The spirit of democracy. [volume], October 18, 1844, Image 2

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George IV, you would probably bave been one of
that immense herd who ti ok care not to imitate
the example ot Nathan, and prudently, if not
piously, winked at the moral influence of that
ttnemplary monarch's reign!
Your letter corroborates what history maintains,
that the great mass of the clergy have always been
on the side of the aristocracy; in favor of those
who mistrust the people and draw then maxims
from the polity of the Mosaic dispensation, in
preference to following the Beautiful doctrines o(
the New Testament. The Scribes and Pharisees,
in the days of Herod, I dare say, took some paius
to give a passable color to his moral character.
They were like the same order of men in every
period oi the world; they professed, and practiced
eutwaidly "a healthy moral influence," hut they
were' only "whited walls." Is it not too much
the case with the clergy of the present day? It is
true, that something like a Samuel, a Nathan, an
Elijah, a Paul, a Huss, a Luther, a Calvin, a
Wesley, may be occasionally found, but are not
tlie great mass as "sounding brass, and a tinkling
cymbal?"
Permit me, Rev. Sir, to commend you, and all
who descend from the pulpit to whitewash the
deformities in any man's character, (whether he be
whig or democrat,) to a careful and prayerful
reading of the 23d chapter of Matthew. If it
does you no good, I assure you, it will do you no
barm.
In conclusion, I would remark, that as regards
the opinions of the clergy in regard to the qualifi
cations and- characters of public men, they are
entitled to no more weight then those of other men
of equal intelligence and opportunities of judging.
But if there is any class who ought to erect a
higher standard than any other by which to meas
ure the morals of public men, it ought to be the
clergy. They, of all others, ought to be cautious
how they endorse the moral and icligious charac
ters of men. It may serve the dirty purpose of
an unprincipled party to prostitute the clergy to
the degrading office of certifiers in behalf of men
of doubtful reputation; but the influence upon the
morality and religion of the country must be
decidedly injurious. A minister of the gospel
ought to be, not only pure, but unsuspected.
LENOX.
From the Globe.
APPEAL TO FORCE.
The attack on the naturalized democratic Ger
mans, at the polls in Louisville, Kentucky, during
the late August election, we warned our friends
throughout the Union, was but leading the way to
a system of intimidation which would be exten
sively adopted in the approaching presidential
election. It has always been the policy of the
party laboring to supplant popular government by
a moneyed government, to make money "the
binews of the war" necessary to attain the object
No plan suits the mean spirit and upstart presump
tion of a vulgar class of money accumulators,
bloated with wealth derived from fraudulent
monopoly the spa .vn of foulj legislation so well
as that which converts their ponderous purses into
clubs in (he hands of the venal and the vile the
dregs of society to beat down the right of suff
rage in the persons of the honest, hard working
classes, whom they would despoil in every way.
When the Bank of the United States commenced
its war in politics against the democracy of Ken
tucky, under the direction of Mr. Clay, a corps of
bullies were hired lo beset the polls in the contested
counties. The scheme proved successful in turn
ing the State against the democracy in places
where it was known to have the majority; and
such was the firm conviction of the necessity of
vindicating the right of suffrage thus,assailed by
foice, that measures were taken by the resolute
yeomanry to embody for the purpose. It was not
until seme fatal conflicts occurred, which raised
public attention to this premeditated attack, by
force, on the liberties of the people, that this sort
of organized bullying was abandoned. It was
resumed in Kentucky, as we have said, in the
late Louisville city election, where the war was
made upon the naturalized voters, as more obnox
ious to the prejudices of their party, and as less
likely to enlist the sympathies of the other. We
have apprehensions that this Kentucky example
will have proved contagious in the excitement
which has been prepared for it by the fostering
encouragement extended by nhigery to those w ho
have rallied as a party to put down the lights of
naturalized citizens. Well informed persons among
the whigs found some calculations in the defeat of
the democracy in Pennsylvania, on the expecta
tion that the naturalized voters will le driven
from the polls by force. It will be seen by the
following scrap, which we cut from the Pennsyl
vanian, that this war had already begun in assaults
on the democratic proccssicn on Friday last; and
this, too, not only without provocation, but in
contempt of the decorum and order evinced by
the democracy towards the ridiculous whig pro
cession of coons, with their insulting banners,
which came oil but a few days befoie:
From the Pennsylvania!).
