The spirit of democracy. [volume], August 09, 1844, Image 1

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" PBIKCIFLEt AND MEASURES, AND MEN THAT WILL CAR BY THOHE PRINCIPLES AND MEASURES INTO EFFECT."
BY JAMES K. MORRIS.
WOOnSFIKLD, OHIO, FRIDAY, AUGUST 9, 1844.
VOLUME I. K UMBER 24.
.1
I
J
i
TflE SPIRIT OF DEMOCRACY
IS PUBLISHED EVERY FRIDAY MORNING,
: BY J. K.-MOUK.S. ' -
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POETltY.
GATHERING OF THE STATES.
t,,. Come ye whose lathers made the tea,
. And fought on fields of glory,
Who braved the lion of the sea,
. , And live in deathless story ,.
Come mount together
The Eagle feather
. You're not the lads to tarry,
. When men who steal
And cut and deal,
. Are playing cards for Harry.
Then mount together
The Eagle feather,
And raise the flag of glory
' We'lJ beat our foes,
With stalwart blows, '
And tell a noble story.
The Empire's noblest sons are out,
From Sandy Hook to Erie,
And hills and vales return the shout,
And every heart is cheery;
To arms they gather,
' On hills of heather,
" Our glorious cause to carry
Thacountry's cause,
The land and laws,
In spite of western Harry. " ;
Then mount together, &c '
The Pennsylvania strikers come,
A corps of honest fellows,
And miners leave their mountain borne,
And furnace men their bellows. "
In hope they gather,
In spite of weather,
Their lawful rights to carry, .".?'
Election fair, ; '
Of power to share
Against the will ot Harry. .
Then mount together, &c.
Sage Delaware is up in arms,
New Jersey's full of fight, sir;
- Old Maryland, -though she is wrong,
Will speedily be right, iir; ...
- Then rush together, .. ,
. ; In spite of weather,
. Broad seals are somewhat scary;
i And while they shout -
Along the route,
They'll seal the fate of Harry.
Then mount together, &c.
Virginia never breaks her faith,
'And Rip Van Winkle rouses;
Kentucky balances the foe, . '
' And faction tears bis trbwsers.
.- ' Then mount together
" The Eagle feather
' We're not the lads to tarry,
,' When men who steal
And cut and deal,
Are playiug cards with Harry.
Then mount together, &c.
i The Pukes and Hoosiers spring to arms,
, The Wolverines are nigh, sir,
The trusty Buckeye grasp their arms,
To conquer or to die, sir. ,
. :. ,', In pride they gather,
In spite of weather,
Their lawful rights to carry,
. r ' Election fair '
' Of power a share
'r Against the will of Harry,
" ' Then mount together, ke.
. Brave Louisiana makes her bow
To ever true Missouri,
And Indiana comes it now,
1 1 With more than Lion fury.
They mount together, : i t
With Eagle feather ., ,r , ,
They're not the lads to tarry,
: ; When men who steal, .:
And cut and deal,
Are playing cards with Harry. .
' . Then mount together, but. .
The Granite bills and laurel plains
, Will never bend the knee, sir,
Though Georgia may prefer her claims.
With fallen Tennessee, sir,
' . Then mount together , " ' "'
V . The Eagle feather- : ' . ' "
You're not the lads to tarry, "'. ;'
- When men who steal
And cut and deal,"
' Are playing cards with Harry, " ' '"'
Then mount together, &c. ' "''
A nation's shout is thundering out,
" Above the din of Babies, -"
And rag-men quail, and spendthrifts fail,
' '. - For heaven has turned their tables,-. . :
. - We'll mount together . ..: t ,
1 1 '", ' ; " The Eagle feather ,
We're not the lads to tarry, '. .
. .v . When men who steal - j . ., ;,-.
And cut and deal, ' .''
Are up and out for Harry., :
' . . Then mount together, kx. .
F"riend, do not crouch to those above;
' Friend, do not tread on those below -'
! Love those, who're worthy of thy love1;
Love these, and thou wilt make them sol
' Louis Philippe is seventy-three yean of age.
