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PRIKOM'LXS AND MEASURES, AND MEW THAT WILL CARRY THOSE PRINCIPLE! AND MEASURES INTO EFFECT. 11
2 BY JA.ME3 R. MORRIS .WOODSFIRLD, OHIO, FRIDAY, JULY 5, 1844. VOLUME I. NUMBER 19. "THE SPIRIT OF DEMOCRACY ; ' - ' '.'- - : II' ' i ' : ( 'IS PUBLISHED EVERT FR1PAV MORNING, BY J. It. MQltRlS. 1 rftff -' TERMS : $1,60 per annum in advance; $2,00 if paid within six months; $2,50 if paid within the year, and $3,00 if payment be delayed until after the expiration of the year. ,. . 03- tfo paper will be discontinued, except at the option of the editor, until all arrears are paid. Q9- All communications sent by mail must be -pOSt-pald. .!: .-'. ' , Advertisements inserted at the usual rates. POETKY. . . ol STRIKE MY FLAG," i ' "Were the dying woids of Commodore Hull. ' The Rev. Walter Cotton gives the following beau tifut poem on this striking exclamation of the - expiring hero : ,! c " I strike not to a sccptered king " ' A man of mortal breath A weak, imperious, guilty thing, -f-: I strike to thee, O, Death 2 I strike that flag, which in the fight ', . , The hopes of millions hailed, ' The flag, which threw its meteor light ' ' Where England's lion quailed. , v I strike to thee; whose mandates fall .;. Alike oh king and slave, Whose livery is the shroud and pall, . A palace court, the grave. ' The captive crowd the caverned earth, 'They fill the rolling sea, ' From court and camp, the wave and hearth, " ' All, all, have bowed to thee. ; But thou, stern Death, must yet resign . ; ; Tby seepter o'er this dust; ,; The power that makes the mortal thine, . Will yet remand his trust. ' That mighty voice shall reach this ear, - Beneath the grave's cold clod, This form, those features reappear - ' In life before their God. THE MURDERER'S INN. As soon as we were once more on a high ; road, I could not help exclaiming, "Well, Pierre here we are, you see, safe and sound, and not eat en up, as I was led to suppose we should have been. We are out of danger now, I presume." ' ' "I am not so sure of that, sir," was the reply of 'my companion; "we may yet have difficulties to encounter." , ' anil putting spurs to my gallant gray, desired him ' to follow me. - I had not cantered more than a mile after leav- - ing the forest, when, at a turn of the road, I came . suddenly on a "cabaret," or roadside inn, as you call it in this country. It might have been termed n"aubtrge," for it gave promise of more comfort within than the ordinary dram shops which are to be found in every cross road in France. We bad been on horseback ior some hours, and I was not a little pleased at the opportunity which presented itself of rest and refreshment. As Pierre and myself rode up to the door ot this rural hotel, he examined the superscription, and - exclaimed, "C'este drole! the landlord is, or rather ' was, ah old comrade of ours, at Mezieres, many .' years ago there cannot be two Maxime Bourdons ,in this part of the country." ' We were in the act of dismounting, when a bare . footed urchin beckoned us to ride round tn the. sta. ble yard by the side gate. We did so; and having ' directed Pietre to look after the horses, Lwas on the point of making my way to the front of the house, when my attention was attracted by a fe male figure, of no ordinary mould, on a rude and v wooden balcony which ran round this portion of the premises, and from which a staircase, or rather steps, communicated with the yard below, and - close to the end of this open verandah, and with the sweetest tone imaginable said, "Parici, mon- ' sieur.s'il vous pait." In three bound I was on the platform by her side, for a petticoat had ever . irresistable attractions for me, and she led the way ' to an indifferently furnished apartment, which I was given to understand was the talle-a-manger. . Travellers of all ages, from sixteen to sixty, in all countries, from time immemorial, have assumed to themselves the nrivileee of teazine with cham bermaids and female waiters a squeeze of the hand, a kiss, and asly pinch, are the usual familiar- ilioa nhirh Ml hainir inlflrilictnd. Vcrv frenuentlv have given a prescriptive right to these ramblers to accost, thus uncermoniously, every female who may be doomed to servitude. The lovely counte nance of the captivating handmaid before me, over turned all my philosophy; a more beautiful crea ture I never beheld, before or since.- There was something so iZuftaguee in her face, the outlines of wmcn were tne most perieci u is possioio to con ceive an expression I cannot describe; but, it was ' irresistably winning. ' And to these advantages, so rare in one moving in so humble t sphere, were superadded a grace and tournure absolutely en- ' Ahintintf. In ahnrt. T wm nyffiniMi amftreaux ai tne nrst glance, to my surprise, sne snraux from me, and repulsed me In so determined, and at -the same time, so dignified a manner, that, for a moment,! was thrown off my guard. ' Recovering from my .surprise, I renewed the attack, but the .'tone and manner were so decided, and the bearing of this singularly beautiful guiso.lofty, firm, yet re spectful, that I was annoyed with myself for having been such a fool. There was nothing of prudery, or even of anger, in her demeanor, for she