The spirit of democracy. [volume], August 23, 1844, Image 2

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HENRY CLAY SAYS THAT TEXAS AY ILL
NOT INCREASE THE POWER OF THE
SOUTH.
Ia hit letter to the editor of the National Intel
ligeneer, dated April 17, 1814, Mr. Clay uses the
following language:
"But would Texas really add strength to that
the south which is now considered the weakest
part of the confederacy? If my informetion be
correct, it wonld not According to that, the
territory of Texas is susceptible of a division into
five States of convenient size end form," Of these
1 wo only would be adapted to the peculiar institu
tions slavery to which 1 have referred, and the
-other three, lying west and south of San Anlouia,
being only adapted to farming and grazing purpo
ses, from the nature i f their soil, climate and
productions, would not admit ot those institutions,
lu Iho end, therefore, there would be two slave,
nuJ tluec free States, probably added to the
Union. "
THE EXTENSION OF OUR TERRITORY.
The next mol important objection to the annex
ation t:f Tex.i;, L", that thertby our territory will
be materially eul.M;;c;J. Persi'll urging this argu
ment iurget thai, if Texas i annexed to the Union,
we w ill but hae recoved our lost properly that
v.c vviil but repoc:s ourselves of the soil which
was wrongfully transferred to Spain, and that we
will simply replace our boundary lines where thry
stood for sixteen vvars,and would now be, but for
mistake or mismanagement.
Thisis the same objection urged to the purchases
of 1803 and 1819. The cry then was, as now,
" ' You are making the i ouulry too large!" But it
may well be asked, what danger is to result from
the extension of cir tcrritoay? Should we intro
duce iic.v interests or a hostile population, the
objection would have some plausibility, but Texas
haj no interest different from ourselves, and we
and her sons are children of the same common
pur. nt.
The fewer the number of States, the more
readily can our Union be subverted. If we had
only thirteen, as originally, seven States would
- constitute a majority, and could overthrow the
balance. With our present number, it would
require double seven to accomplish the same
object; and the greater the number cf Stales, the
mora traitors will it require to subvert our present
admirable fabric. Had our Union consisted of a
few States, (he Hartford Conveutionisls of the last
war would have stopped the w heels of government,
and enable a British foe to tread our soil in safety;
and in 1832, the milliiiers ot the south might have
occasioned just alarm for the permanency of our
confederacy.
For all practical purposes, the distance between
places is net to be computed so much by the extent
of territory intervening, as by the time it requires
to pass from point to point. Maine and Louisiana
are now nearer together than were Baltimore and
Cincinnati thirty years ago. The journey from
our federal seat of government to Texas, may be
performed in eight or nine days. When New
Orleans was added to our territory, it required
forty days to pass from that place to the city of
Washington. Consequently, Texas is now, for all
practical purposes, about one fourth the distance
from our seat of government that New Orleans
was at the time of its purchase from France
Hence, the argument against the extension of our
territory applies with three fourths less force to
the acquisition of Texas than to the purchase of
what is now Louiuana proper. Who is willing
to surrender our claim to Oregon? and yet three
roootluare required to pass from the States to that
territory.
HENRY CLAY SAYS THERE IS NO DAN-,
GER FROM THE EXTENSION OF OUR i
TERRITORY.
In Mr. Cray's eloquent speech, delivered 3d
April, 1820, agaiust the transfer of Texas to Spain,
he uses the following language: See Greeley's
life and speeches of Clay, vol. 1, Ap. p. 14.
"I know that there are honest and enlightened
men who fear that our confederacy is already loo
large, and that there is danger of disruption,
arising out of want of reciprocal adherence
between its several parts. I hope, and believe,
that the principle of representation, and the forma
tion of States will preserve us a united people."
But again', look to the almost miraculous increase
if our population behold cur new States and
' territories tilling up as if in a day gaze upon the
never-ending tide of emigration which is hourly
pouring in upon us from Europe, and then answer
if there is danger of our possessing too much
teriitory. We are not to legislate for our own
generation alone, but it behooves us to contemplate
t!ie future. In one century from the present time,
what will be the population of this republic? In
l.vo and in three centuries, who dare set bounds
lo its incalculable numbers? And do we wish our
posterity huddled together as in degraded Europe,
or still moie miserable Asia? God forbid!