. THE OLD BANK AND TI"
Political Corrupting and Spec
liei.A'ctt ofSwiu
In 1832 Biddle and Clay uniti - .
to overthrow Gen. Jackson. - The plan a
effect the object was to deceive and or
jteople and to corrupt their representative
funds ofthe Bank of which the people were
owners were used without stint, by a secret, ille
gaily appointed committee. ' '
In the space of five years tho Bank loaned one
million six hundred and seventy five thousand six
hundred and twenty-two dollars to members of
Congress, as is shown by the record, to wit:
In 1830 it loaned to 52 members $192,101
In 1831 " ,50 892,100
In 1832 44 , " 478,069
In 1833 58 " . 374,766
In 1334 . " 62 " 238,586
Mr. Clay was Mr. Biddle's candidate for the
Presidency and the trade and commerce of the
country, the finances of the government, and the
industrial pursuits of the people were thrown iuto
confusion and embarrassment, and all the mischief
in the power ofthe Bank was done to force the
people to consent to the election of Clay and the
re-establishment ofthe fraudulent and corrupt con
cern over which Biddle presided by permission
and for die benefit of nabobs in England and aspi
ring Federalists at home.
The result of the conflict is known. The ene-
mies ofthe country were routed by the uubouglit
Republican yeomenry under the lead of an incor-
ruptable and unconquerable patriot as signally as
they had been by the same commander at New
Orleans; and in no State were Biddle and Clay
more unequivocally condemned than in Tenncs
see. ,
The same party with Mr. Clay at their head are
again in the field, clamoring for a bank of theame
charter. Until the extra session great numbers
were deluded into the belief that a bank with some
effectual guards and restrictions was contemplated,
and that the Bank advocates were sincere in their
promises to that effect : but this delusion has been
dispelled.
At the extra session a bill was presented for a
Bank in which the States were permitted to have
a voice in the location of branches. This was pro
nounced by Mr. Clay as a "rickety concern" and
was rejected. Mr. Clay said "The people want
at our hands a bank a real old fashioned Bank;
such a one as they and their fathers hare tried."
And he and his party resisted all attemps to make
any material modifications to the bill which he had
framed upon Biddle's model.
The old Bank had 25 Directors; the new Bank
was to have but nine; with a view probably to
greater secrecy, and to avoid the exposure which
had taken place of the corruption, fraud, and vil
lainy ol the old Bank-
Every proposition to enable the people to know
something of the doings of the Bank was voted
down. An amendment giving to any one ofthe
stockholders the privilege of inspecting the ac
counts and dealings ofthe Bank was voted down
by Mr. Clay and his partizans. An amendment
giving such privilege to any ten of the stockhold
ers was also rejected. f Some extacts from the pro
ceedings in the Senate will exhibit further the de
termination of Mr. Clay to keep the transactions of
the swiudling machine js secret as po- '' ' - -
Mr. Walker moved to amend !
lIUg W UIO .UU W UV .111. Ill .
bill a proviso, to the enect v . - e
ry office of discount, or dec 't on the 1st
Monday ot January in each j . r, trannrcu't to the
presiding officer of each Uouso of Congress a list
of all notes discounted, and of all bills of exchange
bought and sold by those officers, together with the
names of all drawers and endorsers of said notes,
and of all bills of exchange, with the drawers, en
dorsers, and acceptors."
Mi. Clay of Kentucky opposed this amendment.
Mr. Clay of Alabama thought the publicity
should be made to appear once a month at least.
He said:
"If such a feature had been grafted on the late
Bank bill, did any one suppose that Jas. Watson
Webb or Mordecai M. Noah would have got dis
counts to the amount of $50,000? Would the Di
rectors have dared to make such a discount?
Would they have loaned money to bankers and bro
kers, the very last class that ought to be aided by
banks? No; nor would the exhibits made in some
of the States of three or four millions, divided
among some sixteen or seventeen individuals, have
appeared."