Outrage At several places the democratic
procession on Friday evening was assaulted with
stones, brickbats, and other missiles, by which
several ol the marshalls were seriously injured
T.Ir. Lafferty, of Passyunk, was so much hurt as
to be incapable ot proceeding with the procession.
No one assaulted or interrupted the coon proces
sion on 1 uesuay last. Comment is unnecessary.
In Washington city, when the democrats inau
gurated their hickory pole, the same violence
was committed from behind walls and fences, and
from windows. Several persons were hurt by
missiles, and the transparencies were broken. In
Baltimore, during the late election, the bloody
spirit of mob violence broke out in a more fatal
manner. The following, which we copy from the
Baltimore Republican mikes it obvious that the
premeditated fury of the federal mobs is to be
directed particularly against our naturalized citi
zens. Club law is to fall first on the weakest, and
those least likely to call up the sympathies and
support of the niasess. We think federalism
mistakes the character of the democracy. It will
fight for the right of suffrage as guarantied by the
constitution, no matter in whose persons it is
assailed.
From the Bait. Republican, Oct 4.
BRUTAL OUTRAGE.
It is with feelings of deep pain that we have to
record a most brutal murder, perpetrated last night
in our city upon one of our German fellow citizens;
and it is with unaffected horror that we look upon
the fatal result that has, in this instance, followed
the deep hatred which influences bad men to gain
political ends. Where this malignant spirit is to
Slop, it is not for us to foresee, particularly if the
unbridled passion of bloody outrage is allowed to
go uiiwhipped of justice.
Atrocious outragi akb mcidm, Last
night, about 9 o'clock, a most foul murder was
committed at the corner of Bond and Lancaster
streets under the following circumstances. A
German democrat named John Henry Krager, who
resides at No. 76, Bond street, near Aliceanna
street left the house of Mr. John Uhlhorn
with a bucket to obtain water at a pump in the
neighborhood. While getting the water, a party
of persons, armed with clubs, passed him, hurrah
ing foi Clay, Fiehnghuysen and Pratt, at which
lie hurrahed for Polk in an inoffensive manner,
and with a perfect good feeling, whereupon he
was most brutally attacked with clubs and blud
geons, and btaten in a nwst ferocious andhorrib,e
manner, and when left, the party supposed him to
be dead : he was taken into the house and died in
about twenty minutes. The party, after commit
ting this horrible murder, crossed over to the
opposite side of the street, where they furiously
assailed Michael Baum, who was much beaten;
also, William Swallingburg, who, besides being
beaten, waj shot in the hip with a pistol ball; and
William Tatinghas, who was so much beaten that
it is supposed he will die during the day. The
party then proceeded further down Lancaster
street, where another person (a carpenter, whose
name we did not learn) was assailed and beaten at
his own door, because he was known to be a
democrat. A sailor, named James Buck, was also
dreadfully beaten by the same party. Henry
Kahnneman, Tliamta street, two doors from
Caroline, also much beaten. These fiends in
human form, we understand, before these horrible
outrages were perpetrated, grossly insulted some
of our most respectable democratic citizens, by
stopping in front of their dwellings, and giving
forth their hideous groans. Ladies, too, whose
husbands were absent, were most wantonly insult
ed by demoniac yells.
We hope that all the necessary measures will be
taken to bring these desperate villains to justice.
Where were the officers of the law during these
proceedings? AVhere? We have heard that a
watchman was called upon who refused to give his
aid in rescuing those who were attacked. We
have seen the bludgeons with which the murders
were no doubt committed; no one but a desperado
would carry such.
The young man, Krager, who was murdered,
bore an excellent character, and was very quiet
and inoffensive in his manners.