appear ed to regard me with sorrow and a mixture of pity. In short, her behavior puzzled ma not a little. Smarting under the rebuff, 1 believe I said to her rather waspisniy, ,"wny uo you repulse met i dare say I am pot the first young fellow who has fallen in love with your pretty face;' and perhaps I have do neno more than others who nave frequent ed this house What is the matter with you ? You lookunhappy,". . She turned her eyes upon me with a look I shall never forget to my latest breath, and exclaimed, "I am unhappy wretched miserable and so would you be, also, if you knew the doom that awaited you." "And pray what is that?" I asked, Incredulous ly, for I thought she was trifling with me. ' "Only," she replied, "that you have not three hours to live by that time you will be a corpse. I know not what impulse makes me say this to you, but I cannot resist forewarning you of your inevi table fate. Escape is hopeless, and you will meet with the same end as the other victims who have entered this room." "This is some idle fiction you have conjured up," I replied, "to deter me from making love to you; perhaps there is some lover in the case; and you wish to frighten me by this improbable story." "I call God to witness that I speak nothing but the painful truth," she rejoined. "But stop you shall know all." : Having said this, she went to the door, and from thence into the passage, to listen if any one were within hearing. Having ascertained that all was safe, she returned, andclosinethe door, she came up to me, continued ber appauling communica tion. She looked at me with tears in her eyes, and then pointing to the floor said, !Look at this sand; did you ever see sand in a lalle amanger and that too on a first floor. Alas! what scenes of blood have been enacted here. You have ordered din nerwhich is being prepared below a few min utes before it is ready, you will see three officers, in the uniform of the Imperial Guard, tide into the court-yard they will call loudly for the landlord; order dinner, champaign and other luxuries. You will then be waited upon by the landlord himself, who will announce the arrival of his distinguished guests, and request, on such an emergency, that you will permit them to dine in this room with you; for although he has dinner sufficient for five persons atone table, yet if it were divided, it would not suffice for three and two in seperate apartments; you mutt comply; for a refusal would only accel erate your doom; by complying you will gain time, and God grant you may devise some plan, with your servant, for frustrating the schemes of ''these blood thirsty wretches!" ' I was thunderstiuck, as you may suppose, and could hardly believe my senses. I desired this lovely girl to send my servant up to me as toon as she could without exciting suspicion. This she did; and repeated to Pierre every word she had told me. He was incredulous for a long time; but upon my dwelling on every minute particular he became more attentive, although be could hardly believe that his old acquaintance of Mazieries, who was thelandlord, could lend himself tosuchji san guinary plot. - "At all events," he said, "I will go j back to the stable, under the plea of looking to the horses, and return with our pistols, which I can , conceal in my pockets." In a few minutes here- joined me, and we had scarcely began to talk of the extraordinary tale that had just been communica ted to me, when the tramping of horses feet was heard, and three officers, dressed as the girl had described, entered the yard of the inn. ' Thus far her story was confirmed. Conviction of the truth now took possession of Pierre s mind. "It is too true," he said. "I will go back to the stable, and think of what is best to be done. In the meantime the landlord will, doubtless, come to you; and it is better we should not be seen togeth er." . He had not left the room five minutes ere mine host made his appearance. A more specious and obsequious Boniface you never beheld. As the girl had predicted, his opening speech was to the effect that I would, he trusted, pardon the liberty he wa"i,1lit to take in proposing that three offi cers ol aM4mperiaI Guard should dine in my room. He had dinner for five, certainly; but if the repast he had served up in two separate apartments, there would not be sufficient for either party. He as sured me, moreover, that I could not fail to be pleased with the society of these gentlemen, as they were officers of rank, du bon ton and bten com. me iljaut. . Putting as good a face as I could on the matter, I expresfm my willingness to meet bis wishes and those of the officers. I added, however, that I trusted the newly arrived gentlemen would excuse my servant sitting at the same table with them; that I was travelling for my health, and he seldom left my side, as I was subject to sudden attacks of spasms. , I thought the tollow appeared rawer dis concerted at this announcement; but not pretend ing to notice the effect my communication had pro duced, I requested him as he left the room to send my servant up stairs, as I wished to take some cor dial before dinner. ' Pierre soon made his appear ance, and putting my pistols in my hand said.' "All is but too true, monsieur, courage and we shall