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0 mch win should be refunded. By virtue of
. another chose ia th am tec I ion of the irl, il ie provided that ill imitation of Port, or any other wine. "aha.Il be subject to the duty pro ided for the genuine article." Imitations of Port wine, the pro duction of France, ir imported to aome extent into tb United State; and the government of that coun try Bow claims that, under a correct construction of the act, these imltationa ought not to pay a higher duty than that imposed upon the original Port wine of Portugal. It appear! to roe to be unequal and unjust, that French imitations, of Port wine should be subjected to a duty of fifteen tents, while the More) valuable article from Portugal should pay a duty of ail centt only per gallon. 1 therefore rec ommend to Congress such legislation aa may be aocrasary to correct the inequality. The late President, in his annual message of De cember last, recommended an appropriation to sat isfy the claims oftbeTeian Government against tb United Statea, which bad keen previously ad jnated, so far as the powers of the executive extend. These claims arose out of the art of disarming a body of Teian troopa under the command bf Ma jor Snively, by an officer in the service of the Uni ted Statea. acting under the orders of our Govern ment; and the forcible entry into the custom-house at Bryarly' landing, on Ked river, by certain citi zen of the United Statea, and Inking away there- I from thegooda seized by the collector ot thecus toma aa ferfeited under the laws of Texas- This was t liquidated debt, ascertained to be due to Tex as when aa independent Mate. Hr acceptance of the terms of annexation proposed by the United State doe not discharge or invalidate the claim. I recommend that provision be made lor its pay ment 111 commissioner appointed to China during the special session of the Senate in March last, short ly afterwards Mt out on his mission in the United Slates ship Columbus. On arriving at Rio de Ja neiro on nia passage, tne state ot nis neann naa oe Cora so critical, that, by the advice of his medical attendants, be returned to the United Slates early in th month of October last. Commodore Biddle, Commanding the East India squadron, proceeded n hi voyage in the Columbus, and was charged by the commissioner with the duty of exchanging with the proper authorities the ratifications of the treaty lately concluded with the Emperor of Chi na. Since the return al the commissioner to the United Ststos.his health has been much improved, and he entertain tho confident belief thnt he will soon be able to proceed on his mission. Unfortunately, difference continues to exist among some of the nations of South America, which, following our example, have established their iudependence, whils in others, internal dis sent ions prevail. It is natural that our sympathies should b warmly enlisted for their welfare; that w should desire that oil controversies between them should be amicably adjusted, and their gov ernment! administered iu a manner to protect the right, and promote the prosperity of their people. It is contrary, however to our settled policy, to in terfere in their controversies, whether external or internal. I have thus adverted to all the subjects connect ed with our foreign relations, to which 1 deem it necessary to call your attention. Our pulicy is not only peace with all, but good will tnnarda all the Powers of the earth. While we are just to all, we require that all shall be just to us. Excepting the diflerences with Mexico and Gieat Britain, our relations with all civilized nations aie of th most satisfactory character. It is hoped that in this en lightened age, these differences may be amicably adjusted. Tht Secretary of the Treasury, in his annual report to Congress, will communicate a full state ment of the condition of our finances. The im port fur the fiscal year ending on the thirtieth of Jun last, were ol the value of one hundred and seventeen millions two hundred and fifty-four ttiousaud five hundred and sxty-four dollars, of which the amount exported was fifteen millions three hundred and forty-six thousand eight hundred and thirty dollars leaving a balance of one hun dred and one millions nine hundred and seven thou sand seven hundred and thirty-four dollars for do mestic consumption. The exports for the same year were ol the value of one hundred and four teen millions six hundred and forty-six thousand six hundred and six dollars; of which, the amount of domestic articles was ninety-nine millions tw o hundred and ninety-nine thousand seven hundred and seventy-six dollars. The receipts into the treasury during the seme year were twenty. ine millions seven hundred and sixty-nhie thousand one hundred and thirty-three dollars and fifty-six cents; of which, there were derived from custom", twenty-seven millions five hundred and twenty eight thousand one hundred and t welve dollars and evenly cents; from sales of public lands, two mil lions seventy-seven thousand and twenty-two dol lars and thirty cents; and from incidental an 1 mis cellaneous sources, one hundred and rixiy-tliiee thousand nine hundred and ninety-eight dollars ai.d fifty-six cents. The expenditures for the same period were twenty-nine millionsnine hundred and sixty-eight thousand two hundred and six dollars and ninety-eight cents; of which, eight millions live hundred and eighty thousand one hundred and fif ty seven dollars and sixty-two cents were applied to the payment of the public debt. The balance in the treasury on the first of July last, was seven ' .... , , j ' . i.. .1 i.i millions six hundred and fifty eight thousand three hundred and six dollars and twenty two cents. The amount of the public debt remaining un paid on the first of October last, was seventeen million seventy-five thousand four hundred and forty five dollars and fifty-two cents. Further payments of the public debt would have been roade.in anticipation of the period of its reimburse ment under th authority conferred upon the Sec retary of the Treasury by the acts of July twenty first, 1841, and of April fifteenth 1842, and March third, 1843, had not the unsettled stale of our re lations with Mexico menaced hostile collisnn. with that power. In view of such a contingency it was deemed prudent to retain in the treasury an amount unusually large for ordinary purposes. A few years