Since writing the above we have been informed
that James Buck, sailor, is dead.
James 0. Law, mayor of the city of Baltimore,
has offered $500 reward for the arrest and convic
tion of the murderers.
From Kendall's Expositor.
CLAY'S GAMBLING.
The Roorbacks oi the Whig Party have been
making the most false and vindictive attacks on the
spotless character of Gen. McCalla, of Lexington
Ky., because he has dared to tell the truth in rela
tion to Mr. Clay's immoralities. The General has
published a Card in self-vindication; hut its length
forbids its insertion in our Jittle paper. He pro.
duces ample testimonials of his private worth, and
of his uniformly moral and Christian deportment,
being a member of the Presbyterian church. Hav
ing vindicated his own character', he produces the
following statements to prove Mr. Clay's gamb
ling, viz:
Lexington, Sept. 3, 1844.
Sin: Your letter of the 2d of September instant
was handed me from the Post 0(lice. In it you
say, "Having heard that I was present at a bur
goo Jeast near Lexington, on the 4th of July, 1813,
at which Mr. Clay was a guest, you request me to
3tate whether he (Mr. Clay) played cards on that
occasionor money. 2d. Whether I have known
Mr. Clay for many years intimately, and whether
he has not been in the habit of profane swearing
during the whole course of my acquaintance with
him."
In answer to the first interrogatory, I state that,
being informed there was to be a meeting of the
people near my faun, and riot far from Lexington,
and being on my farm on the day you state, I rode
to the place where I was told they were to be as
sembled. When I reached the place, I found
i .i?r. ... ... .
auoui uny persons assemoiea, out it there was a
burgoo 1 certainly have forgot it. On my arrival I
saw a number of card tables set out, and a party
were engaged at play on most of them; and among
the parties engaged at play I observed one in which
Mr. Clay was engaged in playing at cards, and I
saw specie staked up, as I supposed by the party of
which Mr. Clay constituted one, as long as I re
mained, which I suppose was about four hours. I
think Mr. Clay continued to play, except when he
arose to drink or dine; at least, as I started for
home, I passed near where he had been playing
when I first saw him engaged at play, and he was
still playing at the same table. In relation to your
second interrogatory, I decline answering it, from
the consideration that I have no recollection of any
case that has happened, such as you are desirous of
information upon, other than what must have oc
curred in our personal intercourse, and of that I
will not speak certainly not to Mr. Clay's preju
dice.
In former yeare Mr. Clay and myself were fre
quently together, but for many years I have had
but little personal intercourse, and for the last four
or five none whatever with Mr. Clay.
Very respectfully,
Robert Wickliffe.
Louisville, Ky., Sept. 11, 1844.
I certify that in the month of February, 1843, 1
embarked on the steamboat Vicksbuig, at the town
of Vicksburg, Mississippi, on a voyage from New
Orleans to Louisville. The Hon. Henry Clay
was on board of said boat at the time, and remain
ed on her till she arrived at Memphis, where he
left the boat. I state that Mr. Clay was engaged
in games at cards part of the time whilst we were
together, and that he was playing for money, which
was staked in gold pieces on the table. The play
ing was continued each night until I retired to my
berth at the hour of 10 or 11 o'clock.
J. B. Bland.
In addition to this, Gen. McCalla makes numer
ous references by name to persons who have play
ed at the same table with Mr. Clay, or seen him
play for money.
To these we add the testimony of C. M. Clay,
in a recent speech at Cleveland, Ohio, as follows,
viz:
"Henry Clay a gambler Cassius M. Clay his
Accuser. The Chilicothe Advertiser says the fact
is so notorious that Mr. Clay is a gambler, that his
warmest supporters in Kentucky, where his pri
vate character is best known, do not pretend to
deny ;it. Cassiu M. Clay made the following
statement before public meeting in Cleveland, on j
the 30th day of August just past:
. "Henry Clay did once gamble, and so did the
whole of the Kentucky Bar, of which Mr. Clay
was a member. But this was some years ago, and
he believed Mr. Clay had now yielded to the force
of public opinion and given up. But I do not de
ny that Henry Clay does) now occasionally with
his friends tike a game of whist, and as it is cus
tomary in Kentucky, to- enliven the play, bet a
quarter or a half upon each game, and the winner
keeps the money."