Neither must the administration of Jeflerson be
forgotten that towns and cities are sores upon
tlie body politic; and the more sparsely populated
the country, the greater is the likelihood of the
lburi.-h of , irtuo and patriotism.
WAR WITH MEXICO.
The third objection to the annexation of Texas,
i :, that thereby we will involve ourselves in a war
with Mexico. This argument is worthy of but
blight attention. If we have rhht on our side, as
we must assuredly have, our Union fears no power
in Chriatendom, nor will she be turned from her
path by blustering menaces, let them come from
what quarter they may: We should, it is true,
be more scrupulous in respecting the rightsjof
Mexico than, perhaps, those of any other govern
ment on earth. Her insignificance should protect
her from injustice, for she is a poor, miserable,
weak, rickety, and tottering fabric, at best, and
is entitled to our pity and compassion, if not to
our prayers. What! the American Eagle pounce
upon Mexico? A well might he stoop from his
lowering height to seize upon the sparrow! It is
not consistent with the character of our republic
to oppress tht weak. Her history establishes the
roverse, for she hus always been the first, or among
the first,, to recognize the independence of the
feeble and the down-trodden. But while deter
mined to inflict no injustice upon her, it makes one
mile to fhiufc of Mexico threatening to declare
war against the United States. "Why, in the
winter of 1836, V7, when the gallant General
Felix -Huston, the commander of the Texian
' forces spoke of marching hit sixteen or eighteen
hundred penniless soldiers (whose chief uniform
consisted. of a strip of linen streaming out behind
themjjjila her territory, and seizing upon Mata
moras, a. panic spread, throughout Mexico, and if
rumor does not falsify , there was a shaking oi bonea
in the regions of the far-famed palace of the
Montezumas. The appearance ol five thousand
well appointed American .troops, properly equip
ped and provisioned, Would throw Mexico into
convulsions, from which she would recover but
to learn the downfall of her empire.
General Jackson speaks like a philosopher and
patriot on this, as upon all other subjects. Iu his
letter of May, 13, 1814.
In reference lo Mexico, I would use the fol
lowing language: We have carefully abstained
from all interference with your relations to Texas,
except to acknowledge her Independence, iu the
same manner, and upon the same principles, that
we did your independence when you separated
fromSpain. We have, indeed, been morcscrupu
lous with you than with Spain, for, without
consulting or respecting the feelings of the latter
power, our government did not hesitate to open a
negotiation with you for the retrocession of Texas,
and that, tio, long before your independence was
acknowledged by Spain. But the time has now
come when we feel that this delicacy ought no
longer to restrain us from a treaty with Texas,
particularly as we know that our failure to do so
will produce results that may endanger the safety
of our own confederacy."
THE CONSTITUTIONALITY OF ANNEX
ATION. It is also asserted that the annexatiou of Texas
would be a violation of the constitution. Did
Jiffcrson violate the constitution when ho pur
chased Louisiana from France? Did Monroe
violate the constitution when he purchased the
Floridas from Spain? And did the two Congresses
which sanctioned and ratified those measures also
violate the constitution? If Louisiana and Florida
were annexed constitutionally, then may Texas
also be, for it surely cannot be constitutional to
annex territory at an expense of forty millions,
and unconstitutional to annex it when we get
the land for nothing. The position assumed by
demagogues and dolts, that, if Congress can annex
territory to the United States, it can also annex
the United States to some foreign government, is
too contemptible to merit even a passing notice.