be masters of the field. I have arranged my plan, and you must follow my Instructions. The captain of thii infernal band of cut thoats you must request to sit on one side of the table, while, I take my place opposite to them. As soon as I have helped myself to a glass of wine, after the desert is placed on the table, you must shooi the scoundrel facing you I shrink not, for, on your neive and presence of mind depend your safety. Leave the rest to me; we have a desperate game to play cool ness and courage alone are wanting to ensure suc cess." ;: . ,:; I promised - compliance, and was picturing to myself the scene of which I was so soon to play so prominent a part, when the three soidisant officers made their appearance, ushered in by the landlon The fellows were dressed to perfection rather outre as to the dandyism, for they were oiled and seceuted as the veriest petit maitre in the recher che saloons of Paris. Their address was rather of the free and easy school, somewhat overdone; per haps, but still there was nothing offensive in their manner. , They were profuse in their thanks for the honor I bad conferred upon them by allowing them to dine with me, in short, they acted their parts to the life. - The glances that had been Inter changed amongst themselves as they entered the apartment, when they beheld Pierre, had not es chaped my observation. I therefore, as soon as they had expanded their volley of compliments and thanks, apologized for being compelled to have my servant at the same table, assigning the same reason I had given the landlord. At length the soup was served, then the cutlets, a fricandeau, some stewed ducks, and a roasted capon. " Every mouthful I took I thought would have choaked tne, and my want of appetite, I attributed to the state of my health. The fellows ate, drank, laughed, and chat ted away in the most amiable manner possible. The dinner was by this time very nearly brought to a conclusion. The girl had waited upon us; and during her absence Irom the room with the remains of the dinner, one of the miscreants opposite to Pierre appeared to be searching about his person for some missing object; at last he said, "I have lost my snuff box." And addressing himself to my attendant, added, "I will thank you to go down stairs, and on the dresser in the kitchen you will see a gold snuffbox for I must have left it there; and bring it up to me." Pierre, however, to my great delight, never quit ted his seat; and very quietly remarked, that he never executed any orders but those of his master. The person addressed looked confused at this reply, and bit his lips with rage. Turning to me, he re quested very politely that I would send my servant for the box in question. To,my infinite relief, and as good luck would have it, the girl re appeared with the cheese and some fruit, and I observed to the gentleman of the missing snuffbox that lafitle would fetch it for him. Madamobelle was accordingly commissioned to execute the errand; but she presently returned, saying that there was no tabaliere to be found be low. "No matter," said the fellow; "bring us cham pagne." While this very pleasant beverage was gone for. the other officer on my right hand discovered that his pocket handkerchief was apsent without leave and ordered Pierre to go to the kitchen and look for it: This command, however, was disobeyed in like manner; for my trusty follower replied. "The sei vant will be hero directly with the wine, and she can bring it you." The champaign was brought, and ere the cork was let loose from its confinement, the lost handkerchief was acciden tally discovered under the table! The girl now left the room; and never shall I forget the look she gave me as she closed the door. It seemed to say, the world has closed on you for ever we shall never see each other again! The bottle was passed, and as Pierre helped him self, he turned towards me, and the glance of the eye told what he meant. He put the glass to his hps; but placing it suddenly upon the table, said to me, "hope you are not ill, sir.'" "No," I replied. I knew what he meant, but I was powerless. He added, "Monsieur must take some cordial;" he put his hands in his pockets, and drew forth a brace of pistols', and levelling them with a deadly aim at his opposite neighbors, shot them both through at the same moment He then sprung like a tiger on the captain at the foot of the table, which was up set in the melee, caught him by the throat, and cal led me to come to his assistance. I had in some degree recovered from my stupefication, for my senses had been paralysed, if I may use the expres sion, and ran to the faithful fellow. We continued to pinion the scoundrel between us; and to make assurance doubly sure Pierre bound one end of the table cloth over the villains face, while, with the other, he fastened his arms behind him. "Now, monsieur," said he, stand over this iccl erat with your pistols, until I return from the sta ble with a cord;" he rushed down the stairs, and was back with me in less than two minutes. We bound our friend fast, hand and foot "And now," said Pierre, "you must remain here until I have ridden to the nearest post town, which is not above two leagues from this. I will bring back assistance, and give