Newspaper Page Text
fi.:B Y'M mes; R;'MOit jtis: ?
n m.if.-ii,.!-.-,-1 j; R M 8 i".T:i':i '.to!." ; Tib grmiT or Democracy is published every Saturday at the following ratest . ''. f 1 BO per tDnum, If paid iir advancb " l'--'1 02 00 . ' ; -II paid within the year.'' ''' 3 00'") if payment be delayed until after the expiration of the year, i ' : , : i -.. Oct- No paper will be discontinued, except at the option of the editor; until all arreari are paid. ;fjry--All communications eent by mail must be post-paid. - W'lv JldtDrtitimenti inserted at 60 cents per square, (fourteen lines or less,) for the first insertion, and 21 cents for each subsequent insertion. One col umn one month $7 00..' Three months $10. ' Six months $15. ' Twelve months $25. - 4 Pr eii d en i' Message. FeUvW-citiiMi cj the Senate mid Home . : f , , ,. of Repretaitatives: It is to me a source of unallected satisfaction to meet the Representative of the States and the peo ple in Congress assembled, as it will be to receive the aid of their combined wisdom in the adminis tration of public affairs. In performing, for the first time, the duty imposed on me by the constitu tion, of giving to you information of tbe state of the Union, and recommending to your considera tion such measures as in my judgment are necessa ry and expedient,! am happy that I can congratulate you on the continued prosperity of our country. Under the blessings of Divine Providence and the benign influence of our free institutions, it stands before the world a spectacle of national happiness. With pur unexampled advancement in all the elements of national greatness, the affection of the people is confirmed for the union of the States, and for the doctrines of popular liberty, which lie at the foundation of our government, It becomes us, in humility, to make Our devout acknowledgments to tbe Supreme Ruler of the Universe, for tbe inestimable civil and religious blessings with which we are favored. , In calling the attention of Congress to our rela tions with foreign powers, I am gratified to be able to state, that, though with some ot them there have exiatcd since your last session serious causes of ir ritation and misunderstanding, yet no actual hostili ties have Uken place. Adopting the maxim in the conduct of our foreign affairs, to '-ask nothing that is not right, and submit to nothing tint is wrong," it has been my anxious desire to preserve peace with all nations; but, at the same time, to be prepared to resist aggiessions,and to maintain all our just rights. ' In pursuance of the joint resolution of Congress , "'for annexing Texas to the United Slates," my predecessor, on tbe third day of March, 1845, elected to submit the first and second sections of that resolution to the republic of Texas, as an overture, on the part of the United States, for her admission as a Stale into our Union. This election I approved, and accordingly the charge d'affaires of the United States in Texas, under instructions of the tenth of March, 1815, presented these sec tions of the lesolution for the acceptance of that republic. The executive government, the Con gress, and the people of Texas in convention, have successively complied with all the terms and con ditions of the joint resolution. A constitution for the government of the State of Texas, formed by convention of deputies, is herewith laid before Congress. It is well known, also, that the people of Texas at the polls have accepted the terms of Annexation, and ratified the constitution. ' I communicate to Congress the correspondence between the Secretary of State and our charge -d'affaires in Texas; and also the correspondence of the latter with the authorities of Texas; together with the oliicial documents tiausmitted by him to his own government. . The terms of annexation which were offered by the United States having been accepted by Texas the public faith of both parties is solemnly pledged to the compact of their union. Nothing remains to consummate the event, but the passage of an act by Congress to admit the State of Texas into the Union upon an equal footing with the original Stales. Strong reasons exist nliy this should be done at an early period of the session. It will be observed that, by the constitution of Texas, the ex iailntr nrnvernineiit is onlv continued temporarily ' till Congress can act; and that the thiid Monday of the preicnt month is tne day appointed tor noiuing the first general election. On (hat day a governor, a lieutenant governor, and .both branches of the legislature, will be chosen by the .people. The President of Texas is required, immediately after til leceipt of official information that the new State has been admitted into our Union by Con gress, to convene the legislature; and, upon its meeting, the existing government will be super seded, and the State government organized. Ques tions deeply interesting to Texas, in common with the other States; the extension ol our revenue lawn and judicial system over her pcuple and territory, as well as measures"! a local character, will claim the early attention of Congress; and, therefore, up. on every principle of republican government, she ought to be represented in that body without un necessary delay. I cannot loo earnestly recom mend prompt action on this important subject. , As soon as the act to admit Texas us a State shall be passed, the union of tho (ho republics will be consummated by their own voluntary consent. This accession to our territory has been a blood less achievement. No arm of force has been raised to produce the result. The sword has had no part in the victory. We have not sought to extend our territorial possessions by conquest, or our republi can institutions over a reluctant people. It was the deliberate homage of each people to tho great principle of our federative union. If we consider the extent of territory involved in the annexation its prospective influence on Amer ica. the means by which it has been accomplished, springing putely from the choice uf the people themselves to share the blessings of our union, the history of the world may be challenged to fur nish a parallel. " The iurisdiclion of the United States, which at tne formation oi ine leoerai conmiuuou u" d