The spirit of democracy. [volume], June 28, 1844, Image 2

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mn niocVery, they moved that the committee I
ihould be instructed to inquire into the truth of
each specific charge in Mr. Kreraer's letter, and
hnuld be authorized to send for person and pa
per. The friends of Mr: Clay showed that they
were opposed to a thorough investigation, by le
I'u.ing to adopt his proposition. They simply
referred the matter to a partizan committee, with
out authority and without instructions, and at full
liberty to puisue such course as should seem to
them most likely to promote the interests of Mr.
Clay.
Mr. Kremer, of course, refused to appear before
this one sided committee. The committee so re
ported, and the house let the matter drop.
THE CONSUMMATION.
The election came on, on the 9lh of February,
twelve days after Mr. Kremer's letter was publish
ed in the Columbian Observer; and precisely as
that letter had predicted, Mr. Clay and his friends
gave their votes to Mi. Adams. To use again,
the eloquent language of another, he broke the
triple cord of honor, principle and duty. He
abandoned his principles, deceived Ohio, betrayed
Kentucky and sold the west to her ancient enemy.
He voted lor one whom he had denounced as one
of the basest of his race; a dangerous politician
nd a vindictive man. He voted for one of the
cabinet, whom it was avowed to be the first object
of hia friends to defeat. He voted for one whom
he had taught Kentucky to hate, and against one
whom she had called upon him, almost by acclama
tion to support.
In the election by the House, Mr. Adams, in
addition to the votes of the seven Stales which
had originally supported him, received the votes of
Maryland, Kentucky, Ohio, Illinois, Indiana, Mis
souri and Louisiana. The votes of the last five of
these Stales were in the hands of Mr. Clay, be.
cause they were represented in the House by his
personal friend. Illinois had but one represent.
live; Missouri but one; and of the Louisiana del'
elation, but two out of the thre were friendly to
Chy. Thus it happened that FOUR MKN, fol
lowing the dictation of Henry Clay, disposed of
the votes of THREE STATES, which in the
election by the House balanced the votes of the
great States of Pennsylvania, Virginia and North
Carolina, each of which voted against Mr. Adams.
Truly did Mr. Kremer announce, "that men, pbo-
- FESsinG democracy', could be found base enough
the axe at the very root of the tree of liber
ty." As soon V ir Adams was Inaugurated, he
appointed Mr. Clay Secretary of Stale, and
thus was completed every requisition of the foul
hBin.uilll u,hi,-h ho c A U...t
PROCEEDINGS OF THE SENATE ON
CLAY'S NOMINATION.
The appointment of Mr. Clay, was not confirm
ed by the Senate without a strenuous opposition
on the part of those Senators who best understood
the means by which that appointment had been
obtained. The following is an extract from a
speech made upon that occasion by Gov. Branch,
of North Carolina See Wiles' Register, vol. 33,
p. 22.
1 "Has it come to this, that nothing but proof
Af i...H.ni:.n ...:it : . : r.. .1 o .
vuiiupuuii mi, jiiamy me oeuaie 111
arresting an appointment? II so, we are more
degenerate than I had imagined. What are the
facts of this case, as generally admitted to be true,
to which we are not at liberty to turn a deaf ear?
We' see tiro political opponents, neither having
confidence in tbe oilier, at a critical moment, when
the loaves and fishes arc about to be diviilod, the
one, in opposition to the well ascertained wishes
of the people of his State, fly into each other's
arms, and cordially embrace, without aught ap
pearing to the world of reconciliation and adjust
ment of former differences. By which means and
by which alone the one is enabled to grasp the
presidential chair, in violation ol the sovereignty
of the'people.with a salary of $25,000 per year, and
the Senate of the United States is called upon to
aid this President, thus made, to confer on the
other the Stale department, with a salary of $6000,
and thereby making him heir npparent to the pres
idency." The rote upon the confirmation stood, 27 for it,
to 14 Against it. This was an opposition at that
time entirely unprecedented in the case of a cabi
net appointment. Many democrats voted for the
confirmation because they were desirous to avoid
the least appearance of a factious opposition to the
new administration; hut among those who felt
constrained to vote against it, were the venerable
Nathaniel Macon, of North Carolina; Col. Hayne,
of South Carolina; Gen. Jackson of Tennessee;
Gov. Tazewell, of Virginia, and Gov. Branch, of
North Carolina.
CLAY'S EARLIEST EXCUSE.