ago, our whale national djtil grow ing out of the Revolution and the war of 1812 with Great Britain was extinguished, and we presented to the world the rare and noble spectacle of a great and growing people who had fully discharged eve ry obligation. Since that time, the existing debt ha been contracted; and small as it is, in compari son with the similar burdens of most other nations, it should be extinguished at the earlis practicable period Should the state of the country permit, and, especially, it our foreign relations interpose no obstacle, it is contemplated to apply all the mon ey in the treasury as they accrue beyond what is required for the appropriations by Congress, to its liquidation. I cherish the hope of soon being able lo congratulate the country on its recovering once mace the lofty posjtion which it so recently occu pied. Our country, which exhibits to the world the benefits of self-government, in developing all th sources of national prosperity, owes to mankind the permanent example of a nation free from the bilieliting iufluenca of a public debt. The aitmitlon of Congress is invited to the im parlance of making suitable modifications and re ttMciioii of the rates of duty imposed by our pres ent tariff laws. The object of imposing duties on imports should be lo raise revenue to pay the ne crssnry expenses of government Congress may, iitotWitedly, in the exerciseof a sound discretion, discriminate fn arranging the rates of duly on dif ferent articles; but the discrimination should b within th revenue standard, and bs made with i tie view to raise money for the support or gov ernment. ' It becomes important In understand distinctly what is meant by a revenue standard, the maxi mum of which should not be exceeded in the rates of duty imposed. It is conceded, and experience prove, that duties may he laid so high as to di minish or prohibit altogether th importation of any givto article, and thereby lessen or destroy the revenue which, at lower rates, would be de rived from it importation. Such duties exceed the revenue rates, and are not imposed lo raise money for the support of government. If Congress vy a d uty frr revenue of one per cent, on a given article, it will produce a given amount of money tu the Treasury, and will incidentally and necessarily afford protection nr advantage to the amount of iit pr cent, to the hom e manufacturer of a simi Wr tike "wild over the importer. If the duty litH lo ten per cent it will produce a greater amount of money and afford greater piolectinn If it be still raised to twenty, twenty five, or thirty per rent., and it, as it is raised, the revenue deriv ed from it is found lo bs increased; the protection or advantage will also be increased; but if it be rais ed to thirty-one per cent., and it is found that the revenue produced at that rale is less than at thirty per cent it ceases lo be a revenue duty. The precise point in the ascending scale of duties, at which it is ascertained Irom experience mat tne revenue ia greatest, is the maximum rate of duty u Inch can be laid tor the tonajuie purpose ot col lecting money for thesupport of government. To raise the duties higher than that point, and thereby diminish the amount collected, is to levy them for protection merely, nod not far revenue. A long, then, as Congress may gradually Increase the rate of duty on a given article, and the revenue is in creased by such increase of duly, they are within the revenue standard When they go beyond that point, and as they increase the duties, the revenue is diminished or uesttoyert, tne act ceases 10 nave for its object the raising of money to support gov ernment, but is for protection merely. It does not follow that Congress should levy the highest duty on all articles of import w hich ihey will bear within the revenue standard; for such rates would probably produce a much larger amount than the economical adminstralion ol the government would require. Nor doe it follow that the duties on all articles should beat the same, or a hnrizontr I rate. Some articles will bear a much higher revenue duty than others. J3elow the maximum of the revenue standard Congress may and ought to discriminate in the rates imposed, taking care so to adjust them on different articles as to produce in the aggregate the amount which, when added to the proceeds of sales of public lands, may be needed to pay the economical expenses of the government. In levying tariff of duties, Congress, exercise the taxing power, and for the purposes of revenue may select the objects ol taxation, i ney may ex empt certain articles altogether, and permit their importation free of duty. On others they may im pose low duties. In these classes should be em braced such articles of necessity as are in geneial use, and especially such as are consumed by the laborer and the poor, as well as by the wealthy citizen. Care should be taken that all the great in terests of the country, including manufactures, agriculture, commerce, navigation, and the me chanic arts, should, as far as may be practicable, derive equal advantages lrom the incidental pro tection which a just system ot revenue duties may rr. ; i i anora. i axation, uireci or indirect, is aDuiucu, and it should be so imposed as to operate as equally hs may be, on all classes, in the proportion of their ability to bear it. I a make the Taxing power an actual benefit to one cl iss, necessarily increases the burden of the others beyond their propr rtion, and would be manifestly unjust. The terms "pro tection to domestic industry," are of popular im port; but they should apply under a just system to all the various branches of industry in our country. The farmer or planter who toils yearly in bis fields, is engaged in "domestic industry," and is as much entitled to have his labor "protected," as the man ufacturer, the man of commerce, the navigator, or the mechanic, who are engaged also in "domestic industry" in their different pursuits. The joint la bors of all these classes constitute the aggregate of the "domestic industry" of the nation, and they are equally entitled to the mtion's "protection." No one of them can justly claim to be the exclu sive recipients of "protection," which can only be afforded by increasing burdens on the "domestic industry" of the others. If these views be correct, it remains to inquire how far the tariff act of 1842 is consistent with them. That many