by theSt! Mary's, on the Atlantic, has passed she Capes of Florida, and been peacefully extended lo the Del Norte. In contemplating the grandeur of this event, it is not to be lorgotten, that the re sult was achieved in despite of the diplomatic in terference of European monarchies.; Even France the country which had been our ancient ally the country which has a common inteicst with us in maintaining the freedom of thescas the country which, by the cession of Louisiana, first opened to us access to the Gull of Mexico the country with which we have been every year drawing more aud mora closely tbe bonds of successful, poir.inerce-i-most unexpectedly, and to our unfeigned regret, took part in that effort to prevent annexation, and to impose on Texas as a condition of the recogni tion of her independence by Mexico, that she would. never join herself to ine unueu oiates. we may rejoice that tha tranquil and pervading influence of the American principle of self-government, was sufficient to .defeat the purposes of British and French interference, and that the almost unanimous voice of the people of Texas has given td that inter ference a peaceful and effective rebuke. From this example, European governments may learn how vain diplomatic arts and intrigues must ever prove upon this continent, against that system ot self-government which seems natural lo our soil, and which will ever resist foreign interference. Towards Texas, I do not doubt that a liberal and generous spirit will actuate Congress in all that concerns her interests aud prosperity, and that she will never have cause to regret that she has united her "lone star" lo our glorious constellation. - I regret to inform you that .our relations with Mexico, since your laatsession, have not been of tthe amicable character which it is our desire ! reultivate with all foreign nations, Oo tha sixth day -of March last, the Mexican envoy extraordinary nd minister plenipotentiary to the United Slates, made a formal protest, in the name el his govern ment, against the joint resolution passed by Con. frets, "lor the annexation of Texas lo. the United States, v which he chose to regard as a violation of the rights of Mexico, and, in consequence of it, he -demanded bis passports.: He was informed that the government tf the United Stales did not consider hll joint wrohilion as a.tlolstion of any of tha PRINCIPLES AND Vol. II. rights of Mexico, or that it affoided any just cause of offence to his government; that the Republic ol Texas was an independent power, owing no alle giance to Mexico, and constituting no part of her territory or rightful sovereignly and jurisdiction. He was also assured that it was the sincere desire of this government lo maintain with that of Mexi co relations of peace and good understanding. That functionary, however, notwithstanding these representations and assurances, abruptly terminated his mission, and shortly afterwards left the country. f T.. T-1 1 . ... . ' ' u' jiivoy cxiraornnary ana Minister Jf tempo tentiary to Mexico was refused all official inter course with that government, and, after remaining several months, by the permission of his own gov ernment, he returned to the United Stales. Thus, by the acts of Mexico, all diplomatic intercourse between tbe two countries was suspended. Since that time Mexico has, until recently, occu pied an attitude of hostility towards the United States has been marshalling and organizing armies issuing proclamations, and avowing the intention to make war on the United States, either by an open declaration, or by invading Texas. Roth the Congress and convention of the people of Texas in vited this government to send an army into that territory, to protect and defend them against the menaced attack. The moment the terms of annex ation, offered by the United States, were accepted by Texas, the latter became so far a part ol our own country, as to matte it our duty to allord such pro tection and defence. I therefore deemed it proper, as a precautionary measure, to order a strong squad ron ta the coasts of Mexico, and to concentrate an efficient military lorce on the western frontier of Texas. Our army was ordered to take position in the country between the Nueces and the Del Nurte and to repel any invasion of the Texan territory which might be attempted by the Mexican forces. Oursquadron in the gulf was ordered toco-operate with the aimy. But though our army and navy were placed in position to defend our own, and the rights of Texas, they were ordered to cemmit no act of hostility against Mexico, unless sh? de clared war, or was hersell the aggressor by striking the first blow. The result has been, that Mexico has made no aggressive movement, and our milita ry and naval commanders have executed their or ders with such discretion, that the peace of the two republics has not been disturbed. Texas had declared her independence, and main tained it by her arms for more than nine years She has had an organized government in successful op eration during that period. H er separate existence, as an independent State, had been recognised by the United States and (he principal powers of Europe. Treaties of commerce and navigation had been concluded with her by different nations, and it had become manifest to the whole world that any further attempt on the part of Mexico to con quer her, or overthrow her government, would be vain. Even Mexico herself had become satisfied of this fact; and whilst the question of annexation was pending before the people ol Texan, during the past summer, the government of Mexico, by a formal act, agreed to recognize the independence of Texas on condition that she would not annex her self to any other power. The agreemeut lo ack nowledge the independence of Texas, whether with or without this condition, is conclusive against Mexico. The independence of Texas is a fact conceded by Mexico herself, and she had no right or authority lo prescribe restrictions as to the form of government which Texas might afterwards choose to assume. But though Mexico cannot complain of the Uni ted States on account of the annexation of Texas, it is to be regretted that serious causes of misunder standing between the two countries continue to