Here Cassius Marcellus Clay admits that his rel
ative was once A GAMBLER, and DOES NOW
play for money! What is playing f jr money but
gambling 1 Mr. Bland's statement that money to
"enlivtn the play" on the steamboat in 1843, was
in "gold pieces." We have no gold pieces less
than $2.50.
MR. CLAY'S PROFANITY.
Appended to General McCalla' Card are, also,
the following statements, viz:
From the New York Plebian.
There are some Whigs so lost to all regard for
truth, that they even deny that Henry Clay ad
dressed to Mr. Speaker Polk the insulting and pro
fane language attributed to him. There is no more
doubt that Clay used the language than that the
sun shines. Not only have we the evidence of
Mr. Chaney, of Ohio, who was at that lime a mem
ber of Congress, but we have also the testimony of
the Hon. B. F. Hallett, of Boston, and the Hon.
William Parmenter, a member of Congress from
Massachusetts. On the 4th of July last, the Hon.
B. F. Hallett delivered an address to the Demo
cracy on Bunker Hill. The Hon. William Par
menter was President of the day. Mr. Hallett,
speaking of Mr. Clay's profanity, said:
" W ith what conscience can a Massachusetts man,
who has sworn to support the Constitution, vote
lor Henry Clay I " Denial cannot be broad enough,
nor charity itself large enough to cover over the
avowed moral delinquencies in his character
But, without referring to other well authenticated
charges in this respect, which so seriousiy aflect
the private character of Mr. Clay, and which
place his pure, exemplary, and virtuous opponent,
Mr. Polk, in eminent and beautiful contrast with
him, I will take this occasion, which has never oc
curred before in presence of the people, to prove,
as effectually as any fact could be established in a
court of law, one grave charge which is sturdily
denied by his supporters, that of vulgar and vin
dictive profanity in violation of all decency and all
rules in the Hall of the House of Representatives.
"When Mr. Barllcy, the eloquent delegate from
Ohio, announced the vote of that State in the Na
tional Convention, for Mr. Polk, he happily said,
(omitting the profanity,) "Ohio now says to Hen
ry Clay, as Henry Clay said to James K. Polk,
"Go home where you belong!" Did Mr: Clay
utter that profanity?
"On the Glh of February, 1838, you, Mr. Presi
dent, were on the floor of the House of Represen
tatives as a member, and I was there as a specta
tor. We were both within a few feet of Henry Clay,
who, with other Senators, had been attracted to the
House, by the exciting question then pending upon
the contested seats of the Mississippi members
The vote was taken and was a tie. James K. Polk,
the dignified, prompt, and efficient Speaker, was
in the Chair, and with his usual clearness of decis
iondeclared the vote: "177 iu the affirmative, "177
in the negative; the Chair votes in the affirmative.
It is a vote." At this instant, Henry Clay, look
ing directly at the Speaker with an expression and
a gesture I shall never forget, exclaimed, "Go
home, God damn you, where you belong!" You
distinctly heard it, sir; Mr. Chaney, of Ohio,
heard it; Mr. Gallup, of New York, heard it; and
we subsequently compared our recollections and
they agreed in every word; and, if called on our
oaths, we should be obliged to attest to that fact.
Am I right, sir?
Mr. Parmenter: You are. It is correct.
"Fcllow-citizens, you now have the fact, and
from this proof of one charge so pertinaciously de
nied by our opponents, you may judge of tho cred
it their denial of other charges is entitled to.