of the provisions of that act are in violation of the cardinal principles here laid down, all must concede. The rates of duty im posed by it on some articles are prohibitory, and on others so high as greatly to diminish importations, and lo produce a less amount of revenue than would be derived from lower rates. They operate as "protection merely," to one branch of "domestic industry," by taxing other branches. By the introduction of minimums, or assumed and false values, and by the imposition of specific duties, the injustice and inequality of the act of 1842 in its practical operations on different classes and pursuits are seen and felt. Many of the op pressive duties imposed by it under the operation of these principles, range from one per cent, to more than two hundred per cent. They are pro hibitory on some articles, and partially so on others, and bear most heavily on articles of common ne cessity, and but lightly on articles of luxury. Il is so framed that much the greatest burden which it imposes is thrown on labor and the poorer classes who are least aide to bear it, while it protects cap ital and exempts the rich from paying their just proportion of the taxation required for the support of government While it protects the capital of the wealthy manufacturer.and increases his profits, itdoos not benefit the operatives or laborers in his employment, whose wages have not been increas ed by it. Articles of prime necessity or of coarse quality and low price, used by the masses of the people, are, in many instances, subjected by it to heavy taxes, while articles of hner quality and higher price, or of luxury, which can be used only ny tne opulent, are ngniiy taxed. It imposes heavy and unjust burdens on the farmer, the plant. .i .! ., i .1 - r er, the commeicial man, and those ot all other pursuits except the capitalist who has made his in vestments in manulactures. All the great inter es'snftlte country are not. as neatly as may be practicable, equally protected by it. The government in theory knows no distinction ol persons or classes, and should not bestow upon some favors and privileges which all others may not enjoy. It was the purpose ol its illustrious fouo ders to base the institutions which they reared un. on the great and unchanging principles of justice and equity; conscious that if administeied in the spirit in which they were conceived, they would be felt only by the benefits which they dillused, and would secure for themselves a defence in th hearts of the people, more powerfully than standing ar mies, and all the means and appliances invented to sustaiu governments founded iu injustice and op pression The well-known fact that the tariff act of 1842 was passed by a majority of one vote in the Senate, and two in the House of Representatives, and that some of those who felt themselves constrained, un der the peculiar circumstances existing at the time, to vote in its favor, proclaimed it defects, and expressed theirdetermination to aid in its mod ification on the first opportunity, affords strong and conclusive evidence that it was not intended to be permanent, and oftb expediency and necessi ty of its thorough revision. In recommending to Congress a reduction of the present rates of duty, and a revision and modi fication of the act of 1842, 1 am far from entertain ing opinions unfriendly to the manufacturers. On the contrary, I desire Id see them prosperous, as far as they can be so, without imposing unequal burdens on other interests. The advantage under any system of indirect taxation, even within the revenue standard, must be in favor of the manu facturing interest; and of this, no other interest will complain. I lecommend to Congress the abolition of the minimum principle, or assumed arbitrary, and lalse values, and of specific duties, and the substi tution in their place of ad valorem duties, as the fairest and most equitable indirect tax which can be imposed. By the ad valorem principle, all arti cles are taxed according to their cost or value, and thote which are of inferior quality, or of small cost, bear only the just proportion of the tax with those which are of superior quality or greater cost The articles consumed by all are taxed at the same rate. A system of ad valorem revenue djtlea, with proper discrimination and proper guards against frauds in collecting them, it is not doubted, will afford ample, incidental advantages to the manufacturers, and enable them to derive as great profits as can be derived from any other regular business. It is believed that such a system, strictly within the revenue standard, will place the manu facturing interest on stable footing, and inure to their permanent advaotsge; while it will, as nei'.rly as may be practicable, extend to all the great inter ests of the country the incidental protection which can be afforded by our revenue law. Such a sys tem, when once firmly established, would be per manent, and not be subject to the constant com plaints, agitations, and changes which irust ever occur, when duties are not laid for revenue; but lor the "protection merely" of a favored interest. In the deliberations of Congress on this subject, it is hoped thtt a spirit of mutual concession and compromise between conflicting interests may pre vail, and that the result of their labors may be crowned with the happiest consequenres. By the constitution of the United States it is pro vided, that "no money shall be drawn from the treasury, but in consequence of appropriations made by law." A public treasury . was undoubt edly contemplated and intended to be created, in which the public money should be kept from the period of collection until need for public uses. In the collection and disbursement of the public mon ey no agencies have ever been employed by law, except such as were appointed by the government, directly responsible to it, and under its control, The safe keeping of the public money should be confided to a public treasury created by law, and tinder like responsibility and control. Ill not to be imagined that the framer of the constitution could have intended that a treasury should be crea ted as a place ol deposite and safekeeping of the public money which was irresponsible to the gov ernment. The first Congress under (he consti tution, by the act of the second of September, 1789, "to establish the Treasury Department," provided for the apDointment of a