It is argument uied alone by such pure patriots as
can look complacently and behold Great Britain
Mulling into her insatiable maw all the governments
on earth, that she has power to subdue or gold to
purchase, but when our glorious Union attempts
honorably to recover a noble domain, which was
once its own, must raise the cry, "It it unconsti
tulionul." THE HUE AND CRY ABOUT SPECULA
TORS. The attempt made by its enemies to induce the
impression that annexation is mainly contended
for by speculators and others interested in the
advance of property in Texas, is no less futile than
unjust. The same impulse that prompts Ameri
cans to refuse to surrender Oregon to the British,
renders them zealous friends of reacquiring that
which was our own, and will be England's unless
aunexed to the United States. What matters it
to the mere speculator, whether property advances
in Texas from her connection with England or
with the United States? The eflect would be the
same in cither event. Was Henry Clay actuated
by a desire to speculate in lands or scrip, when he
instructed the American minister at Mexico to
offer that government millions for the repurchase
of Texas? Was John Quincy Mams actuated
by the same sordid motive, when he acquiesced in
those instructions? Was Martin Van Buren in
pursuit of private gain when he gave instructions
similar to those of Mr. Clay.' Were all the mem
bers of the State Legislatures, which have unani
mously adopted resolutions favorable to annexation
bribed and corrupted by the desire to speculate in
lands and scrip . Is the Hero of Alio Orleans
governed by a love of plunder and speculation,
when he declares that the safely of our own
country demands the annexation of Texas? The
men who raise this cry about speculators, should
first have cleansed their skirts of the putrid filth
which smears them, from wallowing in the rotten
carcasses of broken banks. They had better first
dry up the tears of the widow and (he orphan, by
restoring to them the property out of which they
have been robbed by shaving operations in depre
ciated paper and canal scrip. They should have
cleared their characters of the infamy which
blackens them, on account of these and other
plundering, before they accuse such nicn as
Andrew Jackson, Thomas II. Benton, Lewis Cas s,
James Buchanan, Richard M. Johnson, Charles
Stewart, and a long list of other patriots, of being
governed by a iovc of plunder and of speculation.
To be continued.
A BANK IS ONE OF THE ISSUES.
In 1310 the whig parly, from Ewing down,
blinked the question of a national Bank. They
got power, and it was one of the first of their meas'
tires. That they were guilty of fraud and duplici
ty in this, Mr. Tvleb is, in two ways, a living
proof. They first took him up knowing that he
had always opposed such a measure, to carry the
vote of Virginia. They next denounced him, be'
cause although he signed their Bankrupt law,
their bill to repeal the Independent Treasury, their
Distribution law, and all their other measures he
would not approve the Jisc alitiet. For this and for
nothing else, did they call him traitor, and heap up
on him all the anathemas and abuse which their
foiled fraud upon the' people could conjure logethy
er.
To some extent the same game of skulking du
plicity is going on now. Listen to a whig speech
in the market space, and you will hear nothing but
Tariff and Texas. The Bank, more repugnant to
the constitution, more deleterious to the best inter
ests of the country, more odious to the majority of
the people, than any or all of the catalogue of whig
measures propounded by Mr. Clay at the extra
session, besides the B?nk is studiously kept in the
back ground. Not a word about it if any thing is
said, it is wrapped up in some such cunning phrase
as "A sound national currency, regulated by the
will and authority of the nation!" As though
words were things, and the people were to be
amused and humbugged by such means.
There is, however, some honesty extant among
the whig orators and editors. From the New York
Republic, and from its report of a lato speech made
by Joseph L. White, formerly of Madison, la.',
we clip the following paragraph:
"Thirdly, we stand again upon the old and tried
issue of a National Bank. (Great applause.) He
knew (said Mr. White) and he regretted to say it
that even among wbigs there were those who do
not hesitate to proclaim, without distinction of
time or circumstances, that the question of a Na
tional Bank is not in issue now; but such asser
tion do but deceive the people and are made either
through ignorance, or with a determination to de
fraud tht people. He cautioned his hearers not to
give ear to that whig orator or whig editor who
would deceive them by any such subterfuge. Let
the whig party stand or fall with the integrity of
their principles for himself he would abide the
issue, and fall with those principles or any one of
them."
To this paragraph we call the special attention of
the Atlas and the Gazette, and of the Carets et id
omne genus, who have mounted the stump... We
desire to know, whether they are "ignorant" of
whig principles, or whether they have "a determi
nation to dkfracd the people?" We shall poke
them out, or try hard for it. They must come up
to the scratch and meet this question in good faith.
A National Bank is neither ."necessary" nor
"proper." v It is not necessary, as every day's ex
perience shows. We are better off without it,
than we were with it. It is not proper for it has
made war upon the government, turned commit
tees of the people's representatives from its doors,
renounced the people's President a counterfeiter
and a fugitive from the penitentiary, and finally
swindled the people themselves out of untold thous
ands. It has been the prolific mother of more
profligacy, dishonesty and distress than all other
causes combined. It has exemplified its fearful ca
pacity for corruption in the person of Henry
Clay himself who pronounced it wholly uncon
stitutional in 1811, yet in a few years was won to
its support by large sums of money received from
it under the name of attorney's fees. And its re
ally monarchial and dangerous character is starting
ly displayed by that same Henry Clay, in his
Raleigh speech, where he tells the American peo
ple that we want a National Bank, because all the
despotisms of Europe have such institutions.
