The spirit of democracy. [volume], October 18, 1844, Image 1

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I
" PRINCIPLES AND MEASURES, AND HES THAT WILL CABRT THOSE PRINCIPLES AND MEASURES INTO EFFECT.
WOODSFIKLD, OHIO, FlUDAY, OCTOBER 18, 1814.
VOLUMB I. NUMBER 34.
, BY JA.ME8 li. WORK 18.
THE SPIRIT OF DEMOCRAC Y
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From the New York Morning News.
A LAY SERMON
O.I THE .
CHARACTER AND CAREER OF CLAY
AND CLAYISM.
TEXT.
"I never but once changed my opinion on any
great measure of national policy, or on any great
principle of construction of the national constitu
tion." II. Clay: JWe's Reg., vol. 62, p. 291.
In illustration of this text, we have selected a
considerable number of "elegant extracts" from
Mr. Clay's speeches and letters, which we propose
to exhibit in that juxtaposition, which will serve
properly to impress on the public the truth so
strongly and tersely stated by it. Both friends and
foes, we think, will hardly fail to be struck with
admiration by the beautiful consistency and har
mony they exhibit in his various declarations and
professions at different times and places, and under
diflerent circumstances of present motive or inter
est. Having had but brief time to give to ihe task,
we are conscious how imperfectly we have per
formed it how far we are still from rendering ful
ly that "justice to Henry Clay," about which so
much has been heard. Nevertheless, we hope
that for the present, this will do; and if any shall
hereafter retain, of Mr. Cl.iy, the opinion toocoml
mon, alas, in this prejudiced age, that with all his
showy parts and brilliant powers, he is yet a mere
versatile, trimming, restless, ambitious politician
unballasted and unbalanced by any manly steadi
ness of character any conscientious convictions
of doctrine any wisely matured and honestly main
tained principles if any one, in a wltJ, shall
still think with Mr. JcflVsou, that
"Henry Clay is merely a splendid orator, with
out any valuable knowledge from experience or
itudy, or any determined public principles, found
ed in political science, either practical or theoreti
cal" ho surely will acknowledge the injustice of
such a view of hi3 character and career.
Dividing our copious subject into a proper ar
rangement, we begiu with
1. TARIFF.
OS THE COMPROMISE.
One side:
'You and I both maintained that the measure of
protection preserved by the compromise would be
sufficient until about 1812; but were taunted by
Mir opponent, to know w hat would be its condi
tion when that period arrived. We replied, there
were the home valuation, cash duties, u lung list of
free articles, &c. But I said, also, let us take care
of ourselves now; the people oflS 12 may be trust
ted to take care of themselves. Public opinion,
in the moan time, m iy become more tnlined,
and the wis lorn of the protective policy may be
demonslratd. Have not been disappointed
My predictions have been uljillcd. The peo
ple of 18 12, the whigi, at least, everywhere, and
many of the democrats, are now fully persuaded
that the industry of this great country ought not to
be prostrated at the leet of loreign powers.
"I have again and again asserted, on the floor of
the Senate, that two principal objects were aimed
to be accomplished. One was to avert a civil war.
The other was to preserve the policy of protec
tion. It was threatened by Mr. Vcrplanck's bill
with total subversion; and I believed then, and be
lieve now, that, if the compromise had not passed,
at the next session of Congress all traces ot that
policy would have been effaced from the statute
book." Clay's letter to Clayton, August 22,
1844.
On the other side:
"Now, viewing It (the compromise) in this light,
it appears that there are eight years and a-half, and
nine years and a-half, taking the ultimate lime,
which would be an efficient protection, the remain
iog duties will be withdrawn by a biennial reduc
tion. The protective principle must be said to be,
in some measure, relinquished at the end oj eight
years and a half. This period cannot appear un
reasonable, and I think that no member of the Sen
ate, or any portion of the country, ought to make
the slightest objection. Clay's Speech, Feb. 12,
1833.
Again:
"It now remains for me to consider the other ob
jectionthe wantol guaranty to there being an ul
terior continuance of the duties imposed by the bib
on the expiration of the term at 1812 which it
prescribes. The best guaranty will be found in the
circumstances under which the measure would be
passed. If it passes by common consent if it
passed with the assent of a portion a considerable
portion who have directly hitherto supported this
system, and by a considerable portion of those who
opposed it if they declare their satisfaction with
tha measure. I have no doubt the rate of duties
.guarantied will be continued after the expiration of
the term, if the country continues in peace.' sum
speech.