treasurer, and made it his duty "to receive and keep the moneys of the United Slntes," and "at all times to submit to the Secretary of the Treasury and the Comptroller, or either of them, the inspection of the moneys in hands." That banks, national or state, could not have been intended to be used s a substitute for the treasury spoken of in the constitution, as keepers of the public money, is manifest from the fact, that at that time there was no nutional bank, and but three or four State banks of limited capital existed in the country. Their employment as depositories was at first resorted lo, to a limited extent, but with no avowed intention of continuing them perma nently, in place of the treasury of the constitution. When they were afterwards from time to time em ployed, it was fiom motive of supposed conve nience. - Our experience has shown, that when banking corporations have been the keepers of the public money, and been thereby made in effect the treas ury, the government can have no guaranty that it can command the use of its own money for public purposes. The late Bank of the United States proved to be faithless. The State banks which were alterwards employed, were faithless. Hut a few years ago, with millions of public money in their keeping, the government was brought almost to bankruptcy, and the public credit seriously im paired, because of their inability or indisposition to pay, on demand, to the public creditors, in tho on ly currency recognised by the constitution. Their failure occurred in a period of peace, and great in convenience and loss were suffered by the public from it. Had the country been involved in a for eign war, that inconvenience and loss would have been much greater, and might have resulted in extreme public calamity. The public money should not be mingled with the private funds of banks or individuals, or be used lor private pur poses. When it is placed in banks for safekeeping, it is in effect loaned to them without interest, and is loaned by them upon interest to the borrowers from them. The public money is convened into banking capital, and is used and loaned out for the private profit of bank stockholders; and when cal led for, (as was the case in 1837,) it may be in the pockets of the borrowers from the banks, instead of being in the public treasury contemplated by the constitution. The fratners of the constitution never have intended that the money paid into the treasury should be thus converted to private use, and placed beyond the control of the government Banks which hold the public money are often tempted, by a desire of gain, to extend their loans, increase their circulation, and thus stimulate if not prodoce a spirit of speculation and extravagance, which sooner or later mu-;t result in ruin to thou sands. If the public money be not permit'ed to be thus used, hut be kept in the treasury and paid out to the public creditors in gold and silver, the temp tation afforded by its deposite with banks to an un due expansion of their business would be checked, while the amount of the constitutional currency left in circulation, would be enlarged by its em ployment i.i the public collections and disburse ments, and the banks themselves would in conse quence be found in a safer and sounder condition. At present, State banks are employed as deposi tories, but without adequate regulation of law, whereby the public money can be secured against the casualties and excesses, revulsions, suspensions and defalcations, to which, from over issues, over trading, an inordinate desire for gain, or other causes, they are constantly exposed. The Secre tary of the Treasury has in nil cases, when it was practicable, taken collateral security lor the amount which they hold, by the pledge of stocks of the United States, or such of the States as were in good credit. Some of the deposite banks have giv en this description of security, and others have declined to do so. Entertaining the opinion that "the separation of the moneys ot the goverume.it from banking insti tutions is indispensable for the safety of the funds ol the government and the rights of the people." I recommend to Congress that provision be made by law for such separation, and that a constitutional treasury he created for the safe-keeping of the public money. The constitutional treasury re commended is designed as a secure depository for the public money, without any power to make loans or discounts, nr to issue any paper whatever as a currency or circulation. I caunot doubt that such a treasury as was contemplated by the con stitution should be independent of all bankine cor porations. The money of the people should be kept in the treasury of the people created by law, and be in the custody of agents of the people chos en by themselves, according to the forms of the constitution; agents who are directly responsible to me govercment, who are under adequate bonds and oaths, and who are subject to severe punish ments for any embezzlement, private use, or mis application ot the public runds, and for any failure in other respects to perform their duties. To say that lha people or their government ar incompe tent, or not to be trusted with the custody of their own money, in their own treasury, provided by themselves, but must rely on the presidents, cash iers, and stockholders ol banking corporation, not appointed by them, nor responsible to them, would be to concede that they are incompetent for self government. In lecommanding the establishment of a consti tutional treasury, iu which the public mooey shall be kept, I desire .that adequate provision be made by law for its safety, and that all executive discre tion or control over it shall be removed, except such as may be necessary iu directing its disburse ment in pursuance ol appropriations made by law. Under our present land system, limiting the min imum price at which the public lands can be en tered to one dollar and twenty-five cents per acre, large quantities of lands of inferior quality remain unsold, because they will not command that price. From the records of the General Land Office it ap pears, (hat, of the public lands remaining unsold in the several States and Territories in which they are situated, thirty-nine millions one hundred and five thousand five hundred and seventy-seven acres have been in the market, subject to entry more than twenty years; forty-nine millions six hundred and