Cheers. Is it not a singular coincidence that
the rude Senator that committed that outrage, and
the dignified Speaker whom it was desinged to in
sult, should now stand before the American people
to decide between them upon their claims to the
highest office in their gift? And which of these
men would New England fathers like to hold up
as an example to their sons? With what pretence
to sincerity can the teachers of religion and good
morals, pray for men to rule over us, who fear God
and reverence his holy name, and then go from
their pulpits to the polls, and vote for Henry Clay
With what force can a father rebuke bis son for
profanity and other vices, who knows that he has
given his vote for that man? And yet the minis.
ters will do it, and the pious professors will do it,
and the Deacons will do it, and then turn round
and rebuke sin, and thank God they are not so bad
as those publicans and Locofocos!"
At a sale of the property of Thomas H. Clay, in
the beginning of the year 1843, Henry Clay, his
father, was present, and becoming very much dis
pleased at the low prices for which some of the
property sold, he swore very angrily; and, among
other things, said that he did "not care a G
damn whether the creditors got a damned cent of
their debts or not, if (hey stood by and saw the
property sacrificed. "
Thomas Montague.
September 10, 1844.
Mr. Chancy and Mr. Gholson, members of Con
gress from Mississippi and Ohio, were standing by
and heard Mr. Clay's profanne apostrophe to Col.
Polk.
By this and other conclusive testimony the fol
lowing points are proved, viz:
Mr. Clay is a DUELIST.
He is a GAMBLER.
He is a PROFANE SWEARER.
He is a SABBATH-BREAKER.
Mr. Clay is well known by multitudes of men
and women to be guilty of other practices perhaps
more immoral than any ot these; yet moral men
and religious men are zealous to place the embodi
ment of these vices at the bead of the Government
as an example to their children !
Vice is to be rewarded and clad in robes of pow
er, because it has talents to excuse it! The pro
fessing Christian, who would support this man,
with a full knowledge of his vices, would vote J or
the devil against an angel, if he were but for a
National Bank, a plundering Taiiff, and the rest
of the enslaving system of the Whig aristocracy,
and the angel against it
Where do the Bankrupts gel their
money to bo on elections?
From the Salem (Mass.) Advertiser. '
; . THE TARIFF. i '
This question is full of importance at the present
time, and let no-democrat shrink from a careful ex
amination of its history, as connected with our po
litical institutions. The whigs have made it their
rallying cry through the country, and they are fil
ling their colli mes with false issues upon the subject
in order to mislead the public. We challenge dis
cussion of any and all the points of our political
creed. The tariff was enacted for two purposes: to
raise a revenue to meet the expenses of government
and to afford protection to American manufactures.
The democratic party consider the first purpose,
namely, for revenue, the chief design of the tariff,
and that protection should be esteemed of seconda
ry importance, and incidental to this primary ob
ject On the first of these points, both parties are
united; but in the second, we are at variance with
the northern whigs, who hold that protection should
be the main object of the tariff, and revenue its in
cident. This is called the American system, and
Henry Clay is its reputed father, but with what
propriety will be seen by the following facts.