This, fellow citizens, is one of the whig meas
ures. They shall not blink it, or shuffle away from
its support. Let our friends pin them up to the
question. If they disavow it, says Mr. White,
they are either ignorant, and have therefore no
right to undertake the instiuction of the people; or
dishonest, and therefore should be treated with
contempt. Cincinnati Enquirer.
THE TEXAS QUESTION ITS DEBT.
Negotiations for the purchase of Texas by John
Q. Adams and Henry Clay, in 1825.
"The Texan debt and the interest thereon,
against it becomes due, at a fair estimate, will be
about 18000,000." T. Ewing's speech.
"She Texas has not one acre of unappropriated
land." Same.
Now Mr. Ewing either knew these declarations
to be entirely false, or he knew nothing about it.
But we cannot supposa him ignorant of the true
situation of Texas The correspondence accom
panying the treaty shows, that the public lands in
Texas amount to 203,500,00 acres, of which quan
tity there have been appropriated as appears 67,338,
073 acres leaving 136,111,327 acres to meet the
paltry debt of ten millions of dollars. Here arc her
means, and her whole debt, and it is perfectly ap
parent to any one that she is able to pay it and have
means in abundance left. All the honest ex-secretary
said about her debt is mere slang and none
sen3e, not entitled to a moments consideration in
settling the question of annexation.
Mr. Clay's view of the treaty of 1891, that Tex
as was ours in spite of the treaty provisions, was
more in keeping with the characteristic boldness
of the man than with the coolness of the statesman.
Our title to it was then clearly relinquished, and
the mere fact that we once claimed this territory is
no good argument why we should now have it
Yet in considering this subject, the opinions ad
vanced while the claim was urged are of interest
and importance. As such we have before referred
to them. We shall now speak of the negotiations
entered into to recover this territory. If there be
"crime" in the project to annex Texas to the Uni
on if it be an "infernal plot" it it bodes an un
mixed mass of "evil" to our country, as Mr. Ew
ing charged, it is well that the people should know
the whole history of its conception. But, in
sounding the tocsin of Texas alarm, Mr. Ewing
is as silent as the giave about negotiations prior to
1837; yet surely, if the history of this 'iusiness be
faithfully given, the agency of other odministra-
1 1.1 . 1 .... 1. .!..! V r
nous in ii siiouiu nui oc uniuuivui'.. i Or i,.ypp
dally as this very alarm is sqv.iitted by those who
hold up a the 'CliiDOdiment" of their principles a
man so intimately connected with the plan of an
nexing Texas to the Union as Mr. Clay. Before
proceeding to this negotiation, we will allude to an
interesting incident to show the then existing feel
ings of John Q. Adams president with respect
to Texas. In 1822, Mr. Adams was charged by
Gov. Floyd of Virginia, with having sacrificed the
interests of the south in relinquishing Texas to
Spain iu the treaty of 1819. This charge was re
pealed by Col. Benton in 1830, in the -memorable
debate on Mr. Foot's resolutions. Mr. Holmes,
who was one of the committee on foieign relations
in 1820, then repelled this charge as follows :
"I do know that the distinguished citizen (Mr.
Adams) was the last who gave up the Colorado for
a boundary, and accepted of the Sabine,"
Mr. Smith, of Maryland, said in the same debate
that
"A quarrel had taken place between the gentle
man alluded to (Mr. Adams) and Don Ouis, the
minister on the part of Spain, and they had separa
ted not to meet again on the subject; that the quar
rel had arose as he was informed and believed on
the determination of the American negotiator that
the Colorado must and should be the boundary line
that the negotiators met again at the request of mu
tual friends; what passed afterwards he did not
know, further than that he could assure the Sena
tor from Missouri that the gentleman alluded to by
him was noi the first to recede to the Sabine as the
boundary line."
When the tenacity with which Mr. Adams was
disposed to hold on to Texas is considered, and
also the boldness with which Mr Clay opposed the
ratification of the treaty of 1819, it is not surprising
that both should, when in power, desire to regain
this territory. But the power that held Texas was
now not Spain, but Mexico. The war of revolu
tion, iu the latter country, had been going on for
years, with varying success. In 1821 Mexico
adopted a regular government, and her statesmen
claimed for her virtual independence. On the 8th
of March, 1822, President Monroe recommended
to congress the establishment of political relations
with the late Spanish colonies of North America.