Agaiu: .
"When all this was known, what Congress,
what legislature would mar the guaranty? 'What
man who is entitled to deserve the character of an
American statesman would stand up in his place,
in either House of Congress, and disturb this trea
ty of Deace and amity V'same speech.
Nor subsequently to the passage oi the act of
1842, has Mr. Clay appeared, in the aspect be has
presented to the South, any more disposed to regard
the obligations of the compromise is having expir
ed; however he may have been induced or forced,
s the period of the election approaches, to present
to the North an aspect strengthening mora and
more in favor of the act of 1842, as his case has
become more and more doubtful. Look, for ex
ample ' On the one Side:
; "My opinions, such as they are, have been re
cently quite as freely expressed at the South as I
ever uttered them at the North. have every
where maintain) d that, in adjusting a tariff for
revenue, discriminations ought to be made for pro
tection. THATTHE TARIFF OF 1842 HAS OPERAT
ED MOST BENEFICIALLY, and that I AM UTTER
LY 0PP3SED to its repeal, to its "repeal"
Yc3, but at the South he left wide room for his
friends to represent him, as indeed they did, as be
ing well disposed to its alteration-" These opin
ions were announced by me at public meetings in
Alabama, Georgia, Charleston, in South Carolina,
North Carolina, and in Virginia." Clay's letter
to Cope, June 29, 1814.
Again: ; .
"I have often, gentlemen, expressed my opinion
in favor of the taiilT oi 1842, that the only regret I
feel is that you should deem it at all necessary to re
quest any renewed expression of it. Nevertheless
I take pleasure, in complying with your request, in
saying that I am of opinion that the tariffof 1812
has been eminently salutary; that I am decidedly
opposed to its rrpeul; that I should regard its repea I
as a great national calamity; and that I am unaware
of the necessity of any modification of it. Iam
therefore opposed alike to its repeal or
modification. A fixed and stable currency is
what the country most needs, and I sincerely hope
that the tariffof 1842 may be maintained, and thus
afford a security for that desideratum." Clay's
li t er of September 9th, 1844.
And (hen on the other side:
"I should have preferred that the compromise
in all its parts could have been adhered to. "
Clay's letter to Mtriwelher of Georgia, Oct. 2,
1840.
After my return to Congress, in 1831, my efforts
were directed to the modification and reduction of
the rates of duty contained in the act of 1828. The
act of 1832 greatly reduced and modified them; and
the act of 1833, commonly called the compromise
act, still further jeduced and modified them. The
act which passed at the extra session of 1841, which
I supported, was confined to free articles. I had
resigned my seat in the Senato when the act of
1812 pissed." "If there be any excesses or defects
in it, (of which I have not here the means of judg
ing,) THEY OUGHT TO BE CORRECTED." Clay's
letter to F. S. Sron'on, Oct. 13, 1843.
"IN MY SUBSEQUENT LIFE I HAVE
ADHERED TO ITS PROVISIONS; AND
SHALL DO SO IN FUTURE." Clay's speech
at Columbus, Georgia, April, 1844.
'He challenged the mostdilligent to show, from
the records, that he had ever countenanced its vio
lation, in the slightest particular; nay, more, he
was bold to say, that, during his entire service in
Congress since, there never had been an effort to
violate it which had not met with his prompt and
earnest resistance." Clay's speech at Charleston
S. C. April 8, 1844.
Again, as to the origin of the compromise, in its
relation to nullification
One side:
"For the double purpose, then, of saving the
protective policy from destruction, and saving this
Union Jrom the horrors of civil war, I deemed it
necessary to bring forward that healing and tran
rpnlizing measure in regard to which there has been
so much misconception and misstatement in the
course of this present debate, (meaning the com
promise.) "That measure, ithe compromise,) whatever of
value or of error it may possess, originated entire
ly with the individual who is now addressing the
Senate." Congressional Debates, vol. 13, part 1,
page 969.
The other side:
"The compromise was not extorted by the ter
ror of nullification. It was a compassionate con
cession to the imprudence and impotency of nulli
fication. The danger from nullification excited no
more apprehension than would be telt by seeing a
regiment of a thousand boys of five or six years of
age, decorated in brilliant uniforms, with their
gaudy plumes and tiny muskets, marching up to
assault a corps of fifty thousand grenadiers six feet
high." On the independent treasury bill, Sep
tember, 1837.