our prisoner into safe custody. There is not a person below the house is empty. You have nothing to apprehend not a soul will molest you. We have cleared the bouse, i must nrst catch a horse, for ours have been turned loose. There was one in the yard just now; and you may rely upon it I will loose no time in returning with some military and police, and release you from your unpleasant situation " I had the satisfaction of hearing my brave and faithful attendant gallop off in a few minutes. My position in the roaanliina wu none of the pleasant est. I made upjmy mind to sell my life dearly, in the event of any attempt at rescue, and what with watching the door, and the wretch at my feet, I had no very agreeable time of it. The two hours I thus spent, I thought the longest I had ever ex perienced. Thanks to a merciful Providence, the trial I had undergone was brought to a termination. The indefatigable Pierre returned at length, with a juge de paix, and a whole posse of officers on horseback, besides a troop of mounted gendar merie.. The prisoner was secured and the house searched from top to bottom not a living soul was discovered; but in a large vaulted under ground cellar, were skeletons, and human bodies innumer able some of the latter in every stage of decom position. ..There could not be less than from three to four hundred victims. The bodies were sub sequently removed, by order of the authorities, and interred in the cemetiere of Mezieres; the house was razed to the ground by the infuriated popu lace. -' " Strange to say, the landlord and the lovely girl, who had been instrumental in bringing these dark deeds to light, have never been heard of from that day to this; and I much fear that the latter perish ed by the hand of the wretch who kept the house. I have sought by every means in my power, to gain some tidings of this beautiful creature, but in vain. Money and large rewards have not been wanting; and I would at this moment give half that I am worth in the world to discover what become of her for to her I owe my preservation. My tale b done. ,, . ... . . . .;.'; J SPEECH OF MR. M'DOWELL, OF OHIO, ON THE TARIFF. Delivered in the House of Representatives, May 8,1844. The bill reported by Mr. McKay from the com mittee on Ways and Means, to alter, modify and amend the tarifT act of 1812, (Mr. Hopkins in the chair,) being under consideration before the House in committee of the whole on the state of the M'DOWELL said: Mr. Chairman : I have listened with piofound attention to the arguments of gentlemen who have preceded me in this discussion, and I have endeav ored to weigh them with impartiality; and but for the relations which I sustain to a portion of the great agricultural West, and the close and intimate connection' of their interests with the principles involved in this bill, I should have adopted the course which I pursued at the early stages of this session, of awaiting the result, and casting a silent vote. But sir, if I rightly understand the objects of this bill if I properly apprehend its operation upon the country it holds out a great inducement, not only for my vote, but for my voice in its de fense. It proposes a reduction of the burdens imposed by the present tariff law upon the great agricultural interest of the country, in which the intelligent people I have the honor to represent are embraced. To the success of such a proposition that class would look with the greatest solicitude, because its profits are less in proportion to thecapi tal and labor employed, and more hardly obtained than those of any other class within the limits of the Union. Their labor is the capital of the coun try, upon which the prosperity and happiness of all other classes depend; but when we look to the course of legislation heretofore pursued in regard to its interests, and recollect the various methods devised by almost all other classes and professions to draw from the agricultural class an undue pro portion of its earnings for their own aggrandize ment, and to shift the burdens of taxation from their own shoulders to this great class, the wonder is that it has a spark of vitality left, or the patience to bear the tortures that have been and are still inflicted u pon it. Unlike any other class, however, the agricultur al, without complaint, maintains all the burdens imposed upon it by the government, nor suffers abatement of its sturdymtegrity or independence. While under the deepest pecuniary embarrassment and depression, it looks to no aid but its own right arm, to no resouice but its own productive power for alleviation. Patience, industry and economy, are its household words; and although depressed in its energies or crushed for a time by the extortions of the government and the combination of all other classes, yet, through flu. steady exercise of its in domitable perseverance and recuperative strength, it rises; phenix-like from the dust, with health, and prosperity and healing in its wings. In its prosper ity all other interests are restored, while often, in the oppressive task of sustaining the impositions of legislation, it suffers alone. The bill now under consideration, Mr. Chairman, proposes various modifications in the principles and details of the existing law; and