay's most effective
supporters in the congressional delegation from
Kentucky, in September, 1824, denounced Mr.
Adams as an "apostate federalist, and an enemy
to the west, who had offered to barter away the
navigation of the misaissippi for whales and mack
ereU Sie evidence before the Kentucky legisla
ture, Feb. 182& .
John Sloane, a member of Congress from the
State of Ohio, the same for whom Mr. Clay re
quested from Kendall a copy of the pamphlet on
the fisheries and the tame man who was lately our
Secretary of State, and who is now one of the
editors of the Ohio State Journal, was then, as
new, s warm friend of Mr. Clay. He also de
nounced the Adams party, and in a letter dated
December, 1823, addressed to a Mr. Naylor, of
Columbiana county, Ohio, declared that "the old
federalists and men of no political party were gen
erally for Mr. Adams."
The address of the Clay convention, in Ohio, in
July, 1824, avowed that the chief object of sup
porting M- Clay was to defeat Mr. Adams. We
give the words of the address.
"Were Mr. Clay withdrawn, the result as to
the election by the electors, would most probably
be the same; or if it were not, it would place in
the presidential chair one of the present cabinet;
an event which it was the first object of the friends
of Mr. Clay to prevent."
The address containing this language was writ
ten by Charles Hammond, of the Cincinnati
Gazette, and signed by Joseph Vance, as chairman
of the convention.
CLAY'S SELFISH AND SINISTER DE
SIGNS. As the election approached, Mr. Clay's chances
greatly diminished. The rapid progress of Gen.
Jackson's popularity, swept away his last hope ol
being elected by the people, and rendered it ex
tremely doubtful whether he could be one of the
three candidates returned to the House of Repre
sentatives. Had he been an honest man, free from
all sinister designs, he would have withdrawn his
pretensions and left the people to choose their
OWn president Ttllt hia a0a tkU.. fm Mirja.
dizement did not permit him to pursue a course
so honorable and patriotic. His friends at Wash
ington city, in May, 1S24, put forth a circular,
which, there is good reason to believe, was written
by Mr. Clay himself, advising his friends to adhere
to him steadily, "and assuring them,
"If Mr. Clay should not be returned to the
House, his friends having done their duty, will
be able, by concentration, to control the event.
They will hold in their hands the balance."
In the month of October, 1824, Mr. Clay himself
declared to the Hon. Charles A. Wickliffe.'of Ken
tucky, the probability of his being excluded from
the House, and said that,
"To meet such a contingency, my friends must
be prepared, and I think it best that they should
not hastily commit themselves in their second
choice.
' At IhcfswiM 1U WmmmimmJmI ttMft MIM Mm
commltalism to the Hon. T. P. Moore, of Ken
tucky. These facts clearly show that he kept up
a separate party with the express design of being
enabled "to control the event" by making the I
very bargain which he afterwards did.
THE RESULT BEFORE THE PEOPLE.
Mr. Clay was the lowest of the four candidates,
Jackson having 99 electoral Votes, and being the
highest, Adams 84, Crawford 41, and Clay 87.
Jackson had the votes of 11 States; Adams of 7;
Crawford of 3; and Clay of 3. The three States
wbich voted for Mr. Clay, were Kentucky, Ohio,
and Missouri. Had Mr. Clay declined the canvass
and left them to have made their own choice be
tween Jackson and Adams, it is undeniable that
Jackson would have received an almost unanimous
vote in each of them; and thereby been elected
by the people.
THE POPULAR EXPECTATION.
Such being the state of things, when Congress
met in December, 1824, it was the universal belief
that the choice of the house would fall upon Gen.
Jackson. Mr. Crawford was virtually out of the
contest, by reason of sickness, and the issue was
between Jackson and Adams. It was true that
Mr. Clay and his friends held the balance of power,
be being a member of the House and its Speaker.
It was known, however, that Jackson was the
choice of every western State, and that had Clay's
name been withdrawn, he would have beer, elect
ed by the people. It was known that Mr. Clay
bad long entertained hostile feelings toward Mr.
Adams, and that the latter, as Jefferson had pre
dicted had rallied around him the New England
federalists. When before the people, Mr. Adams
had received the vote of but one State out of New
England, , The representatives from Illinois and
Missouri were solemnly pledged to support lack
son; and hardly a voice was to be found for Adams
in Ohio or Kentucky.