The excuse which Mr. Clay first laid before the
public for his bold and shameless coalition with
Mr. Adams appeared in the form of a letter to one
of his friends in Virginia. This letter was written
twelve days befoie the election, but was not pub
lished until after the el ction. By a singular coin
ciJencc, it is dated on the very day on which the
publication of Mr. Kremer's letter first announced
the coalition to the world. It has every appear
ance of having been written just after the bargain
was concluded, and while Mr. Clay was yet
agitated by those fears likely to beset a man about
to enter upon a dark career of treachery and shame.
1'c give the teller entire, as found iu the 2Tih
volume of Niles Register, at the 28th page:
''Was ti i.n g ton, 28th Jan. 1825.
"My dear Sir:
My position in resard to the presidential con.
test, u highly critical, and such as to leave me no
. patli on wliicn 1 can move without censure. I
have pursued iir regard to it, the rule which I al
ways observe in the discharge of my public duty.
J have interrogated my conscience as to what I
ought to do, and that fait'iiul guide tells me that I
uught to vole for Mr. Adams. I shall fulfil its
t 'junctions. Mr. Crawford's state of health, and
the circumstances under which he presents himself
to tne house appear to me to be conclusive against
him, As a friend of liberty and the permanence
" of our institutions, I cannot consent, in this early
stage of their existence, by contributing to the
election of a military chieftain to give the strongest
. guaranty that this republic will march in the fatal
road which has roi.dui.-tcd every other republic
to ruin. I owe to our friendship this frank expo-
" tilion of my intentions. I am and shall continue
to be, assailed by all the abuse which partizan zeal,
.. malignity and rivalry can invent. I shall view,
without emotion, these effusions of malice, and
remain unshaken in my purpose. What is a pub
lic man worth, if he will not expose himself, on
; fit occasions for the good of his country?
l, "As to the result of the election. I can not
. (peak with absolute certainty; but there is every
' reason to believe that we shall avoid the dangerous
' precedent to which I allude.
. "Be pleased to give my respects to Mr. ,
, nd believe me always your cordial friend,
"H. Ct,AT.
"The Honorable F. Brook.
' ' Yet, it is here shown that Mr. Clay already felt
ibe premonitory admonition! of conscious guilt
'He anticipates the indignation of in insulted
people, and he calls the assault which he so natu
rally expected the "effusion of malice." He adds
that he "shall view" these effusions "without emo-
tion;" yet, as we have seen, only Uiree days alter
writing this letter, on the 31st of the month, be
sect a card to the National. Intelligencer, laden
with the "eniotinns" of a bully and a duelist!
CLAY'S HORROR OF A MILITARY CHIEF
TAIN.
The sole reason which he assigns to Judge Brook
for his contemplated vote is, that Jackson was a
'military chieftain," and that it would be "the
strongest guaranty" of the ruin of this republic,
to elect a military chieftain in this early stage of
its existence. What miserable hypocrisy, and oh!
what wretched folly was this? Had Mr. Clay in
his moment of madness, lorgolten the immortal
name of Washington? Did he imagine that the
American people had ceased to remember that it
was a brave and successful military chieftain who
had been their first president? Did he vainly hope
that he could make any free born citizen believe
that it was a stain upon a man's character, and a
a disqualification for office, that he had periled his
life iu the defence ol his country, aud bad led his
countrymen to victory and to glory?
CLAY'S ALLUSION TO HIS CONSCIENCE.
Mr. Clay pretends to Judge Brook, that he had
"interrogated his conscience," as to what he
"ought to do," and thatTHAT told him he "ought
to vote for Mr. Adams." Did it also tell him, that
he ought to set the will of the people at defi
ance, abandon his republican associations, give the
lie to all his past professions, shake hands with his
bitter enemy, and betray the west to an apostate
eastern federalist, who had offered- to barter its
dearest interests to the British ? This tale about
his conscience was too monstrous foi belief, even
at tii at day; and certainly, it will not do, at this
day, to talk of the conscience of that man who
penned the challenge that brought the lamented
Cilley to an untimely grave.
CLAY'S PRETENDED PATRIOTISM.
Affecting a spirit of self-sacrifice, of which he
has never given a single example, Mr. Clay asks,
"What is a public man worth, if he will not expose
himself on fit occasions, for the good of his coun
try?" When, we ask, has Mr. Clay evei exposed
himself for the good of his country ? Had he, like
Andrew Jackson, bared his breast in the deadly
battle-field? Had he ventured his fortune? Had
he submitted to the -least degree of privation and
hardship? No! his life had been whiled away
amid the luxuries of office. He had ever reclined
upon the silken couch of political power; and the
very act which he was then endeavoring to excuse,
was but a selfish attempt to trim his sails so as to
calch the breeze which might waft him onward to
the goal of his ambition.
v".n o AiuKus tw ua CONSTITU
ENTS. The awakening wrath fan offended people,
beginning to press heavily upon him, Mr. Clay
saw fit on the 26th of March, 1825, to issue, in his
own defense an "address to his constituents."