exist, growing nut of uiiredrc-sed injuries inflicted by the Mexican authorities ami people on the per sons and property of citizens ol the United States, through a long series uf years. Mexico has admit ted these injuries, but Ims neglected and refused to repair them. Such was the character of the wrongs, aud such the insults repeatedly offered to American citizens and the Amtricau Hag by Mexi co, in palpable viulatiou of the laws of nations and the treaty between the two countries of the fifth ol April, 1831. that they have been repeatedly brought to (he notice of Congress by mv predecessors. As early as (he eighth oi February, 1837, the Presi dent of the United States declared, in a message to Congress, that "the length of lime since some of the injuries have been committed, the repeated aud unavailing applications for redress, the wanton character of some of the outrages upon the persons mid property of our citizens, upon the officers and flag of the United States, independent of the recent insults lo this government and people by the late Extraordinary Mexican minister, would justify in the eyes of all nations immediate war." He did not, however, recommend an immediate resort to this extreme measure, which, he declared, "should not be used by just and generous nations, confiding in their strength lor injuries committed, ifitcan be honorably avoided;" but, in a spirit ofYorbcarance, proposed that another demand be made on Mexico fur that redress which had been so long and unjust ly withheld. In llie.-c views, committees ol the two Houses of Congress, in reports made to their respective bodies, coucuired. Since these pro ceedings more than eight years have elapsed, du ring which, in addition to the wrongs then com plained of, others of an aggravated character have been committed on tbe persons and property of our ciuzens. A special agent was sent to .viexico in the summer of 1838, with full authority to make an other and final demand for redress. The demand was made; the Mexican government promised to repair the wiongs of which we complained; and after much delay a treaty of indemnity with (hat view was concluded between the two powers on the eleventh of April, 1839. aud was duly ratified by both governments. By this treaty a joint com mission was created to adjudicate and decide on the claims ol American cilizens on tho government of Mexico. . The commission was organized at Wash ington on the twenty-fifth day of August, 1840. Their lime, was limited ta eighteen months; at the expiration of which, they had adjudicated and de cided claims amounting to two millions twenty-six thousand one hundred and thirty-nine dollars and sixty-eight cents in favor of citizens of the United States against (he Mexican government, leaving a large amount of claims undecided. Of the latter, the American commissioneis had decided in favor of our cilizens, claims amounting to nine hundred and twenty-eight thousand six hundred and twenty seven dollars and twenty-eight cents, which were left unacted on by the umpire authorized by the treaty. Still further claims, amounting to between three and four millions of dollars, were submitted to the board too late to be considered; and were left undisposed of. Tbe sum of two millions twenty-six thousand one hundred and Ihirty-nine dollars and sixty-eight cents, decided by I he board, was a liquidated and ascertained debt due by Mexico to the claimants, and there was no justifiable reason for delaying its payment according (o (he terms of the (rea(y., It was not, however, paid. ' Mexico applied lor further indulgence; and, in that spirit of liberality and forbearance which has ever marked the policy of the United States towards that repub lic, the request was granted; and, on the thirtieth of January. 1843, a new treaty was concluded. By this treaty It was provided, that the interest due on the awards in favor of claimants under the con vention of the eleventh of April, 1839,' should be paid )n (he thirtieth of April, 1843, and that "the principal of the said awards, and the interest arising thereon, shall be paid in five years, in equal instal ments, eveiy three months; the said term of five years to commence on the thirtieth day of April, 1843, as aforesaid,' "The Interesj due on the thir MEASURES, AND MEN WHO WILL CARRY THOSE PRLXCIPLES AND MEASURES INTO EFFECT." WOODSFIELD, SATURDAY, DKCEMBKIl 13, 1845. tieth day of April, 1843, and the three first of the twenty instalments, have been paid. Seventeen of these instalments remain unpaid, seven ot which are now due. The claims which were left undecided by the joint commission, amounting to more than three millions of dollars, together with other claims fur spoliations on the properly of our citizens, were subsequently presented to the Mexican govern ment for payment, and were so far recognised, that a treaty, providing for their examination and set tlement by a joint commission, was concluded and signed at Mexico on the twentieth day of Novem ber, 1843. This treaty was ratified by the United Slates, with certain amendments, to which no just exception could have been taken; but it has not yet received the ratification of the Mexican gov ernment. In (he meantime, our citizens who suf fered great losses, and some of whom have been reduced from afliueoce to bankruptcy, are without remedy, unless their rights be enforced by their gov ernment. Such a continued and unprovoked series of wrongs could never have been (oleraled by (he United States, had they been committed by one of (he principal nations of Europe. Mexi co was, however, a neighboring sister republic, which, folllowingnur example, had achieved her independence, and for whose success and prosper ity all our sympathies were early enlisted. The United Stales were the first to recognise her inde pendence, and to receive ber into the family of na tions, and have ever been desirous of cultivating with her a good understanding. We have, there fore, borne tbe repeated wrongs she has committed, with great patience, in the hope that a returning sense of justice would ultimately guide her coun cils, and that we might, if possible, honorably avoid any hostile collision with her. Without the previous authority of Congress, the Executive