The right, then, of Mexico to the territory of Tex
as was based on the same foundation as our own
right to treat in 1783, or the right of Texas itself to
treat now, viz r on the foundation of successful re
sistance. It was while Mexico was at war with
Spain, and in the face and eyes of an official re
monstrance by the latter, that Mr. Adams and Mr.
Clay negotiated with the former for Texas.
3. Oy Adams' administration commenced March
4, 1824, and Mr. Poinsett, who bad been sent to
Mexico by President Monroe as an informal agent,
as early as 1822, was received as minister in Mexi
co in June 1815. On the 26th of March 1S25, Mr.
Clay then secretary of state drew up a letter of
instructions to Mr. Poinsett He dwells upon the
subject of the establishment of the limits between
the territories of the United States and Mexico,
and directs Mr. Poinsett to sound the Mexican
government in relation to the establishment of a
new line. Mr. Clay says
"The lino of the Sabine approaches our great
western mart nearer than could be wished. Per
haps the Mexican government may not be unwil
ling to establish that of the Rio Brassos de Dios, or
the Colcrade, or the snow mountains, or the Rio
del Norte, in lieu of it."
He then suggests some reasons which might in
duce the government to consent to the-change,
and names as a reason why we should have Texas,
the importance of having entirely within our limits
"the Red River and Arkansas, and their tributary
streams." In drawing up these instructions for
the annexation ol Texas, Mr. Clay says, "the pres.
ident wishes you to effect that object."
This subject was renewed two years later 1827;
and Mr. Poinsett was instructed to urge negotia
tion for Texas. In a letter dated March 15, 1827,
Mr. Clay says
"If we could obtain such a boundary as we de
sire, the government of the United States might
be disposed to pay a reasonable pecuniary compen
sation. The boundary we prefer u that which be
ginning at the mouth of the Rio del Norte in the
sea, shall ascend that river to the mouth of the
Rio Puero thence ascending this river to its source
and from its source by aline due north to strike the
Arkansas to its source in latitude 42 degrees north,
and thence by that parallel of latitude to the south
sea."
Mr. Clay further instructed Mr. Poinsett to offer
a sum not exceeding one million of dollars for this
immense territory; or, if ho could not obtain the
line of the Bio del Norto for a boundary, then he
might offer five hundred thousand dollars for the
line of the Colerado river. He further states that
the treaty may "provide for the incorporation of
the inhabitants into the Union." A reference to
the map of Texas will show, better than any de
scription we can write, the great addition this
proposition would have made if accepted by Mex
icoto our Union.
It should be borne in mind that these proposals
of Henry Clay, to'purchase Texas, were mi'.de
while Mexico was struggling for her existence
with Spain; consequently a war with the latter
power must have followed its successful termina
tion. When all this is considered, what can exceed the
reckless inconsistency of such men as Ewing and
others of the whig party in endeavoring to tnrn this
project to party accounts? Every where demo
cratic statesmen are represented to be the Catalines
who are maturing this "infernal plot" of annexa
tion, and whig statesmen are the Ciceros who are
to expose it and defeat it ! It is the whig press and
whig stumping that is to save our country from
this "dire calamity." All this, loo, in the face of
the fact that Henry Clay who delended our title
to Texas upon the Florida treaty of 1819 who con
tended that it was ours in spite of the treaty who
while secretary of state, endeavored to obtain it at
the risk of a war with Spain and the loss of nation
al honor who, two years later, endeavored to pur
chase it at the cost of a million of dollars is before
the country as the "cmbodiement of whig princi
ples!" What can exceed this reckless inconsis
tency? To Bare the country from this "infernal
plot," the people must elect to the presidency a
man who has done all that man could do to annex
Texas to the Union! Oh, shame, where is thy
bluth?
Upon the whole, although the whigs may think
they have given us a death blow by the exhibition
of this "big gun" of whiggcry, if we are not very
much mistaken, it will operate to our advantage.