notwithstanding the care with which it has been matured, there are yet many imperfections in its provisions and details. There are many imported articles entering into the general consumption of the country which have become the necessaries of life, and upon which, though the duties levied by this bill are a great reduction upon the act of 1842, yet I feel satisfied the rates of duty are too high to be consistent with a fair and equal taxation. The articles of sugar, molasses, bar iron, and chains, constitute a portion of dutiable imports upon which I could wish to see the tariff still further reduced. But if a majority of the committee shall differ with me on this point, and the bill shall be reported back(to the house pre serving its present form, I shall, however reluc tantly, from the considerations presented, vote for it, because in its general provisions, I regard it as greatly preferable to the existing law. I am, sir, in favor of a tariff, but not of the tariff; and while opposing the impositions of the law of 1842, 1 can not consent to be placed in the category of the advocates of Jree trade, if, by this desigation, I am tn understand that it discountenances a wise dis crilnative revenue tariff. The complex and man ifold machinery of the general government requires a vast annual revenue to keep it in motion; and aside from the proceeds of the public lands, there is no other source of revenue than the imposition of duties on foreign goods and tonnage, except the last alternative of direct taxation. The question now before the committee is not whether we shall adopt direct taxation or a tariff, but whether we shall pursue in our action the powers delegated to us by the constitution, in levying duties for revo nue, or violate them for purposes of protection. This, sir, to my comprehension, is the distinction between the democratic and the whig parties; and upon this issue I take my stand in this discussion, and upon no other. To repeat the proposition, sir: I regard the democratic party as favorable to a revenue tariff, sufficient to sustain an economical administration of the government, with such dis criminations upon the various articles of foreign production aswill be most advantageous to the collection of revenue. The whig party on the other hand, as their defense of the existing "tariff" exhibits, are for a tariff for protection as the first object, and for revenue as the mere incidental con sideration. The position assumed by the demo cratic party, is, as I humbly conceive, abundantly sustained in both the letter and the spirit of the constitution, while the doctrine of our opponents is contrary to both. The 8th section of the federal constitution reads thus : I "The Congress of the United Slates shall have power to lay and collect duties, imposts and exci ses, to pay the debts, and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the U. States," &c. Here it is seen, Mr. Chairman, that a specific grant of power is conferred to lay and collect du ties, taxes, imposts and excises; but, sir, for what purpose Why, the latter clause of the same sec tion specifies and marks out the limitations by say ing, "o pay the debit and provide for the common defence and general welfare-." The power to ley and collect duties, &c. is a specific, substantive grant of power, and limited in its exercise by the succeeding portion of the section, to objects there in enumerated, and to which alone these collec tions, when made, are constitutionally applicable. Now, sir, it does seem to me, that in the exercise of the power to lay and collect duties, &c. we are not authorized to look to any other object than the section indicates and points out; and it points out no other purpose than revenue, and the objects to which is shall be applied. The debts of the government cannot be paid until the necessary funds are collected for their liquidation; nor can the "common deftvice," or "general welfare" be effected without the means. If I am right, sir, in this position, (and I have no doubt of it,) gentle men who claim the constitutional power to protect manufactures cannot be sustained by the specific grants of the section just referred to as the basis of our argument to the contrary. But it is asserted that the power to protect this interest is said to be embraced in the final provisions of the eighth sec tion of the constitution, and as properly included within its limitations. If this assumption be cor rect, the right only exists under the appropriating power of Congress, and must be accomplished by a legislative distribution of a bounty to manufac turers, and not through the process of invidious taxation. Are gentlemen ready to claim this at the hands of Congress ? Are they ready to demand a bounty from the public treasury to manufacturers, in lieu of a tax upon the consumer for their sup port? But, sir, let us suppose (in order to place this exercise of power by Congress in its true light) that the duties derived, or derivable, from imports are inadequate to the support of the government, and afford means to give to each manufacturer the bounty needed, would it not be competent for Con gress, if the power assumed do really exist, to lay, in addition to the duties for revenue, a direct