possessed no power to adopt or enforce adequate remedies for the injuries we had suffered, or to do more than be prepared to repel the threat ened aggression on tbe part of Mexico. After our army and navy had remained on the frontier and coasts of Mexico for many weeks, without anv hos tile movement on her part, though her menaces were continued, I deemed it important to put an end, if possible, to this stale of things. With (his view, I caused steps to be taken in (he month of September last, to ascertain distinctly, and in an au thentic form, what the designs of the Mexican gov ernment were; wether it was their intention (o de clare war, or invade Texas, or whether fhey were uisposcu to aujusi ana seme, in sn aruicame man ner, the pending differences between the two coun tries. On the ninth of November an official answer was received, that the Mexican government con sented to renew the diplomatic relations which had been suspended in March last; and for that pur pose were willing to accredit a minister from the United Mates. With a sincere desire to preserve peace, and restore relations of good understanding ueiwcen ine two repliant's, i waived all ceremony as to the manner of renewing diplomatic inter course between them, and assuminethe initiative. on the tenth of November a distinguished citizen of Louisiana was appointed envoy extraordinary and minister to plenipotentiary to Mexico, clothed with lull powers to adjust anil definitively settle all pend ing differences between the two countries, iuclud- iug those of boundary between Mexico and the state ot lexas. 1 lie minister appointed has set out on his mission, and is probably by this lime near (he Mexican capital. He hag been instructed to bring the negotiation with which he is charged (o a conclusion at the earliest practicable period, which.it is expected, will be in time to enable me to communicate the result to Congress during the present session. Until that result is known, I forbear (o recommend to Congress such ulteiior measures of redress for (he wrongs and injuries we have so long borne, as it would have been prop er to make, had no such negotiation been instituted. Congress appropriated, at the last session, the sum of two hundred and seventy-five thousand dollars for the payment cf the April and July in stalments of tho Mexican indemnities for the year 1844. " Provided it shall be ascertained to the sati-faction of the American government that said instalments have been paid by the Mexican gov ernment to the agent appointed by the United States to receive tbe same, in s-ch jnanner as to discharge all claim on the Mexican government, and said agent to be delinquent iu remitting the money to the United States." The unsettled state of our relations with Mexico has involved this subject in much mystery. The first infoimation, in an authentic form, from the agent of the United States, appointed under the administration of my predecessor, was received at the Stale Department on the 9th of November lost. This is contained in a letter, dated the seventeenth of October, addressed by him to one of our cilizens then in Mexico, with the view of having it commu nicated to that departmont From this it appears that the igent.on the twentieth of September, 1844. gave a receipt to the treasury of Mexico for the rmount of the April and July instalments of the indemnity. In the same communication, however, he asserts that he had not received a single dollar in cash; but that he holds such securities as war ranted him at the time in giving the receipt, and entertains no doubt hut that he will eventually obtain the money. As these instalments appear never to have been actually paid by the govern ment of Mexico to the agent, and as that eoveni- ment has not therefore been released so as to di tharge the claim, I do not feel myself warranted in directing payment to be made to the claimants out of (he treasury, without further legislation. Their case is, undoubtedly, bne of much hardship, and it remains for Congress to decide whether any, and what, relief ought to be granted to them. Our minister to Mexico has been instructed to ascertain the facts of the case from the Mexican government, in an authentic and official form, and report the result with as little delay as pcssible. My attention was early directed to the negotia tion, which, on the fourth of March last, I found pending at Washington between (he United States and Great Britain, on the subject of the Oregon Territory. Three several attempts had been pre viously made to settle the question in dispute be tween the (wo countries, by negotiation, upon the piinciple of compromise, but each had proved un successful.., . , ' ' These negotiations took place at London, in the years 1818, 1824, and 1826; the two first under the administration of Mr. Monroe, aud (he last under that of Mr. Adams- Tbe negotiation of 1818 hav ing failed to accomplish its object, resulted in the convention of the twentieth of October of that year. By the third article of that convention, it was " agreed, that any country that may be claim ed by either party on the northwest coast of Amor : ica, westward of the Slony mo'untains, Shall, togeth er with its harbors, bays, and creeks, and the navi gation of all rivers within the same, be free and opn tor the term often years from tho date of the signature of the present convention, to the vessels, citizens, and subjects of the two powers; it being well understood that this agreement is not to be construed to the prejudice of any claim which either of the two high contracting parties mar have to any part of the said country , nor shall it be taken to affect the claims of any other power or State to any part of the said country; the only ob ject of the high-contracting parties in that respect being, to prevent dispute and difference anions; themselves," "." ' ' " The negotiation of 1824 'was productive of no result, and the convention ol 1818 was left n changed. . ' " -- The negotiation uf 1826, having also failed to ef fect an adjustment by compromise, resulted in tbe convention of August (he Gth,1827,by which if was agreed to continue in lorce, for an indefinite period, the provisions of the third article ol the convention of the