The very reasons, which the Senator from Ala
bama urged in favour of the amendment were
doubtleas sufficient to induce the Whigs to reject it,
and after some further debate, Mr. Walker's a
mendment was rejected by the fallowing vote:
YEAS Messrs. Allen, Benton, Buchanan,
Calhoun, Clay of Alabama, Cuthbert, Fulton, Hen
derson, King, Linn, McRoberts, Mouton, Nich
olson, Pierce, Sevier, Smith of Connecticut,
Sturgeon, Tappen, Walker, Williams, Wood-
bury, Wright, and Young 23.
NAYS Messrs. Archer, Barrow, Bates, Bay
ard, Berrien, Choate, Clay of Kentucky, Clayton
Dixon, Evans, Graham, Huntington, Mangum,
Miller, Morehead. Phelps, Porter, Prentiss, Pres
ton, Simmons, Smith of Indiana, Southard, Tall
madge, White and Woodbrldge 25. ;
Mr. Benton then moved that the officers ofthe
Bank be required to keep such accounts themselves
in suitable books to be open to public inspection.
This was also rejected by a party vote. The next
day, July 9, Mr. Allen moved to amend the bill so
to provide'" , . I -
"That the 'Board of Directors of the mother
Banks shall publish in some paper at the seat of
Government each order which may be issued to
any officer or branch directing it to expand or con
tract its loans or discounts, or any other order, im
mediately after its issue, and shall report to the
Secretary of the Treasury all such orders, to be re
ported to Congress at the commencement ofthe
session," y . " ,-; '-' - ". '
t was also rejected by the Clay
. -Allen, Benton, Buchanan
of Alabama, Cuthbert, Fulton
, ring, Linn, McBoberts, Mounton
Pierce, Sevier, Smith of Connecticut
. .Tappen,' Walker, Williams, Woodbu
..ght, and Young 23.
. AYS. Messis. Archer, Barrow, Bates, Bay
ard, Berrien, Choate, Clay of Kentucky, Clayton
Dixon, Evans, Huntington, Ker, Mangum, Mer
rick, Miller, Morehead, Phelps, Porter, Prentiss,
Preston, Simmons, Smith of Indiana, Southard;
Tallmadge, White, Woodhridge 26.
Thus did the Whig leaders manifest their oppo
sition to publicity: they would not allow the do.
ings of the nine rag barons to come to the light least
they should be reproved. They loved darkness
rather than light because their deeds were evil-
One would have supposed that after the expo
sure of the old Bank's attempt to buy up the peo
pie's representatives, the Whigs would have been
willing to adopt some measures to prevent a recur
rence of this legalized bribery, but with one exeep
tion they clung to it. Mr. Walker moved to pro
hibit loans to members of Congress. And upon
this motion the vote was as follows:
YEAS Messrs Allen, Benton, Buchanan, Cal
houn, Clay of Alabama, Cuthbert, Fulton, Hen
derson, King, Linn, McRoberts, Mouton, Nichol
son, Pierce, Prentiss, Sevier, Smith of Connec
ticut, Sturgeon, Walker, Williams, Woodbury
Wright, Young 23.
NAYS Messrs Archer, Barrow, Bates, Bay
ard, Berrien, Choate, Clay of Kentucky, Clayton
Dixon, Evans, Huntington, Ker, Mangum, Miller
Morehead, Porter, Simmons, Smith of Indiana,
Southard, Tallmadge, While, and Woodhridge
22.
Those in the negative are all Whigs.
The old Bank it will be recollected notwith
standing its insolvency voted and presented to Bid
dle twenty thousand dollars worth of silver plate
To prevent all illegal squandering of the public
money hereafter was we presume the object of Mr.
Woodbury in the following amendment :
Mr. Woodbury moved to amend (he bill by in
serting a proviso, prohibiting directors or stocx-
holders fiom making any donations out of the funds
of the Bank.
Mr. Clay asked if gentlemen were prepared to
create a corporation, and deprive it ol vitality, in
short, making it what Lord Coke designated a cor-
Doratiori. a body without a soul. He would move
so to amend it as to prohibit donations being made
to officers of the bank.