When this question was first agitated in our na
tional councils, Henry Clay was iii his swaddling
clothes. He had no part in the passage of the ta
riffof 1816, or that of 1824. The act of 1828 he
repudiated as a bill of abominations. In 1833,
when the South was threatening disunion, he sig
nified in the Senate that ho was ready to abandon
the idea of protection; and in 1842 he said, -'Do
not raise the question of protection, which I hoped
had been put at rest. There is no need of protec
tion for protection." When the present tariff bill
came before Congress, he resigned his seat, and
thus avoided committing his opinion. With these
facts, substantiated by the record, and admitted be
yond dispute, Mr. Clay might with more propriety
be called the enemy rather than the friend of the
protective system. On the other band, the whigs,
with an unblushing disregard for the truth, charge
Gov. Polk with being opposed to protection and in
favor of free trade. Let the record again seal their
lips. From the commencement of his career in
Congress iu 1826, to the close, he never supported
nor encouraged the introduction of any proposition,
having for its object the repeal of duties upon im
ports. His vote is recorded in favor of every tariff,
with perhaps one exception, that was enacted by
Congress while he was a member c f that body
He exerted an efficient influence, which was ex
tensive in the House, to efl'cct the passage of the
aits of 1830, '32 and '33. Notwithstanding his
support of these measures of protection, ho is rep
resented as hostile to American industry. How
was this hostility displayed? Why, by voting for
a duty on cottons of 25 per cent., boots and bootees
gl 50 per pair, cabinet ware, hats, caps, &c, 30
per cent., rolled iron 30 per ton, and on wool and
woolens the highest rates of duties. Neither can
the democratic party be charged with adopting the
principles of free trade; for there has not a tariff
been enacted by Congress but was passed by the
aid of their votes, and every act was passed by a
democratic Congress, except the bili of 1342, which
the whigs claim as their own measure, but with
how much truth, will be seen by the history of its
passage. On the passage of the present tai iff bill
iu the House of Representatives, August 22, 1342,
the vote stood :
For the bill, 101
Agaiust the bill, 101
The speaker announced the vote as above, and
voted himself in the negative. So the bill was
rejected by that whig vote. Thirty more whigs
voted in the negative, and sixteen were absent
making in all, fifty Jive whigs who did not vote for
the bill. This vote was reconsidered, and on a
second trial the vole stood :
Ayes, 103, nays. 102.
Whereupon Mr. White, the whig speaker, and
Mr. Clay's particular friend, again voted in the
negative. Two whig members who had dodged
the question, now came forward and voted for the
bill, and thus it was carried. During all this time,
twenty-ono democratic members voted steadily for
the bill, though not agreeable to them in all its
parts. This act of the House came up in the Sen
ate for a final vote on the 27th August, and the vote
stood:
Yeas 24, nays 23. One majority.
Four democrats voted for it, and nine whigs
against It. This settles the question that the whigs
have no exclusive right to call the tariff of 1842
their own. The leading objection of the democrats
to this tariff is, that the poorer classes of society
pay more than their just proportion of the duties.
The charge of the federal prints, that we wish to
destroy the tariff, is as false as the men who put it
in circulation. Let the present system of duties
be arranged so as to fall as heavily upon the luxu
ries of the rich, as upon the necessities of the poor
man! That it docs not now, we will show from
the record.
It takes the poor man's brown
sugar about - 75 per ct
Molasses - - - 51 "
Iron, from - . 32 to 250 "
Salt, from . 60 to 130 "
Logging chains, &c. 150 "
While it lays its burden thus lightly upon the
rich mau's luxuries-
Thread laces - 15 per ct,
Laces of gold and silver -15 "
Diamonds - 7 "
Watches, gems, peails 7
Philosophical apparatus, paintings, drawings,
&.C., free.
Thus it will be perceived that it is for the inter
est of every poor man to support the measures of
the democratic party; but not so for those arrogant
princes who have their property invested in man
ufactures. A few cents per yard on certain kinds
of cotton will put thousands of dollars into their
pockets; and where does it come from? Why, out
of the small income of the mechanic and farmer;
for they are the consumers of the article, and pay
the high price which the tar ill produces. Yet
these manufacturers have the hardihood to tell
them that it is a question of bread'. Bread for
whom? Bread for the manufacturer, and poverty
forthe consumer. A farmer can buy six yards of
cotton cloth for a bushel of corn; raise the tariff and it
will take a bushel and a half to buy the same amount;
and that extra half bushel goes directly into the
corn-barn of the manufacturer. But he it told
that the value of his products is correspondingly
increased with the tariff. This is false in theory
and practice; for it is the legitimate effect of a high
tariff to exclude American p.oduce from foreign
markets.
If we shut out their manufactures, they will
shut out our beef, pork, flour, &c.; and hence the
farmer is limited to a home sale, when the popula
tion of Europe are ready to pay him a higher per
cent, for his grain than he can obtain in an Amen-
ican market. Theprice"current ofwheat in.Eng
land is $1 75, while in this country ft is only 95
cents. Here the laborer is told that his produce
would go to support foreign capitalists, if their
manufactures are not prohibited. This position,
too, is false, for let a foreign article be entirely
prohibited, and the capitalist will bring his money
over to this country and invest it in manufacturing
(he same article. The people will yet understand
this system oi fraud, which has been taxing with
a high .hand their honest industry, and then the
lords of those sumptuous- palaces in New England,
which have been erected and furnished with this
legaliztd plunder, will call upon the government
in vain to protect them in their dishonest policy.