twentieth of October, 1818; and it was further provided; that ' it shall be competent, however, to either of the contracting parties, in case either should think fit, at any time after the twentieth of October, 1828, on giving due notice ot twelve months to the other contracting party, to annul arid abrogate this convention, and it shall, in such case, be accordingly entirely annulled and abrogated after the expiration of the said term of notice." In these attempts to adjust the controversy, the par allel of the forty-ninth degree of north latitude had been offered by the United States to Great Britain, and in those of 1818 and 1826, with a further con cession of the free navigation of the Columbia river south of that latitude. The parallel of the forty ninth degree, from the Rocky mountains to its in tersection wijh the northeastemmost branch of the Columbia, and (hence down (he channel of that river to the sea, had been offered by Great Britain, with an add.tion of a small detached territory north of the Columbia. Each of these propositions had been rejected by the parties respectively. In October, 1843, the Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United Slates in London was authorized to make a similar offer to those made in 1813 and 1826. Thus stood the question, when the negotiation was shortly after wards transferred to Washington; and, oo the twenty-third of August, 1844, was formally opened, under the direction of my immediate predecessor. Like all the previous negotiations, it was based upon principles of " compromise;" and the avowed purpose of the parties was,-' to treat of the respective claims of the two countries to tho Oregon territory, wi:h tbe view to establish a permanent boundary between them westward of the Rocky mountains to the Pacific ocean." Accordingly ,on the twenty sixth of August, 1844, the British plenipotentiary offered to divide the Oregon territory by the forty ninth parallel of north latitude, from the Rocky mountains to the point of its intersection with the norlheasternmost branch of tbe Columbia river.and thence down thai river to the sea; leaving the tree navigation of the river to be enjoyed in common by both parties the country south of this line to belong to the United States, and (hat north of it to Great Britain. At the same time, he proposed, in addition, to yield to the United States a detached territory, north of the Columbia, extending along the Pacific and the Straits of Fuca, from Bulfinch's harbor inclusive, to Hood's canal,and to make free to the United States any port or ports south of lati tude forty-nine degrees, which (hey might desire, either on the main land, or on Quadra and Van couver's island. With the exception of the free port, this was the same offer which had been made by the British, and rejected by the American gov ernment in the negotiation of 1826. This proposi tion was properly rejected by the American pleni potentiary on the day it was submitted, This was the only proposition of compromise offered by the British plenipotentiary. The proposition on the part of Great Britain having been rejected, the British plenipotentiary requested that a proposal should be made by the United Stales for "an equi table adjustment of the question." When I came into office, I found this to be (he state of the negotiation. Though entertaining the settled conviction, that the British pretensions of ti tle could not be maintained to any portion uf the Oregon territory upon any principle of public law recognised by nations,yet,in deference to what had been done by my predecessors, and especially in consideration thai propositions of compromise had been thrice made by two preceding administra tions, to adjust the question on the panllel ol forty-nine degrees ,nd in two of therrt yielding toG real Uritain the free navigation of the Columbia, aud that the pending negotiation had been commenced on the basis of compromise, 1 deemed it to be my duty not abrubtly (o break it off. In consideration, too, that under the conventions of 1818 and 1827, (he citizens and subjects of the two Powers held a joint occupancy of the country, I was induced to iiiAiic uuuuicr cuoi i iu seme mis luug-pcnuiug con troversy in the spirit of moderation which had giv en birth to the renewed discussion. A proposition was accordingly made, which was rejected by the British plenipotentiary, who, without submitting any other proposition, suffered the negotiation on his part to drop, expressing his trust that (he Uni ted States would oner what be saw fit to call "some further proposal for the settlement of the Oregon question, more consistent with fairness and equity, and with the reasonable expectations of the British government." The proposition thus offered and rejected, repeated Hie offer of the parallel of fortv- nine degrees of north latitude, which had been made by two preceding administrations, but with out proposing to surrender lo Great Britain, as they had done, the free navigation of the Columbia river. The right of any foreign power to the free naviga tion of any of our rivers, through the heart of our country, was one which I was unwilling to concede. It also embraced a provision to make free lo Great Britain any port or ports on the cape of Quadra and Vancouver's island, south of this parallel. Had this been a new question, coming under discussion for the first time, this proposition would not have been made. 1 he extraordinary and wholly inad missible demands of the British government, and the rejection of the proposition made in deference alone to what had been done by my predecessors, and the implied obligation which their acts seemed lo impose, afford satisfactory evidence that no com promise which the United Slates ought to accept, can be effected. With this conviction, the propo sition of compromise which had been made and rejected, was, by my direction, subsequently with drawn, and our title to the whole Oregon territory asserted, and, as is believed, maintained by irrefra gable facts and aigumenls. The civilized world will see in these proceedings a spirit of liberal concession on the part of the United States,and this government witl be relieved from all responsibility which may follow the failure to settle