Every one who heard him was more or les Bp.
pointed, ana ne migtit speaic ,; aoo;uay and not
a uemocrar "'ould bS frightened from his propriety
i " a" mine they are more confirmed and settled in
their faith. But, on the other hand, if we can
judge from the want of that enthusiasm which ac
companies the support of a good cause, we should
say that his own party was mortified. All we have
to say to the w higs is bring us some more such
speakers let us have a few more such "great mass
meetings." Guard.
SOLITUDE EWING RASCALLY FALSE
IJOOD.
Tins ex-Secretary of State mnde
many unwarranted assertions in his
speech of yesterday. Does he suppose
the people do not know anything?
What reason had he lor declaring the
Texas debt to be eighty or a hundred
millions of dollars? Does he not know
that his master, Henry Clay t'id not
pretend in his celebrated Texas letter,
to claim the Texas debt to be over thir
teen millions, and was not sure it
amounted lo that?
Again, he appealed to farmers, asking
them if they would be willing to pay
that vast debt at an interest often per
cent. ihis deception beats every
thing. Is the Hon. Thomas Ewing
so ignorant ot current events as not to
bo aware that Texas has agreed to
come into the Union and pay her own
debts? or in other words, she has pro
posed to cede her public lands to the.U.
states in consideration of the latteiibe
coming liable for ten millions of her
debt, an amount probably exceeding
what she owes. Ihtse were condi
tions of the late treaty to which Tex
as did not object. According to this
treaty, Texas stock was to be?r three
per cent, interest from the date of its
being presented to the commissioners
for a new certificate not ten ner cent.
as 'Solitude' declared to the peopleyes
terday. For the payment of thn debt
and interest, "the public lands, and the
nett revenue from the same were
Lpledged." Hence the people of the
united states would not pay a centot
i exas dent.
Away with federal humbuggery!
It's pitiful losee men of the pretensions
of Ewing practicing such unmitigated
deceit and falsehood upon the people.
The opponents of Jeflerson puraued
the same course towards that great
man's administration during the time
ho was negotiating for Louisiana. Their
craven cry, however, was not heeded
The wisdom of the nation prevailed.
Genera tians, far in the future,vill bless
the name of Jefferson for that greatest
act (save the framing of tho Declara
ton of Independence,) of his eventful
life. .
, Ewing has a great horror to Texas
scrip! io wofider he should be start
led at the mention ot that term, ilis
speculations in the article, scrip, by
which he has beggared many nn hon
est man, have been of such a charncter,
that it is reasonable for mm to conclude
that no transactions can be done in
such business w ithout ruin fulling upon
some. one. Zanesville Aurora.
THE SPIUITOF DEMOCRACY.
EDITED BY J. R. MORRIS.
V O O D 8 F 1 K L I)
FRIDAY, AUGUST 23, 1844.
FOR PRESIDENT,
JAMES K. POLK,
Of Tennessee.
FOR VICE PRESIDENT,
GEORGE M. DALLAS,
Of Pennsylvania.
ELECTORAL TICKET.
SENATORIAL.
Joseph H. Larwill, of Wayne,
Dowtv Utter, of Clermont.
CONGRESSIONAL.
t District Clayton Webb, of Hamilton,
2d " James M. Dorset, of Darke,
3d ' R. D. Forsman, of Green,
4th " Judge John Taylor, of Champaign
6th " David IliG gins, of Lucas,
6th " Gilbert Beach, ofWood,
7th " John D. White, of Brown,
8th " Thomas Megrady, of Ross,
9th " Valentine Keffer, of Pickaway,
10th " James Parker, of Licking,
11th " Grenville P. Cherry, ofMarion,
12th " George Corwine, of Scioto,
13lh " Cautious C. Covey, of Morgan,
14th " Isaac M. Lanning, of Guernsey,
15th " Walter Jamieson, of Harrison,
16th " Sebastian Brainard, of Tusca's.
17th " James Forbes, sr. of Carroll,
18th " Neal McCoy, of Wayne,
19th Milo Stone, of Summit, .,
20th " Benjamin Adams, of Lake,
21st " Stephen N. Sargent, of Medina.
DEMOCRATIC NOMINATIONS. ELEC
TION, TUESDAY, OCTOBER 8TH.
FOR GOVERNOR OF OHIO,
DAVID TOD, of Trumbull County.
FOR CONGRESS
JOSEPH MORRIS.
FOR REPRESENTATIVE,
EDWARD ARCHBOLD.