The address occupies 16 printed columns of Niles'
Register. In all the wordy length of this elaborate
imminent, strange as it may appear, he gives but
two reasons for his vote against Jackson: 1st, that
Jacksor., as a mere military chieftain, was not "so
competent to discharge the various, intricate and
complex duties of the office of chief magistrate
as bis competitor; and 2d, that, by voting for Ad
ams he would conform to the wishes of the Ohio
delegation." The first reason was given in (he
letter to Brook; the last, though it was all he had
been able to add to him dofenao in tliv puuv of iwn
months, is too palpably false to have the weight of
a feather in Mr. Clay's favor, for, as we have be
fore shown, Mr. Clay's friends in Ohio, in the
address of their State convention, in July, 1824,
had solemnly declared that the election of Mr.
Adams was the "event which it was the first object
of the friends of Mr. Clay to PREVENT." Any
man who knows J. Sloane, J. C. Wright, J.Vance,
and Mordecai Hartley, the men who were then the
bailors of "the Ohi ) delegation," knows that Clay
never conformed to their wishes, but that they
conformed to the wishes of Clay. If the whigs
of this day can believe that Henry Clay followed
the lead of John Sloane, upon the most important
question he was ever called upon to decide, and
(hat, too, in violation of the instructions, almost
unanimously given by the legislature of Kentucky.
it is plain that they must believe Sloane the greater
man of the two, aud we would humbly advise
them in that case, to drop Clay and take up Sloane
as (he candidate under whom they will meet deleat
in the ensuing election.
THE OBJECT OF THE COALITION.
Even if there were not one particle of positive
testimony upon the subject, it would still remain
as clear as the noon day sun, that Mr. Clay made
Adams President for the sake ot obtaining the
office of Secretary of State and securing the suc
cession to the Presidency. The case proves
itself. "Am I asked for the proof?" said Mr.'
McDuffie in the House of Representatives, "I
answer that if circumstantial evidence be not re
jected as inadmissible, it is full and satisfactory.
Hear it! He gives the vole of his State in oppo
sition to his own principles against the will of the
people of that State and thereby makes the Pre
sident: and then has the frontless, shameless
aupacity, to set pubiic C1ni"lon at defiance, by
instantly and openly receiving, as the ret2.rd of
his treachery to the people, and to his own princi'
pies, (he highest office that President can confer
upon him! Can any thing be more plain? It is
the common case, of a sale in market overt; and
none but a man of the most consummate boldness
and effrontery could hold up his head in society
after such a transaction?" .
There is abundant evidence, however, of the
most positive character, to show why the vote of
Kentucky was given to Adams.
Gen. Metcalf, one of the members from Ken
tucky, when he returned to his constituency after
the election, statrd as an excuse tor voting for
Adams, -'We could not possibly get Mr. Clay into
the cabinet without voting for and electing Mr.
Adams."
Francis Johnson, another Kentucky member,
said, after his return from Washington, "that be
voted for Mr. Adams to get Mr. Clay made Secre
tary of State."
David Trimble, ' another Kentucky member,
apologized for bis vote by saying, "We ascertain
ed that Mr. Adams' would make Mr. Clay Secreta
ry of State, and that Jackson would not" '
David White, another of the delegation, de
clared, "I voted for Mr. Adams to promote Mr.
Clay's future prospects for the presidency." .
, John J. Crittenden, the same who is now in the
Senate of the United States, was then, as now,
probably the most intimate of Mis Clay's Iriends.
The following is an extract from a letter, from
Mr. Crittenden to David White at Washington,
dated,
v "Frankfort, Jan. ID, 1825. I
Extract.- "Under all present circumstances,
my first wish in regard to this subject (and it is one
dictated oom oy personal pariiumic- uuu tuiiBiuv
rations of the public good) would be that JACK
SON should be President, and Clay his Secretary
of State, and I really do believe that the common
good is more concerned iu Clay's being Secretary
of State, than it is in the question whehter Jackson
or Adams should be President." . , ,
We append another extract, from this same letter,
to show the political morals of that time, as well
as the slavish devotion to the Interests of Mr. Clay,
which was then inculcated upon the Kentucky
members. , , '
"I voted tor him, Calhoun, it Is true, as Vice
President, but I did it because I thought he was
the abler man. If I had thought Clay's interest
would have been advanced a hair's breadth by
voting against Calhoun it would have been done."