thirty-eight thousand six hundred and forty-four acres for more than fifteen years; seventy-three millions seventy-four thousand and six hundred acres for more than tn years; and one hundred and six millions one hundred and seventy-six thou sand nine hundred and sixty-one acres for more than five years. Much the largest portion of these lands will continue to be unsaleable at the minimum price at which they are petmilled to be sold, so long as large territories of lands from which the more valuable portions have not been selected are annually brought into market by the government. With the view to the sale and settlement of these inferior lands, I recommend that the price be grad. uated and reduced below the present minimum rate, confining the sales at the reduced prices to settlers and cultivator, in limited quantities. If graduated and reduced iu price for a limited term lo one dollar per acre, and after the ex piration of (hat petiod for a second and third term to lower rates, a large portion of these lands would be purchased, and many worthy citizen, m ho ar unable to pay higher rales, could purchase homes for themselves and their families. By adopting the policy of graduation and reduction of price, these inferior lands will be sold for their real value, while the Stairs in which they lie will be freed from the inconvenience, if not Injustice, In which they are subjected, in consequence of the United States con tinuing to own large quantities of public lands within their borders, not liable to taxation ior tne unnnrt ol their local rovernmenla. f recommend the continuance of the policy of granting pre-emption, m lis most liberal extent, to all those who have settled, or may nereatter seme, 'on the public lands, whether surveyed or unsur Wved, lo which the Indian title may have been extioguished at the time of settlement. It has been found by experience, that in consequence of com binations of purchasers and other causes, a very email quantity ol the public lands, when (old at public auction, commands a higher price than the minimum rate established by law. The settlers on the public lands are, however, but rarely able to secure their homes and improvements at the public sales at that rate: because these combinations, by means of the capital they command, and their su. perior ability to purchase, render it Impossible for the settler to compete with them in the market By putting down all competition, these combinations of capitalists and speculators are usually enabled to purchase the lands, including the improvements of the settlers, at the minimum price of the govern ment, and either turn them out ot their homes, or extort from them, according to their ability to pay, double or quadruple the amount paid for them to the government. It is to the enterprise and perse verance of the hardy pioneers of the West, who penetrate the wilderness with their families, suf fer the dangers, the privations, and hardships at tending the settlement of a new country, and pre pare the way for the body of emigrants who, in the course ol a few years, usually follow them, that we are in a great degree, indebted for the rapid ex tension and aggrandizement of our country. Experience has proved that no portion of our population are more patriotic than the hardy and oraveinen ot me trontier, or more ready to obey the call of their country, and to defend her rights and her honor, whenever and by whatever enemy assailed. They should be protected from the grasp ing speculator, and secured, at the minimum price of the public lands, in the humble homes which they have improved by their labor. With this end in view, all vexations or unnecessary restrictions imposed upon them by the existing pre-emption laws, should be repealed or modified. It is the true policy of the government lo afford facilities to its citizens to become the owners of small portions of our vast public domain at law and moderate rates. The present system of managing the mineral lands of the U: ited States is believed to be radi cally defective. Mure than a million of acres of the public lauds.titpposed to cont aiii lead and other minerals, have been reserved from sale, and nu merous lea-es upm them have been granted to in dividuals upon a stipulated rent. The system of granting lea-es lias proved to be not only unprofit able to the government, out unsatislactory to the citizens who have gone upon the lands, and must, if continued, lay the foundation of much future dif ficulty between the government and the lessees. According to the official records, the amount of rents received by the government for the years 1841, 1812, 1843, and 1814, wassix thousand three hundred and filly-four dollars and seventy-four cents, while the expenses of the system during the same period, including salaries of superintend ents, agents, clerks, and incidental expenses, were twenty -six thousand one hundred and eleven dol lars and eleven cents the income being less than one-fourth of the expenses. To this pecuniary loss may be added the injury sustained by the public in consequence of 'he destruction of timber, and the careless and wasteful manner of working the mines. The system has given rise to much litiga tion between the United States and individual cit izens, producing irritation and excitement iu the mineral region, and involving the government in heavy additional expenditures. It is believed that similar losses and embarrassments will continue to occur, while the present system of leasing these lands remains unchanged. These lands are now under the superintendence and care of the War Department, with the ordinary duties of which thvv have no proper or natural connexion. I re commend the repeal of the present system, and that these lands be placed under the superintendence and management of the General Land Office, as oilier public lands, and b brought into market and sold upon such terms as Congress in their wisdom may prescribe, reserving lo the government an equitable per cenlage of the gross amount of mine ral product, and that the pre-emption principle he extended to resident miners and settlers upon them, at (he minimum price which may be established by Congress. I refer you to the accompanying report of the Secretary of War, for information respecting the present situation of the army, and its operations during the past year; the stale of our defences; the condition ol the public works; and