FOR COUNTY AUDITOR,
JOHN M. KIRKBRIDE.
COUNTY COMMISSIONER,
JOHN CLINE.
FOR COUNTY SUB'EYOn
john b, Noll.
TOD AND VICTORY.
Hon. David Tod, the Democratic candidate
for Governor of Ohio, will address the people of
this county at this place, on Saturday the 7th of
September.
Invitations will also be extended lo Messrs.
ALLEN and BROUGH.
Come up, Democrats, on the 7th by thousands.
Come up, Whigs, hear for yourselves and then de
cide. Let all the true friends of our free institutions
of whatever party or creed, COME. Let our
German, and our Irish friends, COME!! Let those
in favor of our Naturalization Laws as they are
C0ME1 LET ALL COME!
DEMOCRATIC .MEETING.
A Democratic Republican .Meeting
.tit I II irAtiiii. .1
win ne neirt ot rtiumu.V MA., on
theClcar Fork of Muskingum, en SAT
URDaY NEXT, (the 31st inst.)
Messrs. MORRIS, ARCHBOLD &
several other prominant speakers w
address the meeting. Meeting to com
mence at one o'clock r. JV1. Let every
lover oi liberty on Uear f ork attend
this meeting; our country is bleeding at
every pore from Federal misrule, and
jaiuvv is me ume to near, to under
stand and to decide.
09- The Editor being absent from borne will
account for the lack of editorial, or any error that
may occur in this week s paper.
COMMUNICATED.
Mr. Editor.' I presume it would not be uninter
esting to some of your subscribers who were not
here on the 17th inst. at the whig mast meeting,
to give them a short account of the great exertions
and almost entire failure of the whigs on that
occasion.
You are probably aware of their efforts to get
up a mass meeting on that day, whether for the
purpose of enlightening this benighted region, or
displaying their unbounded benevolence and love
for the dear people, or for some other reason, I
cannot say, certain it is that they left no means
untried to get the people to turn out. They
promised them that they should be entertained
with speeches from some of the leaders of all the
decency party, band of music, and a public dinner
yes, a public dinner was to be prepared, and for
this purpose they sent to Cincinnati and purchased
two barrels of crackers and one whole cheese, to
feed the multitude; and it is said that they offer
ed four cracker and a slice of cheese, for each
democrat that should turn coon. How this was I
do not know, but one tiling I an sure of, that
if they did not get their crackers devoured
until they disposed of them in this way, the frag
ments would at least equal the quantity put upon
the table. - ;;..--
The eventful day at length arrived, and with it
came Ewing and Harper, the big guns of whigery.
Now all was anxiety and expectation. ' Prepsra-
.inns w.M moil fnr miMitv va fliarl n i rl I Via
tJUIl. .." whhw - 1. J V. .
people,' marshals with their blue badges were
mounted, horsemen were parading through the
streets ready to meet the delegations from the east,
west, north, and south, as they came in, and send
up one long and loud shout for their leader, Clay.
But imagine", Mr.. Editor, their bitter disappoint
ment when, instead of the people coming ia
crowds, some half dozen would arrive at a time,
(and many times one half of them democrats,) and
when met by the whigs here, and called upon to
I lm i .A..,, U.prtf tf tli Wm.f tViov .air?
by their actions that he was not the man -under
whose banner they could rally that they bad no
voice 10 raise tor iiay to wui uic omy prciouco
at reviving the scenes of 1840, (for I will not
charge that they were in earnest,) was made "by
a few of the leaders here, whilst the greater part of
those in attendance were among the lookers on,
many of them having come in to attend to their
own business, others to see what was going on,
without the least desire to engage in scenes similar,
to those enacted in the memorable campaign of
1840. After the procession was formed it was
counted by a number of persons, amongst others a '
gentleman who has heretofore acted with Uie whig
party, but who now, (like many others in this
county who were foremost in the whig ranks in
1840,) will support Mr Birney, and he says that
there were 263 in the procession as they passed
down street, all told some make the number a
a little over that, and some under. This number
with those that did not wish to march in the pro
cession, formed the meeting. They next marched
to the woods, and oartook of a dinnkr of crackers
which was soon dispatched, as those that came up
first either devoured or carried away the entire
contents of the of the board, and left those that
followed either without dinner or compelled them
to go and seek it elsewhere. They then repaired
to the stand erected lor the purpose, where they
were first addressed by Mr. Harper, who tried to
make the people believe that Henry Clay was the
greatest man in the nation that in order to make
the people prosperous and happy it was only
necsssary to keep up their taxes by way of a tariff;
this being hard to make the people in this part of
the country believe, he closed his remarks. Next
in order came Solitude Ewing, who prefaced his
remarks by speaking of the good feeling that ought
to exist between the two parties, and spoke of bis
kind feelings towards opponents, and then com
menced by attacking Col. Morris, our democratic'
candidate for Congress. This unmanly and unjus
tifiable course was pursued because you, Mr.