' This letter was published in the Kentucky pa
pers in 1828, and its authenticity has never been
denied. When it was written, Crittenden had
not yet learned that Jackson had refused to bargain
for the Presidency, and he therefore expressed his
honest preference for Jackson as President.
THE LINE OF "SAFE PRECEDENTS."
But Mr. Clay has indiscreetly given us evidence
upon this subject from his own pen.
In his letter to Judge Brook, he says, "There is
every reason to believe that we shall avoid the
daneerout precedent to which 1 allude." That
"precedent" was the election of Andrew Jackson.
In his address to his constituents, of March 26,
1825, he says, '
"In his fAndrew Jackson's elevation to this
office, I thought I perceived a fearful picecdait;
and I am mistaken in all the warnings of instructive
history if I crrect in my judgment."
But how did he regard the elevation of Mr. Ad
ams? In the same address last quoted he says,
"I saw in his election, the establishment of no
dangerous example. I saw in it on the contrary,
only conlormiiy to the safe precedents which had
been established in the instances of Mr. Jefferson
Mr. Madison and Mr. Monroe, who had respective
ly rilled the same office from which he was to be
translated.
Connect with this declaration, the fact that Clay
became Adams' Secretary of State, and what docs
it mean? Simply this: that as Jefferson, Madison,
and Monroe were successively elevated from the
office of Secretary of State to that of President,
and as John Quincy Adams was about to be, by
his vote, so he himself could likewise be elevated
to the same office, alter the expiration of Adams'
term. This it was, that made the election of Ad
ami "a safe precedent," and that of Jackson ft
"dangerous" and a "fearful" one. Mr. Adams
would appoint Mr. Clay his Secretary of State
General Jackson would not. If Jackson would
t,n apwl n "pp"ii4 Ol-jr him Oottrotnry, am Crit
tenden desired, his election, without doubt, "in
the twinkling of an eye," would have been con
verted into one of the most beautiful and accepta
ble of "precedents."
CLAY'S SELF-CONTRADICTION
In his address to his constituents, of March 26th,
1825, Mr. Clay asserted that before he had left
Kentu:!:" I" tne preceding fall, he had stated to
two individuals, Hie one a Dr. Drake, and the oth
er John J. Crittenden, his "determination to sup
port Mr. Adams, in preference to General Jackson."
On the 12th of July, 1827, nearly two years and
a half after the election, in aspeech made at a pub
lic dinnsr, at Lexington, Kentucky, Mr. Clay de
dared
"It has been established, and can be further prov.
ed, that, before I left this state the preceding fall, I
comnuimratr.H tn wvanl - r '. I. ijt... j(
respectability, my fixed determination not to vote
for General Jackson." See Mallory's edition of
t;tay s speeches, vol. J, p. D4U.
In an address to the public, dated December,
1827, Mr. Clay reiterates this assertion, and dwells
upon it at great length. He also makes a witness
of John J. Crittenden, and gets him to testify, in
a letter, dated September 3d, 1827, that he, Clay,
previous to going to Washington in the fall of 1824,
had said to him that it was impossible for him to
vole for Jackson "in any event." It happens,
however, that this is the same John J- Crittenden
who wrote to David White, on the 19th of Janua
ry, 1825, that he desired that "Jackson should
be President and Clay his Secretary or
State," and this, too, in a letter which manifest
ed the most devoted subservience to Mr. Clay.
But, unfortunately for Mr. Clay, he has himself
furnished ample contradiction of the truth of these
statements. His own address of March 26th, 1825,
abounds with declarations for the purpose of show
ing that he made up his mind as to his vote for Ad
ams, after he arrived at Washington. We will
give a few extracts from that address, as we find
them in Mallory's edition.
"Up to near Christinas," says Mr. Clay, "ft re
mained uncertain whether Mr. Crawford or myself
would be returned to the House of Representatives."
That matter having been determined against Mr.
Clay, he adds
"I found myself transformed from a candidate be
fore the people, into an elector for the people. I
deliberately examined the duties incident to this
new attitude, and weighed all the facts before me,
upon which my judgment was to beformtd or re
viewed."