our rela tions with the various Indian tribes within our lim its or upon our borders. I invite your attention to the suggestions contained in that report, in relation to these prominent objects of national interest. When orders were given during (he past summer for concentrating a military force on the western frontier of Texas, our troops were widely dis persed, and in small detachments, occupying po.sts remote fiom each other. The prompt and expedi tious manner in which an army, embracing more than half aui peace establishments, was drawn to gether on an emergency so sudden, reflects great credit on the officers who were intrusted with the excution of these orders, as well as upon the dis cipline of the army itself. To be in strength to protect and defend the people and territory of Texas, in the event Mexico should commence hostilities, or invade her territories with a large army which she threatened, I authorized the gen eral aisigned to the command of the army of occu pation td make requisitions for additional forces from several of the Stales nearest the Texan terri tory, and which could most expeditiously furnish them, if, in his opinion, a larger force than that under his command, and the auxiliaryaid which, under like circumstances, he was authorized to recehe from Texas, should be required. The contingency upon which the exercise of this au thority depended, has not occurred. The circum stances under which two companies of State artil lery Irom the city ol Pvew Orleans were sent into 1. exas. and mustered into the service of the United States, are fully stated in the report of the Secre tary of War. I recommend to Congress that oro. vision bt made foi the payment of these troips, as well as a small number of Texan volunteers, whom the commanding general thought it necessary to receive or muster into our service. Duriug the last summer,; the first regiment of uragoons inane extensive excursions tnrougli the Indian country on our Dorders, a part of them ad vancing nearly to the possessions of the Hudson's Bay Company in the north, and a part as far as the South Pass of the Rocky mountains, and the head waters of the tributary streams of the Colorado of the West, 'lhe exhibition of this mi htarv fores mon the Indian tribes in those distant regions, and the councils held with them bv the command. ers of the expeditions, it is believed, will have a salutary influence in restraining them from hostil ities among themselves, and maintaining friendly relations between them and the United States. An interesting account of one of these excursions ac companies the report of the Secretary of War- Under the directions of (he War Department, Bre vet Captain Fremont, of thecoma of tonoor'anhi. cal engineers, has been employed since 1842 in exploring the country west of the Mississippi, and beyond the Rocky mountains.. Two expeditions have alteady been brought to a close, and the re ports of that scientific and enterprising officer have furnished much interesting and valuable informa tion. He is now engaged in a third exoediimn- but it is not. expected that this arduous service will be completed in season to enable me to com municate the result lo Congress at the present ses- Our relations with the Indian tribes are bf a fa vorable character. The policy of removing them to a country designed for their permanent resi. deuce, west of the Mississippi and without the lim it of th organized State and Territories, is bet ter appreciated by them than it was a few year ago; while education is Dow attended to, and the habit of civilized life ar gaining ground among them. ' ' ' Serious difficulties of long standing continue to distract the several parties into wnicn tne i,nero kern -are unhappily divided.- The efforts of the government to adjust the difficulties between them have heretofore proved unsuccessful; and there remain no probability that this desirable ob ject can be accomplished without the aid of fur ther legislation by Congress. I will, at an early period of your session, present the subject for your consideration, accompanied with an exposi tion of the complaints and claims of the soveral parties into which the nation is divided, with a view to the adoption of such measures by Congress as may enable the executive to do justice lo them re spectively, and to put an end, if possible, to the dis sensions which have long prevailed, and still pre vail, among them. i I refer you to the report of the Secretary of the Navy tor the present condition of that brunch of the national defence; and for grave suggestions, having for their object the increase of its efficiency, and a greater economy in its management. During the past year the officers and men have performed their duty in a satisfactory manner. The order which have been given, have been executed with promptness and fidelity. A larger force than has oft en formed one squadron under our flag was readily concentrated in the gulf of Mexico, and apparently without unusual effort. ' It is especially to be ob served, that notwithstanding the union of so con siderable a for.ee, no act was committed that even the jealousy of an irritated power could construe as un act of aggression; and that the commander of the squadron, and his officers, in strict conformity with their instructions, holding themselves ever ready for the most active duty, have achieved the still purer glory of contributing to the preservation of peace. It is believed that at all our foreign sta tions the honor of onr flag has been maintained, and that generally our ship of war have been distin guished for their good discipline and order. 