ON PROTECTION.
One side:
"You tell me that 1 am accused of having aban
doned the protective policy. That would distress
me exceedingly, if I were not accused of all sorts
of crimes and misdemeanors." Letttr to Clayton
Aug. 22, 1844.
The other side:
"Carry out the spirit of the compromise act.
Look to revenue alone for the support of govern
ment. Do not raise the question of protection,
which I had hoped had been put to rest. There is
no necessity ofpiotection for protection." Clay's
speech at the extra session, 1841.
' ON HIGH DUTIES.
One tide. '
"All that was settled in 1816, in 1824, for both
of which tariffs Mr. Clay voted, and in 1828, was,
that protection should bo afforded by high duties,
without regard to the amount of the revenue which
they might yield." C ay's speech, Feb. 25, 1833.
The other side:
"I did not vote for the tariffof 1823 for which,
however, Mr. Van Buren, Col, Benton, Col.
Johnson, Mr. Wright, and others of our opponents,
did vote. And it ii remarkable, that, from that
period, my exertions in Congiess have been di
rected to the reduction and moderation of tariffs.
Thus, in 183 1, 1 supported that tariff, which great
ly modified andrtduced the tariff if 1828, inso
much that it was supposed by reasonable men that
it would or ought to satisfy the nullifies of South
Carolina. TJif-oext year, 1833, I brought for
ward Ihe compromise. I never was in favor of
what I regarded as a nigh tariff. No more reve
nue should be levied than is necessary to an eco
nomical administration of the . government. , I
should have preferred that the compromise, in all
its parts, uniform duties of 20 per cent could
have been adhered to." Clay's letter to Mr. Mer
iwether Oct. 2, 1843.
ON PROHIBITION.
One side:
"The prohibitory policy, it is confidently as-
rerted, is condemned by the wisdom of Europe,
and by the most enlightened statesmen. Is this the
fact? We call upon gentlemen to show in what
instance a nation that has enjoyed its benefits
has surrendered it.'
Again:
"But is it true that England is convinced of the
impolicy of the prohibitory system, and desirous to
abandon it? What proof have we to that effect'
We are asked to reject the evidence deducible
from the settled and steady practice of England,
and take lessons in a school of philosophical writers
whose visionary theories are nowhere adopted, or
if adopted, bring with them inevitable distress, im
poverishment, and ruin. Clay's speech, March
30, 1824.
The other side:
"The prohibition of the fabrics of foreign coun
tries would transfer the monopoly to the home
manufacturers in the United States. The true
interests of the consumers are best promoted by a
competion between the foreign and tho national
supply. The inevitable tendency of that compe
tition is to reduce prices, as all experience has dem
onstrated." Clay's letter from JVew Orleans to
a committee of his whig friends in Virginia, Jan.
23, 1844.
Again:
"never was in favor of duties beiugso high as
to amount to a prohibition of articles on which
they are laid. I have thought it best for all inter
ests that there should be competion."
. Again:
My opinion, that there is no danger herealter of
a high tariff, is founded on the gratifying fact that
our manufactures have taken a deep root. Even
now some branches of them are able to maintain in
distant markets successful competition with rival
foreign manufacturers."
tariff or 1316 and 1824.
One side.
"I toted for the tariffs of 1816, 1824, and 1832
I think they were all reasonable and moderate at
the times they were respectively passed. Mr.
Clay to Blenham and Bledsoe.
The other side:
"You are right, so far as the record is concern
ed, in your statement that I did not vote for the
tariffs of 1B1G and 1824." Mr. Clay to Mr.
Meriwether.
EFFECT OF DUTIES ON PRICES.
One side:
"But the duty never becomes an integral part of
the price, except in instances where the demand
and supply remain, after the duty is imposed, pre
cisely what they were before, or the demand is in
creased, and the supply remains stationary."
Speech on tariff, February, 1832, vol. 2, p. 38.
The other side:
"If there is any truth in political economy, it
cannot be that result will agree with prediction;
for we arc instructed by all experience that the con
sumption of any article is in proportion to the re
duction of its price; and Ihat, in general, it may be
taken as a rule that the duty upon an article forms
a portion of Us price," Spetch on compromise,
February 13, 1833, vol. 2, p. 110.
WHO PAYS THE DUTY?