Mr. Clay here speaks of examining the duties
incident to a "new attiiiule" and ol a judgment
which "teas to beformtd." Will any candid man
pretntd tiiM-aiKTr language agrees wit! the story
that he had previously determined his vote ? Again
he says i
"Tiie 2r-t inquiry which It behooved roe to make
was, as to the influence which ought to be exerted
on my judgment, by the relative state oi . i..S elec
toral votes which the three returned candidates
brought into the House from the colleges.
Here, the first inquiry in the process of forming
his judgment, is stated to have been in relation to
a fact which was entirely unknown to him until the
last of December. After disposing of this subject,
besays: i
"I proceeded to examine the other considera
tions which belooged to the question.". .;
After the statement of the chief of these ''other
considerations," we find the following words:
A collateral consideration of much weight, was
derived from the wishes of the Ohio delegation.
A majority of it, during the progress of the session
made up their opinions to support Mr. Adams, and
they were communicated to me." . - ' n
Is not Ibis a plain declaration that his decision
was strongly influenced by opinions of others, com
municated to him "during the progress of the ses-
sion?" Yet Mr. Clay would he glad to have it
believed that bis mind bad been made up long be
fore the commencement of the session, while he
wasyet in Kentucky. Surely do indicted crimi
nal was ever bund to have involved himself' io i
more palpable contradiction. , ., ,: ,'. ..,-;'
; Mr. Clay's letter to Judge Brook, which we
bare before given, may also be referred to in this
connexion. That letter bears date (he 28th of Jan
uary.only twelve days before the election, and
was evidently written by a man who bad but recent
ly decidVd on his course. 1
Further testimony upon this subject is given by 1
Governor Floyd, of Virginia; a man whose vera
tity Mr. Clay never dared to dispute. Gov.
Floyd testified that, in the month of January, 1825,
or in the latter part of the preceding month of De
cember, he called upon Mr. Clay to ascertain his
determination as to the Presidential election, and
that Mr. Clay then stated his position to him "in
nearly the following words:"
"When I take up the pretensions of Mr. Adams,
and weigh them, and lay them down then take up
the pretensions of General Jackson, weigh them,
and lay them down by the side of those of Mr.
Adams I never was as much puzzled in all my
life, as I am to decide between them."
It is in view of facto like these, that we are fully
justified in adopting the strong declaration of Mr,
McDuffie That the circumstances ol tne extraor
dinary coalition between Mr. Adams ana Mr.
Clay, furnish as strong evidence of an ABAN
DONMENT OFPOLITICAL PRINCIPLE on
the part of Mr. Clay, and a CORRUPT POLITI
CAL BARGAIN between him and Mr. Adams,
as is ordinarily required in courts of justice, to
establish the guilt of those who are charged with
the highest crime known to the law.
Tell us not that Mr. Adams and Mr Clay have,
with solemn appeals to Heaven, asserted their
own innocence. The facts are top" decisive and
their own declarations, however solemn, can have
no more weight than the self-exculpalory declara
tions of him who stands arraigned for his crimes, at
the bar of a court of justice.
THE DUEL WITH JOHN RANDOLPH.
Finding that he was not able to stem the tide of
public opinion, neither by his pen nor by his
tongue, Mr. Clay resorted to the weapons of which
he had first thought when, on the Slst of January,
1825, he saw Mr. Kremer's letter to the Columbi
an Observer. That which he had failed to accom -plish
as a writer and an orator, he hoped to accom
plish in his c haracter as a duelis'. Accordingly, in
April, 1836, he singled out one of the boldest of his
opponents, John Randolph, of Virginia, and chal
leneed him to mortal combat. The provocation
and ground of the challenge, were the words we
have placed t (he head of this address, winch Mr.
Randolph had rnajc Use of on the floor ol the Sen
ate, in describing the union between Mr. Clay and
Mr. Adams. Upon their meeting, at the second
fire, Mr. Randolph, not choosing to kill Mr. Clay,
fired in the air, and the parties separated. Wheth
er it was "a safe precedent" for an American Sec
retary of State to challenge and fight a member of
Congress for words spoken in debate, is a question
we leave our readers lo determine. Mr. Clay's
"conscience," which he always "interrogated"
upon important occasions, undoubtedly told him,
that, aside from the risk which he run of getting
shot, the precedent was perlectly "safe."
HOW THE ISSUE WAS TRIED.
The matter in issue between Mr. Clay and his
accusers, was tried, not by a partisan committee as
he had once endeavored to have it, but by the un
bought people of the country. From the time of
the consummation of the bargain up to the election
of 1828, it was the main question before the people.