No man believed it possible that Mr. Clay could
vote for a candidate who had received the votes
of only 7 States, against one who had received the
voles of 11 States. No man believed that he could
Vote for an apostate federalist, against a uniform re
publican. No man believed that he could vote for
a man whom be himselt had helped make odious to
the people, against a man acknowledged to be the
favorite of the people. No man believed that he
could vote for an eastern man whom he had charged
with hostility to the west, against a western man
who had petilled bis life for the west. No man be
lieved that he could vote for bis political and per
sonal enemy, against one with whom he was up
on friendly relations. ' No man believed he could
vote for him whom he bad charged with almost ev
ery thing base, dishonorable, traitorous against
him whom he had often lauded, as the brave, mag.
nanimous and patriotic defender -of New Orleans,
No. man believed that be could vote for John
Quincy Adams, against .ANDREW JACK
SON; because, no man knew how readily he
could sacrifice his honor, his principles, and his
fame to the unhallowed shrine of ambition 1 .
MYSTERIOUS RESERVE OF MR. CLAY,
The circumstance which first induced a distrust
of Mr. Clay, was the profound silenc which he
and his intimate friends preserved in regard to their
intentions. This was in exact accordance with the
advice which he gave to bis friends, as we have
already shown, before the election. Although
this silence immediately attracted the attention of
the public, it was long before the secret purpose of
it was fully understood. Men were unwilling to
believe that treachery, so base, was contemplated
by one who stood so high in the Republican par
ty. Subsequent events enlightened tho public
mind and the question was asked, with withering
power, 'Why did Mr. Clay preserve so strict a
silence in regard to his intentions as to the Presi
dential election, if it was not that be was engaged
in that very intrigue, and bargain, and corruption
afterwards charged upon him?' In his 'address to
his constituents,' shortly after the election by the
House, he would have the public believe, that his
suppression of his opinions was from his regard to
'delicacy and decorum:' he who, before, had ev
er been proud of the frankness ond perfect unre
serve which was characteristic of the men of the
west! Vain excuse! His whole subsequent life
gives the lie to bis pretence of 'delicacy and deco
rum.' He, certainly, could not have desired time
to form his opinions as to the relative merits of the
two candidates. He had long known them, and it
would have been passing strange for him to have re
mained undecided, upon a question, on which the
very humblest man in the land had long since made
aphis mind.
THE INSTRUCTIONS OF CLAY'S CON
STITUENTS. Congress had been but a few weeks in session,
when the delegation from Kentucky received in
structions from the Legislature nf their State,
which, it was supposed at the time, would render
their vote absolutely certain for General Jackson;
Mr. Clay had always professed the doctrine, that
the representative should obey the will of his con
stituents. The following is an extract of a speech
made in Congress by Mr. Clay, in January, 1817,
and published in the National Intelligencer of that
date:
of his constituents, or what were the evidences of it,
it was sufficient that he should know it. In all
cases of expediency; he held the doctrine of an ob
ligation on his part to observe the instructions, ex
press or implied, of his constituents.'
The following were the rcsolusions which were
adopted by the Legislature of Kentucky :
'Resolved by the Senate and House of Represen
tatives of the Commonwealth of Kentucky, That
the members of the House of Representatives in the
Congress of the United States from this State be re
quested to vote for Gen. Andrew Jackson as Pres
ident of the United States.
Resolved as the opinion of this Legislature,
That Gen. Andrew Jackson is the second choice
of As State of Kentucky for the next President of
the unitea states; mat a very urge niajoruy tn mt
neonle of this State Drefer Gen. Jackson to Mr.
a Ham. nr Mr. Crawford, and that the members of
the House of Representatives in the Congress of
-U9 uiiliwatlila, wi..Dy aampiyiofr. wiui cna rr-
auest herein signified, faithfully and truly repre
sent the feelings and wishes of the good people of
Kentucky See JViles' Register, vol. 27, p. 321.
These resolutions passed the Kentucky Legisla
ture by a vote of 91 out of 114 members, some of
the few who voted against them declaring that they
did id; not because they were in favor ol Mr. Ad
ams, but because they deemed the interference of
the Legislature unnecessary. Thus, said an elo
quent opponent of the Adams dynasty, was Mr.