One side:
"The sole object of the tariff is to tax the pro
duce of foreign industry, with the view of promot
ing American industry. The tax- is exclusively
levelled at foreign industry. That is the avowed
and the direct purpose of the tariff. If it subjects
any partof A mcrican industry to burdens, that is
an effect altogether incidental, and perfectly volun
tary." Speech on the tariff, 1824, vol. ,p. 457.
The other side:
"Now, as the chief source of revenue raised by
this government is from foreign imports, and as the
consumer pays the duty, it is entirely impractica
ble to ascertain how much of the common charge
and general expenditure is contributed by any one
State to the Union." Spctch on the land bill,
January 28,1841, vol. 2, p. 467.
DIRECT AND INDIRECT TAXATION.
One side:
"Who has the temerity to meet the waves of
popular indignation which will flow round and bury
him, whoever he may be, that should propose, in.
time of peace, to raise revenue by direct taxa
tion?" Speech on the tariff 1842, vol. 2,p. 844
The other side:
"Can any one doubt the impolicy of government
resting solely upon the precarious source of such
a revenue? It is constantly fluctuating. It tempts
lis by its enormous amount at one time into extrav
agant expenditures; and we are then driven by its
sudden and unexpected depression into the oppo
site extreme. We are seduced by its flattering
promises into expenses we miht avoid; and we
are afterwards constrained by its treachery to avoid
expenses which we ought to make. It is a system
under which there is a sort of perpetual war be
tween the interest of the government and the in
terest of the people. Large importations fill the
coffers of the government and empty the pockets of
the people. Small importations imply pi udence on
the part of the people, and leave the treasury emp
ty. In war the revenue disappears; in peace it is
unsteady. On such a system the government will
not be able much longer exclusively to reply.
VI WAS OPPOSED TO
THE TOTAL REPEAL OF INTERNAL REV
ENUE." Speech of April 86, 1820, vol. 1, p.
400.
And now, before passing from this head to the
others that are awaiting our attention, we will
leave Mr. Clay, and, for the illustration of the op
posite course of his partisans and his party, in dif
ferent sections, we will take, among a host of simi
lar materials,
One side:
Tho northern whig press in general, clamorous
ly urging Mr. Clay on the ground ol his warm sup-1
port of the manufacturers' tariff of 1842; and on
The other side:
Resolutions passed at a meeting of the friends of
Clay, iu Putnam county, Georgia:
" Resolved, 3. That we consider him pledged
to abide tbe spirit of the compromise act; and that,
at this time, we look to him as being the only man
in the country whose influence can carry out tri
umphantly the principles contained in said act.
"llcsolced, 4. That as good citizens we are
ever willing to pay any tariff for the purpose of
revenue, but not a cent for protection."
And:
"The fact that Mr. Clay is more of a free-trade
man advocate as he is of a wise and reasonable ta
riffthan Mr. Van Buren, is becoming generally
known to the people of the South. Richmond
Whig.
From the Nashville Union.
PREEMPTION RIGHTS AND REDUCTION
OF THE PRICE OF THE PUBLIC? LANDS
JAMES K. TOLK'S COURSE.
We have already shown that, from tiie moment
Gov. Polk entered public life, he has been the
constant and unwavering supporter of the policy
granting the right! of preemption to the settlers on
the public lands, at low and moderate rates.
When he was first elected to the legislature
of Tennessee in 1823; there was a portion of the
country within the constitutional limits of the
State, lying south and west of what was called
the congressional reservation line, which was
vacant and unappropriated. The title to these
lands was held by the United States. They con
sisted of inferior tracts which had not been appro
priated to the satisfaction of Ihe North Carolina
laud warrants issued to the soldiers of Ihe revolu
tion, and a portion of them was occupied by
settlers.
Gov. Polk brought forward the proposition in
the legislature to procure a relinquishment of them
to the State, and to grant to the settlers upon
them the right to preemptions, as securing their
homes. On a motion made by him, a select
committee was appointed for the purpose of
entertaining tbe subject, of which he was chair
man. On the 27th of November, 182.1, he made
a report as chairman, accompanied by a memorial
to Congress, prepared by himself, asking a rclin
quishment of these lands to the State of Tennessee
and setting forth therein that the actual settlers
should be secured in the right to their respective
nomes. ,e journalises, pp. a, aua.