The bargainers were backed by all the patronage
of (he government, and they struggled as if for their
very lives. Coffin handSHls, monumental inscnp
lions, "shuffled militia documents, and every
species of slander, falsehood and foul abuse, were
the aliment which the coalition administration
dealt out to the people. Every thing was resorted
Mr. Clay himself became a travelling electioneerer,
a haranguerat political barbecues and dinners, and
used all the eloquence aud all the ingenuity he
possessed, to persuade the people that be was in
nocent He even ventured, in a public speech
made at Baltimore, in May, 1828, to invoke the
name of Deity in his behalf, and pray that the Al
mighty would send "WAR, PESTILENCE
AND FAMINE" upon the country, rather than
the election of that man whom', four years before,
he had defrauded of the office to which the place
he held in the hearts of his countrymen had justly
entitled him. The following were Mr. Clay's
words, as reported in Niles Register, vol. 34,
page 183:
"I would humbly prostrate myself before Him,
and implore his mercy, to visit our favored laud
with war, with pestilence, with famine, with any
scourge, other than military rule, or a blind and
heedless enthusiasm for mere military renown.
THE RESULT.
But all the efforts of the coalition were in vain.
The majority which the people gave to the brave
and noble-hearted Chief of the Hermitage, was over
whelming. Every one of the five States, whose
Representatives had followed the lead of Mr. Clay,
voted against Clay and Adams. Even Kentucky
herself refused tn ratify the corrupt bargain of her
false Representative, and voted for Andrew Jack
son.' Adam obtained but 83 out of 261 electoral
votes, and the whole nation hailed the elovation of
Jackson as "ft precedent" which vindicated the
sovereignty of the unbought million, and rescued
the government from the handsof those who had
made base traffic of honor, principle and duty, and
wliose corrupt ambition had threatened the total
ruin of our free institutions. The verdict of the
country, j 1823- wan rptJ, .with, olill mora
emphasis, in 1832. Clay, himself, was then the
sole candidate of his party, and, out of 288 electoral
votes, he received barely 49. " .
, SHALL THE VERDICT BE REVERSED?
It is nearly twenty years since the commission of
iutthi"!! offence for which Mr. Clay was thus con-
demnedjandhenowhaithe effrontery to seek a I
reversal of that verdict which was pronounced up'
on his case while the fact was still recent, and all
its circumstances were fresh within the memory
of the people. If it is reversed at all, it must be
done, not on the ground of newly discovered tes
timony snd established innocence, but on the same
principle upon which a condemned felon receives
pardon from the Executive. And what has Mr
Clay done to entitle him to his country's clemen
cy? Has lie repented of the high crime of which
he was guilty? Has he, in the least degree, atoned
for the. foulest insult which was ever offered to
the majesty of a free people? . Has be blotted out
bis former infamy by a subsequent life of generous
devotion to the interests of his country ? ,No; bis
offence is unrepealed, it is not, and it never can be
blotted out. - He has continued, up to this day, to
exhibit the same selfish spirit and unprincipled
ambition which, in 1825, led him to violate the
most sacred obligations of bis life. His political
schemes have been framed solelyfor his own po
litical aggrandizement . His measures have -all
been disastrous to the country, and the very agita
tion of bis plans has been constantly 'the source of
mischief and confusion. : And we ask you, fellow-
citizens, that it may not be forgotten that, from the
time of the coalition to the present moment, be
has never ceased to be the virulent opponent and
vindictive vilifier of ANDREW JACKSON
True it is, his malignant labors have ever been in
vain, and Jcksow has sll the while, continued to
increase in the estimation of bis countrymen : yet
Clay's bad passions have seemed only to burn with
greater fury; his malice has been none the less, and
he, therefore, nonetheless derserves the censure
and rebuke of the millions who love and venerate
the most illustrious statesman and hero of our times.
The people of Ohio, have double interest in
this question, because, they have not only to pass
again upon the claims of HENRY CLAY, who
especially deceived them in 1824, and whom they
condemned, both in 1828 and in 1832, but they
have also before them, as ihe anti-democratic can
didate for Governor, MORDECAI BARTLEY,
of Richland, one of those men, of the "Ohio dele
gation," who became the willing instruments, in
the hands of Mr. Clay, for the consummation of
his corrupt and treacherous bargain. Let, then,
the voice of Ohio be heard on the side of sound
principles and of political honor, and that, too, in
such thunder tones as demsgogues may never
hear but once.
We leave the subject, fellow-citizens-, to your
candid consideration, with a confident assurance
(hat you will honestly discharge your whole, duty
and we rejoice in the anticipation, that the result
of the pending Presidential election will not only
be auspicious to the best interests of our beloved
country, but that it will also make the name and
fate of Henry Clay, a solemn warning, and
fearful precedent" to every corrupt and faithless
politician, through all time to come.