the controversy: All attempts at compromise having failed, it be comes the duty pf Congress to consider what meas ures it may be proper to adopt for the security and protection of our citizens now inhabiting, or who may hereafter inhabit Oregon, and for the mainte nance of our just title to that territory. In adopting measures for this purpose, care should be taken that nothing be done to violate the stipulations of the convention of 1827, which is still in force. The faith of treaties, in their letter and spirit, has ever been, and, I trust, will ever be, scrupulously ob served by the United States. Under that conven tion. a year's notice is required to be gien by either party to the other, before the joint occupancy shall terminate, and before either can righfully assert or exorcise exclusive jurisdiction over any portion of the territory. This notice it would, in my judg ment, be proper to give; and I recommend that provision be made by law forgiving it accordingly, and terminating in this manner the convention of tho sixth of August, 1827. It will become proper for Congress to determine what legislation they can, in the mean lime, adopt without violating this convention. Beyond all question, the protection of our laws and our juris diction, civil and criminal .ought to be immediately extended over our citizens in Oregon. They have had just cause to complain of our long neglect in this particular, and have, in consequence, been compelled for their own security and protection, to establish a provisional government for them selves. Strong in their allegiance and ardent in their attachment to the United States, they have been thus east upon their own resources. They are anxious thai r ur laws should, be extended over No. 40. them, and I recommend that this be done by Con gress with as little delay a posiole. in the full extent to which the British Parliament havs pro ceeded in regard to British subjects in that terri tory, by their actof July the second, 1821, "for regulating the fur trade, and establishing; a crimi nal end civil jurisdiction within certain parts of XNortn America." liy this act Ureat Jirilain ex tended her laws and jurisdiction, civil and crimi nal, over hei subjects, engaged in the fur-trade in that territory. Hyit, the courts of the province of Upper Canada were empowered to take cognizance of causes civil and criminal. J ustices of the peace and other judicial officers were authorized to be appointed in Oregon, with pover to execute all process issuing from the courts of that province, and to it and hold courts of record for the trial of criminal offences aud misdemeauors," not made the subject of capital punishment, and also of civil cases, where the cause ot action shall not "exceed in value the amount or a im of two hundred pounds." Subseque .f to th date of this act of Parliament, a grant was mada from the "British crown" to the Hudson's Bay Uompanv.of the exclusive trade with the Indian tribes in the Oregon territory, subject to a reservation that it shall not operate to the ex clusion "of the subjects of any foreign Stales who, under or byforceof any convention for the time being, between us and such foreign States respec tively, may be entitled to, and shall be engaged in, (he said trade." It is much to be regretted, that while under this act, British subjects have enjoyed the protection of British laws and British judicial tribunals through out the whole of Oregon, American citizens, in the same territory, have enjoyed no such protec tion from their government. At the same time, the result illustrates the character of our people and their institutions. In Spite of this neglect. they have multiplied, and their number is rapidly increasing in that territory. They have made no appeal to arms, but have peacefully fortified them selves in their new homes, by tbe adoption of re pnblicsn institutions for themselves; furnishing an other example of the truth that self-government is inherent in the American breast, and must pre vail. It is" due to them that they should be em braced and protected by our laws. It i deemed important that our laws, regulatme trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes east of the Rocky mountains, fhould be extended to such tribes as dwell beyond them. 1 he increasing emigration to Oregon, and the care and protection which is due from the govern ment to its citizens in that distant region, make it our duty, as it is our interest, to cultivate amicable relations with the Indian tribes of that territory. For this purpose, I recommend that provision be made for establishing an Indian agency, and such sub agencies as may be deemed necessary, beyond the ttocky mountains. For the protection of emigrants whilst on their way to Oregon, against the attacks of the Indian tribes occupying the country through which they pass, I recommend (hat a suitable number of stock ades and block-house forts be erected along the usual rauto between our frontier settlements on the Missouri and the Kocky mountains; and that an adequate force of mounted riflemen be raised to guard and protect them on their journey. The immediate adoption of these recommendations by Congress will not violate the provisions of the ex isting treaty. It will be doing nothing more for American citizens than Jintisri laws have long since done lor rsntish subjects in the same terri tory. It requires several months to perform the voyage by sea from the Atlantic States to Oregon; and al though we have a large number of whale ships in the Pacific, but few of them afford an opportunity of interchanging intelligence, without great delay, between our settlements in thai distant region and the United States. An overland mail is believed to be entirely practicable, and the importance of establishing such a mail, at least once a month, is submitted to the favorable consideration of Con gress. It is submitted to the wisdom of Congress to de termine whether, at their present session, and until after tho expiration of the year's notice, any other measures may he adopted consistently with the con vention of 1827, for the security of our rights and the government and protection of our citizens in Oregon ' That it will ultimately be wise and prop er to