tax for the payment of the bounties thus claimed, and to be thus dispensed? Will gentlemen assert this, or are they ready to meet such a question before the American people ? And yet, such is the issue, if the power claimed by them has any authority or existence under the constitution. If the protective power does exist under the provisions of the con stitution, as one of its original objects and designs, it exists without limitation as to the amount to be appropriated, and the mode by which its collection is to be accomplished; and if it is to be considered as the settled constitutional doctrine, it must lead to taxation as heartless and oppressive toward all other classes of the country, in its ultimate opera tion, as the exorcise of the same power does in Great Britain upon the great laboring masses of her people. But, again, Mr. Chairman, if the power has an existence without limitation, the mode of its exer cise is reduced to a mere question of discretion; Congress may just as well enact a law commanding the people of any one State, or of the Union, not to buy of England and France, but that their pur chases should be made" from Massachusetts or Rhode Island; thus leaving the manufacturers of these States to fix their own prices upon their goods, and upon the produce of the farmer in ex change. It is true that this direct mode of accom plishing the same end might be objected to by these protective gentlemen, lest the free people of this country might again (as they have done here tofore) rebel against so flagrant an exercise of the power claimed by them. But does not the present law, in effect, produce the same result? Has it not driven, by. its provisions, a large amount of foreign articles from our market? Has it not com pelled the purchaser of those taxed goods to pay an additional cost, as a bounty to manufacturers of from 40 to 150 per cent. ? What, then, sir, is this, but Congress saying through the present law, that American citizens shall buy of Massachusetts or Rhode Island, and not of England or France? Or, in other words, that if they purchase such and such articles from abroad, they shall pay a bounty upon them for the support of the monopolies at home engaged in the manufacture of such articles that A shall sell his produce to B at B's own price, and buy B's articles at the extent of the tax added to the cost of the foreign article. And yet, sir, it is insisted that such a law is not an infraction of the limitations of the constitution, nor of the rights attempted to be secured under its authority. The party, however, to which I have the honor to be attached, Mr. Chairman, do not deny that a revenue tariff may not be so regulated in its dis criminations as to afford protection incidentally; but maintain on the contrary that all the protection which the manufacturing class can receive from the government must be afforded through its action in the assessment of duties for revenue; for when you levy an imposition of 25 per cent, for revenue upon an article imported, it must have the effect, to the extent of the imposition, of a protection to the home manufacturer, by enabling him to sell at an advance of 25 per cent upon the prices, by reason of the government tax upon the foreign article. The power, then, sir, in my humble judg ment, exists mainly as an incidental power in the exercise of the general power of taxation granted expressly to Congress, and not as a direct and spe cifically granted power under the constitution. But, sir, aside from all constitutional grounds of objection to the existing tariff law, there are ob jections of expediency equally fatal. I allude to its destructive operation upon individuals, upon classes, and upon the general national prosperity. The tariff of 1828, known as the "bill of abomina tions," differed but little in its essential provisions from the leading feature of the present law; -and the history of its developement, as exhibited in its operation, sustains the objoctions which I enter tain to the act of 1842. Sir, it constituted one of the most efficient ele ments, combined with others of the period of its existence, that prostrated the energies and for a time overthrew and suspended the prosperity of the country. And such must again be the legili- " mate and inevitable tendency of any system which directly or indirectly controls the citizen in the exercise of his discretion in disposing of bis own property on his own terms, and jt a maiket ol his own selection. Trade, and the operation of trade, should be left as free as possible; for the laws that are natural to it have been demonstrated as quite sufficient for its regulation. The tariff of 1828 attempted a diversion of trade from its natural and national channel; and government, through the merely artificial principles and regulations of the law, and for the purposetrf what is called home protection, created a state of affairs that termina ted only in disorganization and paralysis. The manufacturing interest protected by the govern ment, called upon the banks for facilities to more extended operations; the prospect of profit to manufacturers became a mania after the passage of the law; the banks loaded with reckless liberality, and expanded their circulation beyond