CHARLES B. FLOOD,
THOMAS J. MORGAN,
JACOB MEDARY,
S. D. PRtSTON,
CHARLES A. LOOMIS,
Young men's democratic State Cttural Committee.
Columbus, O., May 6th, 1844.
FOKUION 1NTELL1RBNCE.
From the Saturday Eeming Post.
ARRIVAL OF THE ACADIA SIXTEEN
DAYS LATER O'CONNELL SENTEN
CED!
The stentner Acndia arrived at Bos
ton on Wednesday, bnncina dates
sixteen days later.
Trinity Term opened on the 22d
Mav, and n Friday the 24th, the case
of "the Queen nairnst Daniel O Oonnel
and others" having been called, Mr
Justice Pernn proceeded to deliver his
iudcrmcnt.
Mr. O'Connell, accompanied by Mr.
Smith 0-Brien, M. P., and by Mr,
Steele entered the traversers' bar at
half past ten. All the barristers of the
outer bar, with the exception of com
narativelv few, rose and greeted Mr.
O'Connell with loud and repeated
rounds of cheers, accompanied with
clapping of hands. This demonstration
of acclamation continued for a few
minutes.
At four o'clock, amid breathless anx
ietv, Mr. Justice Burton, in an address
(lurinir which he shed tears, passed
SENTENCE UPON THE TRAVERSERS.
Daniel UVounell. To be imprison
ed for twelve calendar months; to pay
a fine of 2,000, and to enter into se
cuiities to keep the peace for seven
years; himseT in 5,000, and t.vo su
reties of 2,500 ench.
John O'Onnell, J. Gray, T. Steele,
K. Barrett, U. li. Uufiv, and 1. AI.
Kay, to he imprisoned for nine calendar
months; to pay a tine ol JL500, and Jo
enter into securities to keep the peace
lor seven years; themselves respective
ly in 1,000, and two surieties of 500
ibs. each.
Sentence having been passed,
Mr. O'Connell immediately rose
and said that he wished to remind the
Court, that he had made a solemn af
fidavit, dec'aringthat he had not enter
ed into conspiracy with the other tra
versers, or committed the crime with
which he was charged. lie had now
only to s ty it was his painful convic
tion that justice had not been done.
A sudden and vociferous cheer from
nearly all parts of the court followed
this result; and although it was accom
panied by the clapping of hands among
the iunior bar, and was two or three
times repeated, the judges did not inter
fere although evidently displeased.
The traversers immediately surren
dered themselves into the custody ol
the Sherilf.
After waiting about a coupleof hours
the prisoners were conved to the Rich
mond renitentiary, in three carriages.
A large crowd, who greeted Mr. O'C.
witU cheer, met him at the Peniten
tiary, and a lare body of respectable
persons,' many his most intimate friends
stood in the court yard, in two lines
and received him in silence and un
covered.
Mr. O'C. and his fellow, occupy the
Governor's house, which ii large and
airy, and has a garden attached, in
which the: prisoners were seen walking,
soon after ; their committal. Not; th
slightest breach of the peace occurred.
' Mr. O'C. issued an . address, in
which he pledges himself to bring an
appeal before the House of Luds. and
urges the people to be quiet. The ad
dress 'which is somewhat long, ' con
tains nothing but reiterati. ns of what
O'Connell now call his "command" to
be'quitt." :i "" '
- From the New York Herald of June 18. !
TWO DAYS LATER FROM EUROPE. .
Texas agitation in Englandstate vf the Cotton
;- ,n,-.,-, JUarkctt Sft. Ift. ,, -. :
One of our famous packets, the well
known Independence, : Captain Nye,
stole the, march upon the : steamship
Acadia, and arrived here yesterday af
ternoon with two days later news from
Europe, - She sailed from Liverpool at
I o'clock oh the Slst.ulU " ; .-, -j
The agitation and excitement on the I
Texas question continue to increase in
England. The London Times and
other journals are full of denunciations
the annexation as public robbery, and
predicting that it will eventually un
settle the peace, of Europe.
Thece has been a little French fight
ing in Algeria. -
Porimrnl. Knnin. f?rprv FYnnc.e. Xr.e.
were quiet.
O'Connell's motion for a new trial
was to have been settled for or agr.inst,
on the 23d ulu ' Judgment against a
new trial was anticipated. . .