1 am happy to add, that the display of maritime force which was required by the events of the summer, has been made wholly within the usual appropria tions for the service of the year, so that no addi tional appropriations aie required. The commerce ot the United States, and with it the navigating interest, have steadily and rapid ly increased since the organization of our govern ment, until, it is believed, we are now second lo but one Power in the world, and at no distant day we shall probably be inferior to none. Exposed as they must be.it has been a wise policy to afford to these important interests protection with our ships ol war, distributed in the great high ways of trade throughout the world. For more than thirty years appropriations have been made, and annually ex pended, for the gradual increase of our naval for ces. In peace, our navy performs the important duty of protecting oui commerce; and, in the event of war, will be, as it has been, a most efficient means of defence. The successful use of steam navigation on the ocean has been followed by the introduction of war steamers in great and increasing numbers into the navies of the principal maratiine Powers of the world. A due regard to our own safety and to an efficient protection to our large and increasing commerce demands a corresponding increase on our part. No country has greater facilities for the construction of vessels of this description than ours, or can promise itself greater advantages from (heir employment. They are admirably adapted to the protection of our commerce, to the rapid transmis sion of intelligence, and to the coast defence. In pursuance of the wise policy of a gradual increase of our navy, large supplies ol live oak timber, and other materials for ship building.have been collect ed, and are now under shelter and in a state of good preservation, while iron steamers can be built with great facility in various parts of (he Union. The use of iron as a material, especially In the construc tion of steamers, which can enter wilh safety many of the harbors along our coast now inaccessible to vessels of greater draught, and the practicability of constructing them in the interior, strongly recom mends that liberal appropriations should be made for this important object Whatever may have been our policy in the earlier stages of the govern ment, when the nation was in its infancy, our shipping interests and commerce comparatively small, our resources limited, our population sparse and scarcely extending beyond the limits of the original thirteen States, that policy must be essen tially different now that we have grown from three to more than twenty millions of people, that our commerce, carried in our own ships, is found iu every sea, and that our territorial boundaries and settlements have been so greatly expanded. Neither our commerce, not our Ion; line of coast on the ocean and on the lakes, can be successfully defend ed against foreign aggression by means of fortifica tions alone. These are essential at important com meicial and military points, but our chief reliance fur this object must b! on a well-organized.eflicient navy The benefits resulting from such a navy are not confined to the Atlantic Stales. The produc tions of the interior which seek a market abroad, are directly dependent on the salety and freedom ol our commerce. The occupation of the Bali.e below New Orleans by s hostile force would em barrass, if not stagnate, the whole export trade of the Mississippi, and affect the value of the agricul tural products of the entire valley of that mighty river and its tributaries. It has never been our policy to maintain large standing armies in lime of peace. 'I hey are con trary to the genius of our free institutions, would impose heavy burdens on the people, and be dan gerous tu public liberty. Our reliance f ir protec tion and defence on the land must be ni.iinly on our citizen soldiers, who will he ever rea'ly, as they ever have been ready in times past, to ru-h with alacrity at the call of their country to her defence. This description of force, however, can not defend our coast, harbors, anil inland seas, nor I protect nur commerce on the ocean or the lakes. These must bs protected by our navy. Considering an increased naval force, and espe cially of steam vessels corresponding with our growth and importance as a nation, and proportion ed to the increased and increasing naval power of oilier nations, of vast importance as regards our safety, and the great and growing Interests to be protected by it, I recommend the subject to the favorable consideration of Congress. The report of the Postmaster General herewith communicated contains a detailed statement of the operations of his department duriug the past year. It will be seen that the income from postages will fall short of the expenditures for the year between one and two millions of dollars This deficiency has been caused by the the reduction ol the rate of postage, which was made by the act or the third of March last. No principle has been mors generally acquiesced in by tbl people than 4hat this depart ment should sustain itself by limiting itsexpendi. tures to its income. Congress has never sought to make it a source of revenue for general purposes, except for a short period during the last war with Great Britain, nor should it ever become a charge on the general treasury. II Congress shall adhere to this principle, as I think they ought, it will be necessary either to curtail the present mail service, so as to reduce the expenditures, or so to modify the act of the third ot March last as to improve it revenues. The extension of th mail service, and the additional facilities which will be demanded by the rapid extension and increase of population on our western frontier, will not admit of such curtail ment as will materially reduce the present expen ditures. In the adjustment, of the tariff ol postage the interests ol the people demand, that the lowest rates be adopted which will produce the necessary revenue (o meet the expenditures of the depart ment. I invite lhe attention of Congress to the suggestion of the Postmaster General on this aub ject, under the belief that such a modification of the late law may be made as will yield lunlcient revenue without further calls on the treasury, and and with very little change in the present rale of postage. ,: . .' Proper measures have been taken, In pursuance of the act ol the third of March last, lor th estab lishment of lines of rnslt steamers between this and foreign countries. The importance of this ser vice commends Itself strongly lo favorable consid eration. . , ' ' " ' . . ..... With the growth of our country, the public busi ness which devolves on lhe heads of the several Executive Departments has greatly increased.1 In ome tespect,the distribution of duties among them seems to be incongruous, and many of these might be transferred from one to' another with advantage, to the publie interests. A more auspicious time fortheconsiderationof this subject by Oongree. f with a view to system in the organization of lb several departments, and a more appropriate di vis ion of the public business, will not