precedent in this enterprise; and these expansions, by the general diffusion of paper money, augmented the sales and the profits of the manufacturers, till die whole manufacturing interest thought that the protective system was the climax of legislative wisdom, and the infallible source of all political prosperity. Thus it was, that the steady and regular course of business and of trade was diverted into new channels, and carried on by an artificial tide of success as delusive in its character as it was brief in its duration. The day of reckoning came upon us, in the midst of our excesses; and a general proclamation of bankruptcy was the very natural result Sir, is this a fancy sketch, or is it not the history of events, fresh within the memory of eve ry representative on this floor? But, further to sustain my position, I find in one of the speeches of Mr. Calhoun, delivered in the Senate in 1840, the most satisfactory testimony. It exhibits the expansion of the circulatien of the banks of the manufacturing States for the years 1830 and '32, he not having been able to procure a statement for 1829 and 1831, and the balance of the tariff period, up to the explosion of the banks. The circulation of the banks of Massachusetts for the years 1830 and '32, was as follows: for 1830, $4,730,000; 1832, $7,700,000; or 65 per cent, in crease. In Rhode Island, in 1830, the bank circu lation was $670,000; in 1832, $1,840,000, or an augmentation of 100 per cent In New York, in 1830, the circulation of the banks was $10,000,000; in 1832, it was $14,000,000, or an increase of 40 per cent In Pennsylvania, in 1830, the circula tion was $7,300,000, in 1832, $8,760,000, or an increase of 20 per cent The circulation of the bank of the United States, in 1830, was $15,800, 000; in 1832, $24,600,000 being an increase of 67 per cent. The aggregate amount of circulation of these States, was in 1830, $38,000,000; in 1832, $56,500,000. These are but thejretults of the two closing years of the tariff of 1828; and I doubt not, if the estimate could be had for the whole period, similar results would be devt loped. ., The estimates I have furnished show that the increase of bank circulation, within the periods indicated, was al most in exact praportion to the amount of protec tive duties laid by the tariff. I have thus attempted to show, sir, what I have asserted to be true, viz: that the tariff of 1823 contributed largely to the disarrangement of trade from the expansion of the currency of the country, in inflated prices of produce, land, &c, the winding up of which state of things was so signally disastrous to all concerned. Nor was this expansion of the papei circulation confined to the aforesaid manu facturing States. The banks of these States led the way, and were followed by the excessive issues of the banks of all the States of the Union. The ad vance of all articles in the country followed the in crease of paper money, until the prices at which they were purchased would not admit of exporta tion and sale in foreign markets where their circu lation was 50 per cent, less than ours. The result was, that the holders of the produce here held on for a small advance, until the bubble exploded, and they sunk amid the general crash. It was at the climax of this period of bank expansion that wheat was imported to the United States from Europe, and sold at a profit for a less price than our dealers could take without sacrifice. It was at this period, sir, that the extraordinary spectacle was exhibited to the world of a great producing country, with a surplus of produce on hand, augmenting that sur plus by the purchase of breadstuffj from foreign countries. I know, sir, it has been charged by some of the politicians of the country, that the de plorable state of things I have been describing was the result of the repeal of the tariff act of 182S, and the - establishment of the act of 1833, familiarly known as the compromise act Indeed, sir, I must express my surprise to have fteard gentlemen on this floor repeat what I had supposed every sensi ble man had condemned; but my surprise has been even greater to hear gentlemen assert that the pros perity of the country now was the effect of the tar iff of 1842, and that this fact sustained the charges of ruin brought upon the country by the comprom ise act. And now, Mr. Chairman, without designing to enter into any very extended argument on tnese points, I shail briefly review them as they have been presented, and demonstrate by the conclusive testimony of dates and figures the total fallacy of these assumptions. And, first I remark that the suspension of the banks, from 1837 up to the year 1841, was the incubus that hung upon and palsied the energies of the country, and the only true cause of its commercial prostration and pecuniary distress. And it is a fact equally familiar to the people, that the interests of the country have been gradually recovering and advancing from their prostration, from the moment of the general re sumption of specie payments by the banks in 1841. That act, sir, expelled at once the depreciatad and worthless paper of all the broken and rotten tanks of the country from the channels of circulation; and they were once more, but to a limited extent.