THE 8PIKIT OF DEMOCRACY.
EDITED BY J. R. MORRIS.
WO O I) S F 1 K L 1) .
FRIDAY, OCTOBER 18, 1844.
FOR PRESIDENT,
JAMES K. POLK,
Of Tennessee.
FOR VICE PRESIDENT, -
GEORGE M. DALLAS,
Of Pennsylvania.
ELECTORAL TICKET.
SENATORIAL.
Joseph H. Larwill, of Wayne,
Dowty Utter, of Clermont.
CONGRESSIONAL.
lit District Clayton Webb, of Hamilton,
2d " James M. Dorbey, of Darke,
3d " It. D. Forsman, of Green,
4th " Judce John TAYLOR.of Champaign
5th " David Higgins, of Lucas,
6th " Gilbert Beach, of Wood,
7th " John I). White, of Brown,
8th " Thomas Megrady, of Ross,
9th Valentine Reefer, of Pickaway,
10th " James Parker, of Licking,
11th " Grenville P. Cherry, ofMarion,
12th " George Gorwine, ofScioto,
13th Cautious C. Covey, of Morgan,
14th " Isaac M. Lanning, of Guernsey,
15th " AV alter J amieson, of Harrison,
16th " Sebastian Brainard, of Tusca's.
17th " James Forbes, sr. of Carroll,
18th " Neal McCoy, of Wayne,
19th ' Milo Stone, of Summit,
20th " Benjamin Adams, of Lake,
21st " Stephen N. Sargent, of Medina.
SENECA. TOWNSHIP.
In our paper of last week, in sneak
ing of the majorities of the sever
al' townships in this county, Sen
eca was omitted by the compositor.
Tod's majority in this township is C3.
This is a large majority; one of which
the democrats of Seneca may be proud.
But we ask of them a tnajoiity of 70
for Polk and Dallas. Let the word be,
"w? can, and we will," and it is cer
tain. We have received a communication
from Clarington, which we have for
some time debated in oar mind, wheth
er it would be proper to publish it.
We have come to the conclusion, that
it is rather personal, unless the charges
can be well established. If any mer
chant or merchants suo an individual
for no other reason than that the debt
or is a democrat, he or they should be
published. Or if they boldly proclaim
that they will sue all the democrats in
debted to them, unless they vole for
Clay, such merchants should be pub
lished to the world. AH' we have to
s ty to our correspondent is, give us
the proof, and we will publish '-Observer's"
article. V'e will see whether the
citizens of Monroe are to be forced in
to the support of Clay. This is only
a shadowing forth of the Alien and Se
dition Laws of John Adams, and which
we may expect to be revived should
Clay be elected.
Were the old farmers of Greene
township much enlighted on Wednes
day night last, by the exploviations of
certain young coons? "Young folks
think old folks are fools; but old folks
know young ones to be so." Do you
take young coonies. How lung have
you been caught?
Some of the young coon stumpers of
tins place, who, before the late election
made use of the vilest.lics and slanders
against some of the democratic candi
dates, are advised that their, several
cases are under consideration. So
look out coonies for the next paper.
THE BANKRUPT LAW.
A whig in this township at tho late
election, said if he had a dozen votes
he would give them all to Henry Clay.
A democrat replied, if you had fifty
you ought to give them all to Clay free
ly; for through his eflbris the Bankrupt
law was passed, and you were enabled
to pay your debts with a slip" of paper.
The coon made tracks. He was one
of the Bankrupts.
Mr. O'Connell, the'IfisVRepealer,
has been released from confinement.
Where is T. W. Lorr? Comment is
unnecessary.