The question was then taken on Mr. Clay's
amendment, and resulted as follows:
YEAS Messrs. Archer, Barrow, Bates, Bay
ard, Choate, Clay of Kentucky, Clayton, Dixon
Evans, Henderson, Huntington, Ker, Mangum,
Menick, Miller, Morehead, Phelps, Porter, Pren
tiss, Preston, Rives, Simmons, Smith of Indiana,
Tallmadge, White, and Woodbridgc 26.
NAYS Messrs, Allen, Benton, Calhoun, Clay
of Alabama, Cuthbert, Fulton, King, Linn, Mc
Roberts, Mouton, Nicholson, Pierce, Sevier,
Smith of Connecticut, Sturgeon, Tappen, Walk
er, Williams, Woodbury, Wright, and Young
21. , Mr. Clay of Kentucky then suggested to the
S.enator from New Hampshire Mr. Woodbury
to strike out the stockholders from the amendment,
thus leaving them power to act.
s Mr. Woodbury said he felt no interest in the
amendment in its present shape, and the Senator
could do what he pleased with it
Mr. Clay of Kentucky then made a motion to
that effect.
Mr.. Calhoun opposed the motion on the ground
that one-third of tho money was public property,
and that the power should not be given, under any
circumstances, to take away the public treasure.
Mr. Benton said tho proposition was something
new! While the vaults of the Bank were declar
ed to be the Treasury of the United Slates, and
the Govtrnment could not touch a dollar except
under an appropriation by Congress, and on a war
rant after going through all the forms at the Depart
ment, yet these directors acting in secret, could
vote away any amount of money to any person
whom they pleased, except to themselves.
- The public funds should not be considered as the
private property of tho directors or stockholders,
and under their direction.
Mr. Woodbury said the prohibition to officers of
the Bank would not reach the evil The late
bank had made donation to thoas companies, to
internal improvements, and to police officers
Now, these were objects for which congress could
not appropriate the public money, and yet the stock
holders would have the right to da It.
After some further debate the word stockholder
' was stricken out by a party vote.
Mr. Allen then moved to amend the amendment
to the effect that no donation made by the Bank or
its branches should be charged to the funds ofthe
government, and enforced the propriety of adopt
ing it at some length. He maintained as the Bank
was made the Treasury of the nation as all its
funds as stockholder or depositor, were in the cus
tody of this new Treasury department, and are, to
all intents and purposes, public money in the Treas
ury by the very terms of the charter, it was a cleat
violation of the Constitution which says that no
money shall be drawn from the Tieasury unless
appropriated by law to permit gratuities to be
made by order of the board of directors, and the
money to be drawn from the public coffers in vir
tue of such appropriations. .
Mr. Calhoun said it was surprising what an ef
fect a little complication had upon the views of gen
tlemen. If the question was proposed whether
we should authorise the Receiver General at New
York or Charleston, to put their hands into the
public treasury and dispose of the publio money in
their charge as their feelings might prompt them,
thete was not a single Senator who would counte
nance it for moment; and yet what was the prop
osition of gentlemen on the opposite side, in fact,
but a privilege to permit these individuals who are
directors in this Bank to dispose ofthe money of
the Government, which is invested in it?
He urged (hat this complication of the affairs of
Government with a company of bankers on the
ground assumed, might subject the finances of the
country to a control utterly at war with the real
fiduciaries the representatives of the States and
the people, to whom the Constitution committed
this vital trust. He said the case now before the
Senate simplified the matter, so that every man
must see the dansrer of this odious connection of
Government with bankers. The charter commit
ted the finances of the nation to- the custody and
management of the corporation.
The question being taken on Mr. Allen's motion
it was negatived yeas 21, noes 27, as follows :
YEAS Messrs Allen, Benton, Calhoun, Clay
of Alabama, Cuthbert, Fulton, King, Linn, Mc
Roberts, Mouton, Nicholson, Pierce, Sevier, Smith
of Connecticut, Sturgeon, Tappen, Walker, Wil
liams, Woodbury, Wright, and Young 21.