mako liberal grants of land to the patriotic pioneers, who, amidst privations and dangers, lead the way through savage tribes inhabiting the vast wilderness intervening between our frontier settlements and Oregon, and who cultivate and are ever ready to defend the soil, I am fully satisfied. To doubt whether they will obtain such grants as soon as the convention between the United States and Great Britain shall have ceased to exist, would be to doubt the justice of Congress; but, pending the year's notice, it is worthy of consideration whether a stipulation to this effect may be made consistently with the spirit of that convention. The recommendations which I have made, as to the best manner of securing our rights in Oregon, are submitted to Congress with great deference. Should they, in their wisdom, devise any other mode better calculated to accomplish the same ob ject, it shall meet with my hearty concurrence. At the end of the year's notice, should Congress think It pmper lo make provissions for giving that notice, we shall have reached a period when the national rights in Oregon must either be abandoned or firmly maintained. That they cannot be Aban doned without a sacrifice of both national honor and interest, is too clear to admit of doubt. Oregon is a part of the North American conti nent, to which.il is confidently affirmed, the title uf the United States is the best now in existence. For the grounds on which that title rests, I refer you to the Correspondence of the late and present Secretary of State with the British plenipotentiary during the. negotiation. The British proposition of compromise, which would make the Columbia the line south ol forty-nine degrees, with a trifling addition of detached territory to the United States, north of that river, and would leave on the British side two-thirds of the whole Oregon territory, in cluding the free navigation of the Columbia and all the valuable harbors on the Pacific, can never, for a moment, be entertained by the United States, without an abandonment of their just and clear ter ritorial rights, their own self respect, and the na tional honor. For the inform ition of Congress, I communicate herewith the correspondence which look place between the two governments during the late negotiation. The rapid extension of our settlements over our territories heretofore unoccupied; the addition of new States to our confederacy; the expansion of free principles, and our rising greatness as a na tion, are attracting the attention of the Powers of Europe; and lately the doctrine has been broached in some of them, of a "balance of power" on this continent, to checkour advancement. The United States, sincerely desirous of preserving relations of good understanding with all nations,- cannot in silence permit any European interference on the North American continent; aud should any such intetference be attempted, will he ready to resist it at any and all hazards. : : ' It is well known to the Americart people and to all nations, that this government has never inter fered with the relations subsisting between other governments. We have never 'made ourselves parties to their wars or their alliances; we have not sought (heir territories by conquest; we have not mingled with parlies Id their domestic struggles; and believing oar own form of government lo be the best, we have never attempted lo propagate it by intrigues, by diplomacy, or by fore' W mtf claim on this continent alike exemption from., European intetference.. The uatioo of America tie equally sovereign and independent with those ( of Europe. Tbey possess the same rights,, lode-v pendent of nil foreign interposition, to make war,, ta conclude peace, aud to regulate their iuiesnsj, affairs. Tim eople ol the United Slates cannot, therefore, view with Indifference attempts of uro-r pai powers to interfere with the independent, atf.) ton or m naiions on this continent. The Aaieri, rair system of Movernruent is entirely different from,., tha i oi E-rnpe. Jeoluusy amang Uie different eov; ereigus of Europe, lest any one of them might brj come tou powerful fur the rest has caused ifwm t anxiously to desire the establishment of what they, term the "balance of power " It cannot be per-, mitted to have any application on the North Amer-, lean continent, and especially to the United 8 tales. We must ever maintain the prinUe, that ibe peot pie of this continent alone have the right lo decide, their own destiny. Should any portion of Lbero. constituting an independent state, propose to unite, themselves with our confederacy , ibis will be question for them and us io determine, without any j foreign interposition, We tan never consent that ; European Powers sha'l interfere to prevent such a. t' union, because it might disturb the "balance of , power" which tbey may desire to maintain upon, this continent. N ear a quarter of a century ago the principle wasdistinctly announced to the world, iat the annual message of one of my predecessors, that. "the American continents, by the free and iudepeo, dent condition which tbey have assumed and main tained, are henceforth not to be considered as sub-, jects for future colonization by any European pow er." This principle win apply wttii greatly UK creased force, should any European power attempt to establish any new colony in North America. In the existing circumstances of the world, the. present is deemed a proper occasion to reiterate an4 1 reaffirm the principle avowed by Mr. Monroe, and!.): to state my cordial concurrence in its wisdom and. sound policy, The reassertinn of this principle), ! especially in reference to xxortn America, is at this day but the promulgation of a policy which do' European power should cherish the disposition to resist. Existing rights of every European nation- should be respec ted; but it is due alike to our safe.. ty and our interests, ttiat the etucient protection of our laws should be extended over our whole tor ntorial limits, and that it should be distinctly an nounced to the world as our settled policy, that no future European colony or dominion, shall, with our consent, be planted or established on any part of the north American continent . ' A question has recently arisen under the