We have understood that a whig of
this county remarked, a dny or two Bgo,
that after this he intended to have as
little to do as possible with democrats.
A joung whig merchant standing Jby,
said he had come to about the . same
conclusion himself. Now if the demo
crats of this county would adopt the
same course, what would become of
these whig stores? All we have to say
is, let them try it, and see who are the
loosers.
THE ROORBACK FORGERY. 1
The whigs are trying to prove that
the author of this infamous forgery is a
democrat. By aflidavits in oar ex
changes, we see that he is a ;whig 'aa
every honest man would suppose.
MR. BIRNEY, the abolition candi
date fcr President, is out in a late let
ter, in which he denies having been
nominated for the Legislature of Michi
gan by the deTriocrats. W"e supposed
it was another whig Roorbrck lie, as
soon as wo heard it. Mr. Birney also
says that he has more fears of annexa
tion of Texa, should Mr. Clay be elec
ted, than if Mr. Polk were elected. The
letter mnv be found in the Wheeling;
Gazette !' October 1G. -
OT We clip the following from tho
"Democratic Whig Standard," of. Ca
diz, Harrison county:
"DARK MONROE.
"We have no news from this benight'
ed region, but are strongly inclined to.
think that Ranvige will be elected. His
majority in this and Belmont is some
ihing i.vcr four hundred and fifty, and
idiould Monroe do any thing lolerablet
he undoubtedly Will be, elected."
Whew! Jehu!! that liked to have ta
ken our breath. Ramage elected in
this Congressional district? Neighbor
Wharton you must bo demented, and
should be put in a straight jacket, lest
you hurt yourself. Why, sir, the De
mocratic majority for Congress in this
county, is on! y 1123. What are. you
strongly inclined to think," now? Hits
"Monroe done any thing tolerable?
Uamuge "undoubtedly will be elected l''
Well, yi u certainly are a caution to all
the coons we have ever heard tell on.
Should Monroe not have given more
than 450 majority for Morris, we would
think she was junly entitled to the ap
pellation of "Dark Monroe," which you
sneeringly give her, and that she was
truly becoming "benighted." But, sir,
we will give you a piece of information,
for the insult that you, and other inso
lent coons have rast on this county, the
democracy of Monroe, on the first day
of November next, will give 1400 ma
jority for Polk and Dallas. Mark it.
Twelve hundred and thirty (Tod's ma
jority) is only "lokrubk" 1400 will ba
tokrabkr.
DIALOGUE.
Timk Thursday bkfore the late
Election. Tuo members of a church
in conversation.
1st Member. This is the night ol our
prayer meeting, and also the Clay Club
night; which shall we leave?
2nd Member, VV"e must let religion
go this time. The interest of Clay de
mands our exertions. ' -
A democrat, who overheard these
remarks, merely whispered, "a gambler,
a duellist, and a profane swearer."
The coons mizzled. ' '
DIALOGUE NO. If. -
Between a Minister, one of his
Church Members, and Miss M.
Member. Well, Minister, are you
going to give Mr. Clny your support?
Minister. 1 cannot. Mr. Clay, I
have been informed, and in such a man
ner too, that I cannot doubt it, is a du
ellist, a gambler, and a profane swearer.
With what kind of a face could I stand
in the pulpit, and preach against im
morality, and then turn round and vote
for Mr. Clay, who is proved to be
guilty of almost eve; y crime enumera
ted in the decalogue? My hearers
would brand me as a hypocrite. For
Mr. Frelinghuysen I could cheerfully
vote; but as I cannot vote for him
without voting for Mr. Claj , I shall sup
port neither.
Member. But would you not be
lieve Mr. ? He says Mr. Clay
is a man of good moral character.
Minister Mr.
of his own
knowledge probably knows nothing of
Mr. Clay. .
Miss M I heard Mr. , the .
gentleman of whom you are speaking,
say that "Henry Clay is a murderer in
the sight of Heaven, and in his heart."
This timely remark of Miss M. put
an end to the conversation. A fact.