Editor, in your paper some weeks since, had said
something on that most delicate subject, Mr.
Ewing's sciip speculation. He charged that the
article in your paper on that subject was a forgery,
and that Mr. Morris was the author, and tried to
make the impression that in your paper was the
first he had ever seen any thing of the kind. He
called upon Mr. Morris, who he said he understood
was in the meeting, lo know if he had published
the article. Mr Morris, being present, informed
Mr. Ewing (hat he was not the editor nor had he
published the article in question, and called upon
Mr. Ewing to give the name of bis informant.
which Mr. Ewing refused to do, as it would have
exposed him to shame and infamy, if a resident of
this place, for every one here knows that Mr.
Morris has nothing to do with the publication of
your paper. After Mr. fcwing bad closed his
remarks, Mr. Morris informed him that the article
was taken from the Ohio Statesman that it had
been published in many of the democratic paper
years ago, and that it could not phave escaped bis
notice that he believed the charges there made to
be true, and that if he had been the editor be would,
have published them as such. Whether Mr
Ewing voluntarily make he attC'; on Mr, Morrill
or whether he M induced to do so by some whig
who wished to injure our candidate for Congress
in some way, and was afraid to make the attack
himself, we are left in doubt In either event
they are welcome to all they made. The cheer
of the democr ats present will attest that they were
r:i.i - - .1. : -n . i i i . j
iuiicu in uiui r cnori, anu we uasc uuacK was uuiieu
back with ledoubled force upon their own heads.
Mr. Ewing acknowledged that he had purchased
scrip of some nine or eleven persons, and said that
he had refuted the charge made in the Statesman,
of this we will see hereafter.
Mr. Ewing, during the course of his remarks,
took much the same course as Mr. Harper, that
is, he came to about the same conclusion. Asia
1840, they said but little about a United States
bank, which is well known to be the favorite
measure of Clay and the leaders of the party; but
they fear to make the issue before the people.
They spoke with a great deal of bitterness against
the annexation of Texas, swelled the amount of
her public debt, and reduced the amount and value
of her lands.
But alas for Mordecai Bartley! you would
scarcely have known that he was the whig ca ndi
date for governor of this great Slate, had it not
been that his name appeared on some few flags that
were made; in the moment of reflection you would
not have known that there was such a man in
being. In the evening, what few remained in
town were addressed by Jo Ramage, who calls
himself the independent candidate for Congress in
this district. Why style himself the independent
candidate? Is he becoming tired, of Coonery, or
does be think to get the vote of a single democrat
by coming out in this way? We cau assure bim
that the democracy in this county are too well
acquainted with him to give him their support In
any event In bis remarks he cried out against
party, and at the same time look care to advance
nothing but the most ultra doctrine of the whir
party of the present day. '' ; ";-
Yours, Sui. ' SPECTATOR.
OPINION I willingly concede to everr man
what I claim for myself the freest range of thoueht
and expresssion: and am Derfectlv inHifr,--n
whether the sentiments of others on speculative
subjects coincide with or differ from my own.'
instead ot wishing or expecting that uniformity of
opinion should be established, I am convinced that
it is neither practicable, nor desirable; that Varie
ties of thought are as numerous and as stroncly
marked, and as irreducable to one standard, as
those of bodily form; and that to quarrel with one,
who thinks differently from ourselves, would be
no less unreasonable than to be angry with him for
having features unlike our own Prof . Lawrence.
When the few Simon Pure who went to Mar
shall to the whig celebration, came in on lb ears,
yesterdsy, a democrat stepped up to the cars and v
saidi'Well what kind of a time did you have?'
The whig replied, "another such meeting' would
us us up to this Stat if we are not already." :
Detroit Free Fret