NAYS Messrs. Archer, Barrow, Bates, Bay
ard, Berrien, Choate, Clay of Kentucky, Clayton,
Dixon, Evans, Henderson, Huntington, Ker,
Mangum, Merrick, Miller, Morehead, Phelps,
Porter, Prentiss, Rives, Simmons, Smith of In-diana.-outhard,
Tallmadge, White, and Wood
bridge 27.
The question was then taken on the amendment
as amended, and it was adopted.
From these proceedings the people can form
some estimate of the dangerous and irresponsible
character of the overshadowing monopoly which
the whigs are striving to fasten upon the country.
Into the hands of nine men will be lodged vast
powers which will be used (as all history, experi
ence, and common sense conclusively teach) for
their own pecuniary aggrandizement and for the
advancement of their political partizans. It will
be a pai tizan institution controlled by brokers and
speculators, stockjobbers and gamblers in funds
seizing upon the fruit3 of productive labor, making
the rich richer, and the poor poorer, expanding or
contracting as their private interests may dictate,
depressing the price of stocks and property when
they wish to buy and enhancing it when they wish
to sell, and dictating to the government and the peo
ple the line of policy which may best serve their
avaricious and ambitious purposes.
We call upon the old republicans, the working
men, and faimers and mechanics, and all who wish
to see the liberties and well being of the country
perpetuated to rally once more to the rescue, and
save the republic from the iron rule of this money
ed despotism tins oligarchy of nine men over
whom they can have no control.
MR. CLAY'S SOUTHERN TARIFF VIEWS,
GARBLED AND FALSEFIED BY THE
NORTHERN WHIGS.
The whigs ofthe North are playing a bold game
of imposition and fraud in regard to Mr. Clay s
views of the present Tariff. They dare not per
mit him tospeak out in his own language, on this
subject, but thty put words into his mouth which
he never uttered make him say what they want
im to say, but what he never has said, and can
not say without gross and palpable inconsisttney.
For instanco at the mast-head of the leading whig
papers in this state, will be found the following lan
guage, displayed with typographical emphasis, and
attributed to Mr. Clay. We copy it from the
standing dish of the Albany Evening Journal :
"I had resigned my scat in the Senate when the
act of 1842 passed. Without intending to express
any opinion upon every item of the Tariff,
IVOULJJ SAY THJiri l ii.vA inti rnu
VISIONS LV THE MAIJV WISE XVJJ
PROPER." Sfpt.lSth, 1843. Letter to a Com
mittee of Giorgia Whigs.
We happen to have before us the entire letter
from which tho above purports to be an extract,
and we do not hesitate to pronounce it a decep
tion, as bold and impudent as any that ever char
acterised its source. That we are aware, is saying
great deal but we shall prove it to be such to
the satisfaction of any and every body, be he whig
or democrat.
In the first place the letter from which the ex
tract purports to be taken, was not written "to a
committee of Georgia whigs" a mistake trivial
in itself, and important only as exhibiting a delib
erate attempt to deceive and to elude detection, by
concealing the pretended source of the passage.
It was written to a Mr. Bronson, of La Grange,
in Georgia, who, it seems, beingaboutto establish
whig paper there, wrote to Mr. Clay "on his
own hook," because, ashe says, "I desire to know
precisely in what manner I am to meet the demo
cracy in their numerous modes of attack But
the design to deceive is apparent enough from Die
peculiar manner in which Mr. Clay's language is
garbled, in order to make him say that he is in fa
vour of "Me Tariff, as it is." Mr. Clay says no
such thing as will be seen by the following genu
ine extract from Mr. Clay's letter to Mr. Bronson
written in September last. On the contrary, he
concedes that there may be "EXCESSES or
defect in it," which "ought to becorrected." Mr.