In the legislature of 1341, a committee of the
Senate consisting of the members of both political
parties, when referring to the reasonable claim of
Tennuessce to these lands, unanimously a war
ded to Gov. Polk the merit of having tirit brought
the subject to the attention of the legislature and
Congress. In their report they said :
"In the year 1823, her (Tennessee's) claim was
asserted and explained in an able report and resolu
lions of instruction to the Tennessee delegation in
Congress, drafted and reported by the present
governor of this State, (James K. Polk,) then a
member of the Legislature." Senate Journal,
Jan. 29, page 503.
In 1825 Governor Polk was elected to Congress.
At the following session he brought this subject
forward; and, as chairman of a committee of the
House, he reported a bill embracing thepret mption
principle, and securing to the occupant his home
at a reduc' d rate. The bill did not pass at that
session. The proposition was repeatedly before
Congress afterwards.
Iu 1823 a bill to cede these lands to Tenne. see,
and to grant preemptions to the settlors upon them,
was before Congress. On the 2Sth of April, 1828,
Governor Polk made a speech in support of the
bill, from which we quote the following passage :
He said that "but an inconsiderable portion of
these lands ever would be appropriated at the
most reduced prices. That portion of them which
would bo appropriated at the low price of twelve
and a half cents pel acre the price proposed by
the bill would be either by the poorest class of
citizens, to secure for themselves and families
theirf little homes, or by the owners of adjoining
lands to keep of! intrusion, for outlots," &c.
During his long and arduous career in Congress,
Gov. Polk voted for and advocated the humane
policy of granting preemptions to settlers, not
only on the public lands in Tennessee, but on all
the public lauds held by the United States.
To prove this, it is only necessary to refer to
the journals of Congress.
On the 29th of May, 1830, a preemption bill
was before the House. We quote from the jour
nal of Congress as follows :
"The bill from the Senate (No. 19,) entitled,
"an act to grant preemption rights to settlers on
the public lands," was read the third time as
amended, and the question was stated, "shall the
bill pass?"
"And after debate thereon,
"The previous question was moved by Mr.
Taylor, and being demanded by a majority of the
members present;
"The said previous question was put, viz: shall
the main question be now put?
"And passed in the affirmative.
"And said main question was then put, viz:
shall the bill pass?
"And passed in the affirmative."
James K. Polk voted for this bill his
name is recoided on the journal in the affirmative.
Journal of 1829, '30, pages 377-8-9.
Under this law hundreds of the pioneer settlers
on the public lands were enabled to secure titles
to their homes.
On the 13th of June 1834, another preemption
bill was before Congress, we quote from the jour
nal of Congress as follows, viz.:
"The House resumed the consideration of the
bill from the Senate (No. 19,) entitled "an act to
revive the act to grant preemption rights to settlers
on the public lands, approved May 29, 1830,"
when a motion was made by Mr. Vinton that the
enacting words of said bill be stricken out
'And after debate, the previous question was
moved by Mr. Speight, and being demanded by
a majority of tnu members present,
'The said previous question was put, viz : shall
the main question be now put?
"And passed in tho affirmative.
Tbe main question was then put, viz: shall the
bill pass?
"And passed iu the affirmative."
James K. Polk voted for this bill, also, as is
proved by its being recorded on the :ournal, 1823
-4, pages ,751-2.
Under this law hundreds of other honest, indus
trious settlers on the public domain obtained pat
ents for their lands, and secured the sacred spots
on which were placed all their household goods,
and on which they hoped to rear their families.
Hundreds of them are note wealthy citizens,
owning large estates of their own, which have
been earned and husbanded by industry and fru
gality, who, but for this law for which Governor
Polk voted, would, in all probability, be the
dependent tenants of their more wealthy neighbors.
James K. Folk was not only the advocate of
granting preemption rights to the settlers on the
public lands, but also of graduating and reducing
the price of such of the public lauds as bad been
offered in the market at government prices, and
and had not been sold.
In proof of this, we quote from the journal of
1829, '30 as follows :
"The House proceeded to the consideration of
the bill from the Senate, (No. 5,) entitled "An
act to reduce the price of a portion of the public
lauds heretofore not in market, and to grant a
preference to actual settlers."
"And after debate thereon,
"A motion was made by Mr. Erwin of Ohio,
that the said bill do lie on the table;
"And the question being put,
"It passed iu the affirmative."
James K. Polk voted against the motion to lay
this bill on the table, as recorded in the journals of
Congress for 1829, '20, pages 780-1 The motion
prevailed; and the effect was a rejection of the bill.