Clay's obligation to Vote againkl Mr. Adams com
pleted. It was a triple cord-, composed of honor,
principle and duty honor in relation to himself,
principle in relation to his own declarations, and
those of bis friends, especially in Ohio, and duty in
relation to Kentucky. Yet was this triple
CORD SNAPPED ASUNDER.
As an excuse for his disregard of the will of Ken
tucky, Mr. Clay afterwards set Up the pretence
that his constituents were merely the voters Of bis
own Congressional district, and that he owed no
allegiance to the mass of the people of the State.
But this excuse is almost too frivolous to be wor
thy of notice, because in giving the vote of Ken
tucky in the election of a President by the House,
be was, in fact, the Representative of the entire
State,-Hiot of a fraction of the State.
RUMORS OF CLAY'S TREACHERY.
Some rumors of Clay's bargain with Adams be
gan to be circulated about a month before the elec
tion. A little while previous, a tale had been
started that Jackson had resolved that, in case he
should be chosen President, he would make Adams
his Secretary of State. This was undoubtedly
done by Mr. Clay's friends, for the purpose of
sounding Gen. Jackson as to Mr. Clay. - Mr.
Buchanan, of Pa., called on Gen. Jackson, and in
terrogated him as to the truth of this tale. He re
ceived from the General this characteristic an
swer t
That these were secrets he would keep to him
selfhe would conceal them from the very hairs
of his head. That if he believed bis right hand
then knew what his left would do, upon the subject
of appointments to office, he would cut it off and
cast it Into the fire. That if be should ever be
elected President, it would be without solicitation
and without intrigue on his part.' See Buchan
an's Letter, Nilet' Register, voL 32, p. 416.
Several of Mr. Clay's friends had not hesitated
to proclaim that they meant to make use of the bal
ance of power to control the arrangements of the
new. administration, and when they were informed
of Jackson's determination not to bargain for the
Presidency, they doubtless turned their attention
exclusively to Adams. ' In him they chanced to
find a more congenial spirit.
LETTER TO THE "COLUMBIAN OB
SERVER." Towards the last of January, that, which men
had at first deemed founded solely upon idle ru
rumors, too monstrous for belief, began to healths
sober aspect of truth and certainty. . On the 28th of
January, the following startling letter, purporting
to have been written by a member of Congress,
was published in "the Columbian Observer," at
Philadelphia: ; , .
.Washington! Jan. 25, 1825. ;
"Dear Sir: I take up my pen to inform you
of one of the most disgraceful transactions that ev
er covered with infamy the republican ranks.
Would you believe that men professing dtmocracy.
could be found base enough to lay the axe at the
very root of the tree of liberty ? Yet, strangu as it i
is, it is not less true. T give you a full history of
this transaction, would far exceed the limits of
Ihal1. therefore, at once proceed to givtf
vouabriefacountefsuchabargaiii as can only be
- ,.f idjil '
equaled Dy me lamous duit v, -
For some time pastthe friends of Clay have biuted
that they, like the Swiss, would fight for those who
would pay Desu overture were u wmi,
Adams to the friends of
Clay, offering him the appoiutnaeft of Secretary of
State for his aid to elect Adam. And the frwud
of Clay gave this information to the friends of Jack
son, and hinted that if the friends of Jackson would .
offer the same price, they would close with them.
But note of the friends of Jackson would descend-
to such meau barter and sale. H was itwi oeuevea
by any of the friends of Jackson that this contract
would be ratiuea oy ine meuiuem um um mn"
who have voted for Mr. Clay. I was of opinion,,
when 1 firat heard of this transaction, that men pro'
fessing any honorable principle could not, nor
would not be transferred like the planter does his
negroes, or the farmer his team and horse. N
alarm was excited we believed the republic was
saft. The nation having delivered Jackson into'
the hands of Congress, backed by a large majority
of their votes, there was, on my niind.no doubr
that Congress would respond to the win ol tne na
tion , by electing the individual they had declared to
be their choice. Contrary to tins expectation, a u
now ascertained to ceitaintythid Henry Clay has
transferred his interest to J- hn Qumey Adams:-
As a eonrideratim if this abandonment of duty to
his constitnents, it u said and beltevea, sJtomu mi
vnwholy coalition prevail. Clay i to be nppethtett
Secretary of State. I have no fears on my miud
I am clearly of opinion we shall defeat every com
bination. The force of public opinion must pre
vail, or there is an end to Libert.
MR. CLAY'S CARD.