Clay's letter to Mr. Bronson reads thus:
"After my return to Congress in 1831, my efforts
were directed to the modification and reduction of
the rates of duty contained in the act of 1828. The
act of 1832 greatly reduced and modified them;
and the act of lo3J, commonly called the Com
promise Act, still further reduced and modified
them. The act which passed at the Extra Session
of 1841, which I supported, was confined to the
free articles. I had resigned my seat in the Senate
when the aci of 1842 passed. Generally, the du
ties which it imposes are lower than those m the
act of 1832. And, without intending to express
any opinion upon every item of this last Tariff, I
would say that I think the provisions in the main
are wise and proper. If there be any excesses in
or defects in it, of which I have not the means
here of judging,) they ought to be corrected."
The reader will see by the italicised portions of
the above extracts what has been clipped out, after
the opeiator began to quote and how skilfully the
dissecting hand has been at work w ith it. To make
the passage convey the very opposite meaning
from that which the writer intended, an entire sen
tence is expunged from the body ofthe pretended
quota-ion na the word connecting it with the
next erased, to conceal the trick and all that Mr-
Clay says at the end about excetsrt and defects in
the present tariff, is carefully omitted! For, we
repeat, the garbled passage is used by the whig
press at the north, to show that Mr. Clay goes for
"the tariff", at il is" though disguise it as they
will, it cannot be made to carry that idea. As they
have it, it studiously avoids any expression as to
the itetails ot the present tariff; and as it originally
stood, under an if, it expressly hints at EXCES
SES and DEFECTS that oifgA to be corrected.
But the entire and genuine letter to Mr. Bron-
son, shows how completely Mr. Clay's position
on the Tariff is falsified by his partisans in all this
northern section, ai,d how sensible they are of the
impossibility of placing him and Gov. Polk at op
position on that subject, by fair weans. In the
first place Mr. Clay iu this letter to Mr. Bronson,
takes distinct ground in favour of a tariff for reve
nue, and incidental protection; precisely the ground
taken in his Raleigh speech, written out since his
nomination for the presidency, and precisely the
ground lakni by Goo. Polk, in his recent letter to
Mr. Kane of Philadelphia. We place side by side
extracts from these two letters, and defy the most
skilful logicians to point out a shade of difference
between them :
MR. CLAY.
The sum and
GOV. POLK.
I am in favor of a tariff
for revenue, such a one
as will yield a sufficient
amount to the treasury
to defray the expenses of
the government econom
ically administered. In
sub
sistence of what I con
ceive to be the true pol
icy of the United States,
in respect to a 1 arm may
be briefly stated. In
conformity with theprin
chile announced in the
adjusting the details of a
revenue tariff, I have san
compromise act, I think
that whatever reve nue is
ctioned hcrfetofore such
moderate discriminating
duties as would produce
the amount of revenue
needed, and at the same
necessary to an econom
ical & honest adminis
tration of the general
government ought to be
derived from duties im
posed on foreign im-
time afford reasonable in
cidental protection to our
ports. And I believe that home industry. I am op
in establishing a tarill'of posed to a tariff for protec-
those duties, such a dis- tion merely, and not for
crimination ought to be revenue Letter to Mr.
made, as wiWincidenlul
Kane, of Philad., June
ly afford reasonable pro
tection to our national in
terests Letter to Mr.
ri,nson, of Ua., Sept.
13, 1843,
19fA, '44.
8tarting with these general views, from precise
ly the same point, the course of Mr. Clay and Gov,
Polk on the subject in Congress, as stated by both
run parallel. Mr. Clay in this Bronson letter,
condemns what he calls the "high tariff" of '28 in
strong terms. Gov. Polk says he voted against it-
Mr. Clay adverts with evident satisfaction to his
efforts to carry the tariffs of '32 and '33 (the com
promise act which greatly reduced and modified
the' duties of the act of '28. Gov. Polk voted for
both these bills. In a word. Mi. Clay lays great
stress in the Bronson letter on the fact that after
his return from Congress in 1831, he labored to
reduce and modify the "high tariff" of 1828; and
when he comes to speak of the present tariff, the
plain import of his language is tht he approves of
t "in the main," for the reason tha "gcnerallu
the duties which it imposes are lower than those
in the act of '32" that is come nearer to the COM
PROMISE ACT than the act of '32. His subse
quent remark intimating that there may be (urea
ses and defectsin the present tariff, and that(so,
they ought to be corrected, can only be understood
as meaning that it may require to be made more
conformable to the "spirit ofthe compromise act,"
which he has heretofore held should be "carried
out."