In 1834, a bill was before Congress to reduce and
graduate the price of the public lands. We quote
from the journal of Congress as follows, to nit.:
"Mr. Clay, of Alabama, from the committee on
the public lands, reported the following resolution,
viz:
"Renolved, That the committee of the whole
House on the State of the Ui.ion, be discharged
from the further discussion of the bill (No. 92,)
to reduce and graduate the prico of the public
lands, and that the said bill be made the soeciul
order of the day for Friday, the 20th inst.
"A motion was made by Mr. Horace Everett
that the said resolution do lie on the table.
"And tbe question being put, it passed in the
affirmative yeas 82, nays 79."
James K. Polk voted against Me motion" to lay
the resolution vn the table. See journal of 1834
-5, pages 761-2 It was laid on the table, and
the effect was the bill was never reached, and did
not pass.
Governor Polk's opinions and votes, iu Congress
and out of Congress, have been uniformly and
consistently iu favor of grant'ng preemption
rights, and of graduating and reductng the price
of the public lands.
In his adJress to the people of Tennessee, in
1841, amongst the objections assigned by him to
the policy of distributing the proceeds of the
public lands among the States, he said:
"The public lands will, in effect, be mortgaged
to the several States, in proportions equal to their
federal representation in Congress, and they will
have an interest in having them sold, at the high
est possible rates; they will have an interest iu
opposing the graduation or reduction ol price,
and in opposing the grants of preemption at low
rates to that.hardy and enterprising race of pioneer
occupants who have gone with their families to the
West, built their 'log cabins,' opened their little
farms, and settled upon them, because they would
apprehend that the amount of their respective
dividends iu the distribution would be thereby
diminished."
James A". Polk has been the constant friend oj
the Western settlers, who have emigrated in order
to procure new homes for their families, and to
better their condition.
Himself the son of a pioneer, he experienced the
privations and hardships which he has so uniform
ly labored, as a public man, to alleviate in others.
How great and striking the contrast between
James K. Polk and Henry Clay on this subject!
The former regards them as "a haidy and enter
prising race," deserving the care aud protection
of government, while the latter denounces and
redeuounccs them as a "lawless rabble" himself
making a motion in the Senate to have them driv
en from the public lands.
We call on every democratic press this side of
the Alleghany Mountains to republish these facts
and to publish, at the same time, Kendall's
"Clay against the Settlers," which has already
appeared iu this paper and in 12,000 copies of the
Star Spangled Banner. Publish them together
if possible, and to the exclusion of every thing
else from a single number, that the hardy and
intrepid pioneers, aud their descendants who occu
py the snug and comfortable log cabins in our
western country, may see the difference.
"Well Pat," said a bullying whig the other day,
to a shrewd son of the Emerald Isle, "you don't
calculate to vote for Polk this year, I hope?"
"Yere everlastingly makin blunders of that kind"
replied Pat; "I do indade mane to vote for the
man, and I'll tell ye why, too, you disappointed
us about the Bafe the tother time, and we think
we'll have the Porrok now, any how, yer'ouor."
That coon made tracks fast.
As R diculousus mean. The British Bank par
ty, who went for a Bank owned principally by
British capitalists, charging meanly and falsely the
Democratic parly with receiving British gold to
aid them in this contcit Baltimore Republican.
From the Ohio Statesman:
To the Rev. Dr. Jfash :
Rev. Sir: I have recently seen, with a good
deal of concern for the cause of pure and undefiled
religion, a letter purporting to have been written
by you, (and published iu several political news:
papers,) ostensibly for the purpose of bolstering dp"
and blandishing the moral aud religious character
of Henry Clay. I say 1 have seen it with a deep
concern for the cause of pure aud undrfiled reli
gion, for it cannot be denied that the position you
and others have placed yourselves in, the opinions
you have expressed, and the conclusions you have
drawn, if they have any influence at all, must
have an ill effect upon the morality aud religion
of the country.
Without stopping to inquire why it is that at
this particular juncture, you arc found iu the
kennel of politics, to write Mr. Clay doWh i
a moral man, instead ot the pulpit, preaching to
him rcpentence for dueling and gambling, I will
notice, in a brief way, the contents of your letter;
You declare that "Mr. Clay has the confidence
and political support of a very large proportion of
the moral Worth, and a very large majority of the
members of different denominations residing in
Lexington." All of these you say aro the friends
of Mr. Clay, and most of them frequent visitors
at his home. You say all the Episcopal clergy
men iu Kentucky are the friends of Mr. Clay, and
and all the Methodist clergy in Kentucky, but
three, are the political friends of Mr. Clay. You
wind up with this astounding declaration: "Thef
opinion of the great majority of the religious
people, (ministers and others.) living in tbe neigh
borhood of, and immediately connected with, Mr.