tenth article of the subsisting treaty between the United States and Prussia. By this article, the consuls of the two countries have the right to sit as judges and arbitrators "in such differences as may arise" hetween the captains and crews of the vessels be. longing to the nation whose interests are committed to their charge; without the interference of the fe cal authorities, unless the conduct of the crews or of the captain should disturb the order or tranquil.: ity of the country; or the said consul should re quire their assistance to cause their decisions to be carried into effect or supported." - ' The Prussian consul at New Bedford, in June, 1844, applied to Mr. Justice Story to carry into effect a decision made by him between the captaias and crew of the Prussian ship Borussia; but the re quest was refused on the ground that, without pre. vious legislation by Uongiess. the judiciary did net possess the power to give effect to this article of the treaty. The Prussian government, through their minister here, have complained of this violav tionof the treaty, and have asked the government' of the United Slates to adopt the necessary meas ures to prevent similar violations hereafter. Good faith lu Prussia, as well as to other nations with' whom we have similar treaty stipulations, requires, that these should be faithfully observed. I have deemed it proper, therefore, lo lay the subject bev fore Congress, and to recommend such legist. tion as may be necessary to give effect to these treaty obligations. - '' - - Bv virtue of an arrangement made between the Spanish Government and that of the United States,' in December, 1831, American vessels, since the) twenty-ninth of April, 1832, have been admitted te en try in tbe ports of Spain, including those of the Balearic and Canary islands, en payment of the same tqnnage duty of five cents per ton, as though they had been Spanish vessels; and this, wether our vessels arrive io Spain directly from the United. States, or indirectly from any other country.- When Congress, by the act of the thirteenth of July, 1832, gave effect to this arrangement be. tweeu the two governments, they confined the reduction of tonnage duty merely lo Spanish ves. sels "coming from a port in Spain," leaving the) former discriminating duty to remain ajainst such vessels coming from a port in any other country ... K Is manifestly unjust that, whilst American vesv sets, arriving in the ports of Spain from other coua.' tries, pay no more duty than Spanish vessels, Span ish vessels arriving in the ports of the United' States from other countries should he subjected to heavy discriminating tonnage duties." 'I bis a; neither equalitynor reciprocity, and is in violation of the arrangement concluded in December, I831V between the two countries. The Spanish gavera merit have made repeated and earnest remonstrant ces against this inequaility, and the favorable attend tion ot Congress h is been several timos invoked lo the subject bv mv predecessors. I recommend, aa an act of justice to Spain, that this inequality bs removed by Congress, and that tne uiscnminatinc duties which have beeu levied under the act of ta thirteenth of July, 1882, on Spanish vessels com. in? In tha United States from anv other foreira country, be refunded. This recommendation doest not embrace Spanish vessels arriving in the United: States from Cuba and Porto Uico, which will still remain subject to the provisions ot the act of Juaav thirtieth, 1831, concernicg tonnage duty on such vessels. -r..." By the act of the fourteenth of July, 1832, coffee was exempted from duty altogether. This ea emption was universal, without reffeience to the country where it waa produced, or the national! character of tha vessel in which it was impoited. By the tariff Kt of the thirtieth of August. 1B42, this cxemntion Iroin duiv was restricted to coffee imported in American vessels from the place of it production; whilst coffee imported under all other circumstances was subjected to a duty el twenty per cent, ad valorem. Under this act, and oar) existing treaty with the King of the Netherlands Java coffee imported ti om the European ports of that kingdom into the United States, whether in Dutch or American vesnels, now pays tbierate oi duty. The government of the Netherlands com-. plains that such a discriminating duty flMMId have been imposed on cotfee, the production- one o its colonies, and which is chiefly brought from: Java to the ports of that kingdom, and. exported' Iroin thence to foreign countries, uur trade wilev the Netherlands is highly beneficial to both covn-, ' tries, and our relations with them have ever been- ot the most friendly character. Under all the.cir. cumstancesof the case, I recommend thai this die crimination should be abolishe I, and that the .coffee of Java imported from the Netherlands be placed upon the same footing with that imported dire- fly Irom Brazil and other countries where it if disced. .!-- : v I f - .;,'. Under the eiehlh section of the tariff act of tbe thirtieth of August, 1842, a duty ol fifteen ceota. per gallon was imposed on Port wine in casks.. while, on the red wine ol several out ar countries whn imported in casks, a duty of onry six cenH per rallon was imposed. This discrimination, s far as regarded the Port wine oi Portugal, wash deemed a violation of our treaty with that Power which providos, that "No higher or other duties shall be imposed on the importation into the UnitdV States of America ot any article the growth, pro-i duce, nr manufacture of the kingdom and poesets sions of Portugal, than such as are or stall be pay., able on the like article being the growth, produce or manufacture of any other foreign country." A-v cordingly, to give effect to the treaty, as well as la the intention of Congress, expressed in a provis lo the tariff act itself, tint n thing therein contained, should be so construed as tp,at.rfare who subsist ing treaties with foreisn aatinus, areiiury circa. lar iu issued on the ixioauili at J.uAy,' ls4, which, among other things, rleci-u ad the duty nn the Port wine of Portugal, it4, u nltf tUeextnting Uwa and treaty, to b fix rem per 6'ltnn, and diteclssd, that the excess od.iti .- whi-.-li h-! !) toHeUed;