But be this as it may, the fraud which we have
endeavored to expose, is as clear as the motive is
transparent. The whigs dare not present their
great leadtt in the position inwbich hehas placed
himself, by his public course and his recent avowls
ot opinion on the Tariff. They know that he and
Gov. Polk occupy the same ground on this sub
ject and all their efforts to conceal the fact, by
garbling and falsifying language, will only serve to
fasten it more firmly in the minds of those upon
whom it is designed to operate and increase dis
trust of the cause and the partizans, whose chief
reliance is thus shown to be fraud and imposition. :
A GLANCE AT TEXAS.
BEING A BRIEF SKETCH Or HER HISTORY, GO
VERNMENT, POPULATION, CLIMATE, SOIL,
PRODUCTIONS, AND EXTENT OF TERRITORY;
TO WHICH ARE ADDED, A REVIEW OF THE
ARGUMENTS AGAINST THE ANNEXATION Or
TEXAS TO THE UNITED STATES, AND A STATE
MENT Or THE REASONS IN rAVOR Or THE
SAME,
BY THOMAS7" MORGAN
In attempting to gives summary history of Tex
as, and to comment upon the question of annexing;
that republic to the United States, the writer of
this sketch is by no means unmindful that several
distinguished statesmen have already explored the
same field. The only one, however, who has
undertaken a thorough investigation of. the sub
ject, is the Hon. Robert J. Walker, at present
a Senator from Mississippi, and formerly a citizen
of Pennsylvania. This gentleman, with that abil
ity for which he is eminently distinguished, has
discussed it with the enlarged views of the philan
thropist, and the keen perception of the political
economist.
After so much has bean already written, it might
seem impracticable to add any thing new upon the
subject There is one aspect of the case, however,
not yet noticed. No connected description of
Texas, of her geography, her climate, her soil,
her government and her population has yet been
presented to the public, in the same treatise in
which the annexation question has been consider
ed. This view of the matter is essential to the j'ist
appreciation of the territory under discussion. It
is proposed, therefore, briefly to notice these points,
and to introduce such facts and arguments upon
the remaining heads, as may have escaped the
attention of otheis, besides arrainging, in methodi
cal order, the substance of what has been already
published. ' ' ' . ' .
Tbe author of this sketch sojourned in Texas
the irenter part of a twelve-month, durine the
years 1336 and '37. ,
The reader's attention is called to the fact that
upon the most important positions assumed in this '
sketch, the Hon. HENRY CLAY is the principal
witness; and that not a single statement of impor
tance is made, without being corroberated by the
evidence of one or moie writers on the same sub- '
ject. The histories from which extracts have been
borrowed, are Kennedy's, Holley's and Edwards'.
Kennedy is an Englishman. In 1838, he was
appointed commissioner to inquire into the muni-
cipal institutions of Lower Canada, by the Earl of s
Durham, late Governor General of Canada. He '
crossed the Atlantic to perform the duties of this
office; and, upon leaving Canada 1.1 1839, he paid
a visit to Texas, which resulted in his writing a
book upon the country.
Holley is a citizen of the United States, and t
blood relation of Stephen F. Austin, the father of
Texas. This history was published in 1336.
Edwards is a Scotchman, and resided in Texas
prior to the revolution, having been a professor in
the Gonzales Academy.
It is known that towards the close of the late
Congress, a treaty was entered into between Pre- '
sident Tyler's Cabinet and commissioners from
Texas, for the annexation of that republic to the '
United States, which the Senate refused to ratify.