Clay, I am confident is, that, if he is elected to
the Presidency, there will be, while he continues
President, a far healthier moral influence around
the Presidential chair, than there has been since
J. Q. Adams' administration!"
Now, Rev. Sir, what doe3 your political juttef
amount to, and what docs it prove Jf true, flf
proves that the clergy of Kentucky, generally,
entertain similar political opinions with Mr. Clay,
that they are wbigs, aud not democrats, which
they have a right to be; and which I will add, is
quite natural, ar.d quite in character with the bullc
of the clergy in all ages of the world. It provesV
too, if true, that a man cf distinction and talents,
even if he be habitually profane, licentious, addict
ed to gaming, a duelist in practice, principle, and
preccpt, may have the benefit of the friendship,
the approbation and familiar visits of the "moral
worth" and religious characters of his viciuity.
How high the moral and religious standard of such'
a community must be to make such relations con
sistent with the letter and spirit of the gospel, I
leave for pious casuists and gospel ministers, like
yourself to decide!
But, Rev. Sir, the excellence of your letter, its
admirable candor, its amiable christian liberallity
towards the adminstrations of Jackson, Van Buren
and Tyler, its pure gospel spirit shines forth in the
conclusion, where you speak with conf.dence of
"the far healthier moral influence a.ound the
Presidential chair than there has been since J.
Q. Adams' administration, vdiich is to prevail in
the event of Mr. Clay's election.
It is this sentiment of your letter ihat challenges
my animadversions such auti moral, anti religious,
anti christian opinions coining from clergymen,
alarm me fur the morals aud religion of the coun
try. Do you not know, have you not read, hath it no t
been told you, that it was under the tncmorai'Ie
administration of J. Q.. Adams, that H. Clay, he
being the Secretary of State, challenged John
Randolph, a Senator from Virginia, to mort.d com
bat for words spokeu iu debate, and twice fired" his
pistol at Mr. Randolph's breast, with the btootfyV
intention of taking his life? By this moral and
religious act, Mr. Clay violated the constitution of
the United States and the oath he had taken to'
support it. By this act he forfeited the respect
of the nation, and was soon after driven from tha
station he occupied by the public voice loudly SuJ
largely expressed. It was during that notorious'
administration, so exemplary in your pious eyes
that the public money of the United States was?
laid out, without any authority of law, to purchase
a Billiard Table for the Presidential mansion!
Is it such instances as these, Rev. Sir, with'
numerous others that might be cited, which enable
you to speak with so much confidence of the
healthy moral influence of Johu Q. Adams' admin
istration being restored.
Is it II- Clay's recommendation of his protege",
Mr. Basccm, when be took him to Washington,
to present him as a candidate for Chaplain id
Congress, (that he could "pi each any of the other
candidates to Hell and back again,") that has
enlisted you and your brother clergy, generally, so
warmly in his interest?
Is it his pious imprecation upon Mr. Folk, wnea
he said, "go home, where you belong," that
commends him to your confidence as the restorer
of "a healthy, moral influence around the Presi
dential chair?"
Is it his agency in the death of the lamented
Cilley, with his cold hearted exclamation to Mr.
Wise, that it would be but "a nine day's talk,"
that presses him upon your high and pious regard? -
Is it his duel with Humphrey Marshall, his long
established character as a libertine and blackleg
his card to George Kremer 1825 or his recent
political peregrinations in the South on the Sabbath
day, that inspire you with so much confidence
in the "healthy moral influence" he is likely to
throw around the Presidential chair?
I should be very sorry, indeed, Rer. Sir, to
detract in the least degree from your moral worth,
or your piety; but candor constrains uie to say,
that, as a clergyman, you remind me mote of the
sons of Eli, than of Nathan the prophet; more of
Zedekiah, the. son of Chcncrad, than of Michiah.
Had you lived In tbe days of Henry ihe YHIlh,
you would perhaps have admired "the healthy,
moral influence" around tho Throne; bad you
been a clergyman iu England in the days of