It tvas impossible for Mr. Clay to remain silent
under a public accusation like this. The notice
which he chose to take of it was every way charac
teristic of the man. On Monday, Jan. 31, 1825,
heseut to the National Intelligencer the follow'
ther
"A Card: I have seen, witW' .'Sjjom
emotion than that of ineffable rik
which has been poured oui uF " rfkindrej
mvm Mi? aK2JLS
election. The editor of one of those prints, usher- -ed
forth in Philadelphia, called the Columbian Oo--server,
for which I do not subscribe, and which I
have not ordered, has had the impudence to trans
mit to me his vile paper of the 28th instant. In
that number is inserted a letter purporting io uo
been written from this city, on the 25th instant by
a member of the Houseof Representatives, belong
ing to the Pennsylvania delegation. -
'1 believe it to oe a lorgery; uuv u s
I pronounce the member, who ever he may be
BASE and INFAMOUS C ALUMNI ATOR.
A flASTARD AND A LIAR, and if fce dare tm-
veil himself and avow his name, I WILL HOLD
HIM RESPONSIBLE, as I tiere aumu myseifio-
be, TO ALL THE LAWS WHICH GOVERN AND
REGULATE TUB CONDUCT OF MEM jJy
31st January 1825."
MR: KREMER'S CARD.
In response to Mr. Clay's card, the Hon. George
Kremcr, of the Pennsylvania delegation, avowed '
himself as the author of the letter to the Columbian
Observer. His card was published in the National
Intelligencer, on ths 3rd of February, as follows:
"Another Card: George Kremer, of tho
House of Representatives, tenders hi respects to
the Honorable "H. Clay," and inform him that
by a leference to the editor of the Columbian Ob
server, he may ascertaiu the name of the writer of
a letter of the 25th ult., which, it seems, has afford
ed so much concern to "H. Clay." In the mean
time, George Kremer holds himself ready to prove,
to the satisfaction of unprejudiced minds, enough
to satisfy them of the statements which are contain
ed in that letter, to the extent that they concern
the course and conduct of "H. Clay." Being a
Representative of the people, he will not fear tn
"cry aloud and spare not" when their rights and
privileges are atstake."
MR: CLAY'S APPEAL TO THE HOUSE.
Did Mr. Clay abide by his own card? Did he'
attempt to call Mr. Kremer to that account which'
he bad said he would? Did he continue to think'
that his duelling pistols were the best means by
which he could establish his innocence? No! A
House of Representatives was then in session, -at
which Mr. Clay was speaker a House which Was
prepared to make Mr. Adams President a House
which did make Mr. Adams President on the ensu
ing 9th of February, and which, on the 2lst of
February by a vote of more than two to one ap
pointed Gales and Seaton, the editors of the Nation
al Intelligencer, and the friends of Mr. Clay, to be
their printers. This was the tribunal to which Mr.
Clay chose now to carry the affair.
After the morning business was transacted, on
the third of February, Mr. Clay rose from his place
in the speaker's chair, and called the attention of
the House to the note of Mr. Kremci, in- the
morning's Intelligencer, and after some grave' ob
servations about the serious character of the charges
which bad been made against him, he deman deo5
with the earnest air of offended innocence that ther
House should appoint a committee to investigtfe
the truth of those charges. That is, he asked the
House to whitewash him through the report" of a
partisan committee.
MR. CLAY'S FRIENDS EVADE AN IN-
VESTIGATION.
A committee was moved for, to which should he
referred Mr. Clay's appeal, and Mr. Kleiner's let
ter. A minority of the House resisted the appoint,
ment of such a committee, on die ground that the
House would thereby erect Itself into a tribunal tin
known to the constitution, and dangerous to fhe
freedom of the press; that the affair between Mr
Kremer and Mr. Clay was purely a personal mat
ter; that Mr. Clay himself had contemplated it as a
personal matter, and he had declared in his card
that ha would hold the writer of the letter, "who
ever he might be," responsible, not to the House
over which he presided, but to the law of Honor;
that there had been no breach of the privileges of
the House, or, if there bad been, as was said by
Mr. McDuffie, of South Carolina, it was not by
Mr. Kremer's letter, but by the card of Mr. Clay,
which was a public challenge, by the Speaker, t
member of the House.
When the minority saw that Mr. Clay's friends
had determined to appoint a committee, in order
if possible ,to prevent its proceedings from beins;
i;,:v-i J-
A' ,