It is hoped and believed that Texas will not hur
riedly acquiesce in the designs of Great Britain,
but patiently await the action of Congress when
the measure may be again presented, stripped of
its objectionable features, and in a shape to secure 1
the sanction of a vast majority of the American
people. No patriot desires to effect this object
except in a just and honorable manner, with due
regard to the rights of all concerned, and no soon
er than may be consistent with the integrity of the
nation, and the welfare of its citizens. It should .
not be advocated with a view to the effect it may
have upon any particular section of our confedera
cy, but tor the sole purpose of establishing, in the
language of ANDREW JACKSON, "A strong
iron hoop tround our Union, and a bulwark against
all foreign invasion or aggression." '
The writer Wishes it to be distinctly understood.
that he alone is to be held responsible for the sen- .
timents contained iu this hastily prepared view of
Texas and the annexation question.
THE GOVERNMENT OF TEXAS. ''
The Texian government is the offspring of rev
olution. The territory of which it is composed .
was originally discovered by La Salle, for France,
in 1685. It was ceded to Spain in 1763, restored
to France in 1800, and from her was purchased by
the United Stales in 1803, and by our government
transferred to Spain in 1819. Mexico wrested the .
country from Spain by her successful revolt in 1821.
The soil (with the exception of a few unimportant
settlements) remained in the exclusive possession
of the Indians until about the year 1822. Before
Spain lost this colony, she held out inducements
to an enlerprizing citizen of the United States,
John Austin, to settle Texas with emigrants. The
hazardous undertaking about to be attempted, was
suspended by the Mexican revolution, and the
death of the illustrious man who had projorted it.
Stephen F. Austin, in obedience to the death bed
injunctions of his father, proceeded to accomplish,
under the auspices of the Mexican government,
what had originated under the protection of Spain.
Other enterprising men soon succeeded in obtain
ing permission similar to that granted to the Aus
tins, and the country gave promise of rapid settle
ment. Mexico guaranteed to the emigrants pro
tection under the federative constitution of 1824.
But true to her character for deceit and treachery, '
lhat government soon oppressed the colonists with
almost every species of hardship. She exacted
from them nnjust fines and imposts, and finally
annulled the constitution of '24, and erected on
its ruins a central despotism. Texas despatched
ambassadors to Mexico to remonstrate against her . .
many grievances. These ambassadors were thrown
into dungeons and large bodies of troops were sent
to Texas to subjugi'te the hardy pioneers at the
point of the bayonet These accumulated injuries
kindled the spark of '76, and in 1835, the people
of Texas met in convention, and published their
Declaration of Indepenence. A fierce and san
guinary contest ensued. Savage cruelty and per
fidy kept pace with the march of the Mexicans,
whilst the Texians exhibited throughout the no
blest heroism. The blood of hundreds of martyr
ed and defenseless men, butchered like beeves
in a slaughter pen, still cries from the earth x
for vengeance The battle upon the field of
San Jacinto terminated the conflict A Mexican
aimy of more than fourteen buudred men, led on
by Santa Anna, was on that day the 21st of April,
1835, almost annihilated by half their number of
Texians. Six hundred and thirty Mexican! were
left dead upon the field, and seven hundred and
thirty taken prisoners; while but two Texians were
killed, and six mortally weunded. That day de
termined the fate of Texas; and upon that day
Mexico lost the brightest jewel in her crown.
The constitution of Texas bears a striking analo
gy to that of the United States. It is democratic
throughout No life officers are recognized. A
President Vice President, and a Congress are elect
ed directly by the people Religion is upon the
same platform established in the United States.
Foreigners may enjoy the elective franchise after
six months' residence by swearing allegiance upon
their arrival.
POPULATION OF TEXAS.
The population of Texas propct is estimated at
two hundred thousand persons, a vast majority of
whom were once citizens of the United States.,
Seldom has the character ol a people been more
traduced than that of the citizens ot Texas. It is
not uncommon, particularly in the North, to hear
them pronounced "reckless desperadoes' "refu
gees rrom,justice," and "contemptible adven
turers." Because a score or more of cut throats
and swindlers have fled from merited punishment ,
and found a hiding place in Texas, it is gratuitous
ly concluded that the whole country is composed
of similar material.' Those patterns of good breed
ing, tbe British, frequently style our own beloved