Texas. Although the fate of the
treaty for the annexation of Texas de
pends on the decision of two thirds
of the Senate of the United States, that
treaty, whether it be ratified or not
involves many novel and important
considerations which chaim the serious
attention of all governments and of
the public. We, therefore, revert. to
this very fertile subject with an es
pecial view to the effects of the lrea
ty on Texas herself, and onher po
sition as an independent community
in relation toother States; for although
the ratification of the treaty by the u,
Slates is highly improbable at the pre
sent tim?, we assume that the commis
sioners who acted on behalf of Texas
were duly qualiiied and tmpowered to
make the declaration with which the
the treaty opens: "The republic ot
Texas, acting in conformity with the
wishes of the people and every depart
ment of its governmet, cedes to the
United States all its territories, to be
held by them in full property and
sovereignty &.c, and to be annexed
to the United States as one of their
territories," &c. Whatever, therefore
the issue of this negotiation may be,
unless the treaty be disavowed by the
Senate of Texas, as well as by tha Sen
ate of the United States, we have this
most extraordinary and unprecedented
declaration on the part of the people
lately aspiring to. a place in the family
of nations that in conformity with the
wishes of the community and ofevery
department of government, they sur
render their territory, and consequent
ly their existence, to be the property
and dominion of another nation. This
is an occurrance, as we believe, entire
ly new in modern political history;. and
we are driven in our search, for n pre
cedent to turn to the pages in which
Livy has recorded the voluntary surren
der of the Campanians to the absolute
authority of the Roman Senate.
The course of eventsand the probable
frustration of Mr. Tyler's notable pro
ject will doubtless bring this difficulty
to a pacific salution; but, with a view
to the future existence of Texas, it is
of importance to remember that the
first use she attempted to make of her
boasted independence was a total ab
d'eatiou of all political power; trrrd that
in her anxiety to obliterate herself from
toe political chart of America, she vio
lated every engagement she had been
allowed lo contract with the powers
of Europe. The reason of these an
omalies is sufficiently. obvious. .Texast
and the I'exians have no real existence
distinct from that of the people of the -United
States; they are Americans in
disguise; and although they assume a
fnlep ntitinnnlirtr nnt o f.iloa (,w
'w . ,w iuidu v fa
cilitate ii n enterprise which was too dis
graceful or two dangerous for the cab
inet of Washington to avow, yet they
are already eager to divest themselves
of their temporary character, and to
bring the spoil of their, unparaleled in
vasion into the native maket.
It will be remarked, that while this
treaty ofnnnexation is silent on all the
inmortant nolitionl
I y .-w.--. w ... u v ii iv i www
have adverted, it deals with ereat pre
cision and liberality with the pecun
iary part of the arrangement. The
debts & liabilities of Texas, the amount
of 10,000,000 dollars, areto be assum
ed by the federal government; " and
thus oy way of exception to the gen
eral experience in such matters, if thir
treaty were ratified, the holders of Tex-
lan bonds would suddenly, find their
property converted into the best se
curity which the continent of Amer
ica affords. . Such an operation in Tex
inn finance cannot have escaped " the
discernment of the persons concerned
in the nogotia tion, and we must , take
leave to conjecture tht it may have
contributed in no slight degree to the
concoction of the whole scheme. It is
difficult to treat with gravity or patience
J v. vuw.a uuav UUU J . T I 1 1 J
passions as are here disclosed on eith
inf nnnrinir ni supn nned nnri na titf
er side j but however mean may be the
motives ot this .treaty, however "proba-
win us icictuwii, ii i c uueaiiou . wnicn It .
has raised for the first time are inti
mately connected with the stability of
the American union, the commercial
policy of the United States, and the
peace ot the world. London l imes. .
'. ;!(. i
Corrn. The ereat increase of the Droduction
of coflee, land a diminution of it consumption in
many countries, have materially decreased the val
ue of the article itself. , But few know the vast
qnantity orcottee now produced. . The statistic "
for 1843 jive, the following result : , , :. "
" Pounds.
K-a-ll l 17A AAA K.i .. mn An. AAA
. -,-""5- . ,. , . . .i AfU,.rvv,vuv
Java aud Sumatra (1,450,000 bags) 7 ' 140,000,000 ,
8t Domingo, ., , ,'.,; , ,, 6 as.000,000
Da-.h Din. t . . ' D, AAA AAA
British Westlndi-a. ' 10 .000 ADA
Ceylon, . " : '7,000,000.,
East Indies and Mocna,,; ? -; , fl ,000 ,000
French Colonies, , s 4,000,000
Dutch Wen Indies, 3,000,000"
Total,
453,000,000