probably occur. The most impoitant duties of the State Depart ment relate to our foreign affair. By tb great n- largement of the family of nations, th increase of our commerce, and the corresponding extension of , our consular system,the business of this department has been greatly increased. In iu present organs -, zation, many duties of a domestic nature, and run. sisting of details, ar devolved on th Secretary ot. State, which do not appropriately belong to the for-', eign department of thegovernment.and may prop, j erly be transferred to some other deoartmant. n. , ol these grow out of the present state of the law concerning the Patent Office, which, a few year, since, was a subordinate clerkship, but hss become . a distinct bureau of great importance. Wilh an excellent internal organization, it is still connected with the State Department. In the transaction of -its business, questions of much importance to in ventors, ana to the community, frequently arise, which, by existing laws, are referred for decision toa board, of which the Secretary of Slate ia a: member. These questions are h gal, and th con. nexion which now exists between the State D ' partment and the Patent OiTicc.may.ivith great pro ' priety and advantage.b transferred to th Attorney ' General. - . :. In his last annual message to Congress. Mr. ' Madison invited attention to a proper provision for the Attorney General as an " important im provement in the executive estcblishment." Thi recommendation was repeated by some of his suc cessors. The official duties of the Attorney Gen eral have been much inrceased within a few years, and his office has become one ot great importance. His duties may be still further increased with ad vantage to the public interests. A an executive ' officer, his residence and constant attention at the seat of government are required. Legal question involving important principles, and large amount of public money, are constantly referred to him by the President and executive department for hi examination' and decision. The public business under his official managament before the judiciary ' has been so augmented by the extension of ourter. : ritory, and the acts of Congress authorizing suit against me uiuteu states lor large bodies of valua ble public lands, as greatly to increase his labor ' and responsibilities. I therefore recommend that the Attorney General be placed on the same footing ' with the head of the other executive departments, with such subordinate officers, provided by law ' for hi department, as may be required to discharge the additional duties which have been or may be devolved upon him. Congress possess the power of exclusive legists lion over the District of Columbia, and I commend the Interests of its inhabitants to your favorable consideration. The people ol this District bare ' no legislative body ol.their own. and must confide their local as well as their general interests to Rep. ' resentatives in whose election Ihey have no voice, : and over whose official conduct they have no con trol. Each member of the National Legislature should consider himself as their immediate Kepr. -seutative, and should be the more ready to give at tention to their interests and wants, because he is ' not responsible to them. I recommend that a lib-' eral and generous spirit may characterize your measures in relation to them. I shall be ever dis posed to show a proper regard for their wishes, ' and, within constitutional limits, shall al all lime cheerfully co-operate with you for the advancement ot tneir welfare. I (rust it may not be deemed inappropriate to the occasion for m to dwell for a moment on lhe memory of the mosi eminent citizen of our coun- try, who, during the su mmer that is gone by, ha descended lo the tomb. The enjoyment of con. lemplating, at the advanced age of near fourscore years, the happy condition of his country, cheered the last hours of Andrew Jackson, who departed this life in the tranquil hope of a blessed immor tality. His death was happy, as his life had been eminently useful. He hud an unfaltering confi dence in the virtue and capacity of the people, and in the permanence of that free government which he had largely contributed to establish and defend. His great deeds had secured to him lhe affections of his fellow-citizens, and it was his happiness lo witness the growth and glory of Ins country which he loved so well. He departed amidst thebcue-' dictions of millions of ficemen. The nation paid its tribute to his memory at his tomb. Coining generations Will learn Irom his example the love of country and the rights of man. In hi language on a similar occasion to the present, " I now com mend yon, fellow-citizens, to the guidance of Al mi'shtvGod, wilh a full reliance on His merciful providence for the maintenance ol our free institu. tions; and with an earnest supplication, that what, ever errors it may he my lot to commit in discharg. ing lhe arduous duties which have devolved on me, will find a remedy in the harmony and wis. dnm of your counsels." JAM ICS K. POLK. Washi-nctoh, December 2, 1845. fjr Our readers will perceive that our columns are, to-day, almost entirely occupied by the Presi dent's Message. We have only room to say that tlie Hon. John W. Davis, of Indiana, was elect cd Speaker of the House of Congress, and B. D. Fhe.ncii, Clerk. Washington City, Dec. 2, 1845. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. The House went into the election of Piinler, which resulted as follows: Whole number ol votes Necessary to a choice Ritchie & Heiss Jesse E. Dow it Co. Gales Sl Seatoti Jefferson &. Co. . Me;sr. Ritchie k Heiss, are elected to the House. 108 100 128 69 4 2 Printers OSEPH FRIANG'S ESTATE. Notice is I hereby given (hat the subscriber has been ap. pointed and qualified as administrator of the estate of Joseph Friang, late of Monroe county, deceased. dec 13 JOHN B. uaMUNEH.-Adm'x. C3AMUEL BROOKS' ESTATE Notice i 3 hereby given that lhe subscriber have been appointed and qualified as administrator of the es tate ofSaml. Brooks, late of Monroe Co., deceased. wm. AWILLAKD, dec 13 JOHN JONES, J Admr'i ATTACHMENT. At my instance an attach, ment was this day issued by John Adam t justice of the peace of Adam township, Monroe county, against the property and effect of Isaac Dickason and F. G. Collins, non-resident ot (aid county. ' ; -;-:-' - dec. 8, 1845. . " ELI EL HEADLEY. ' WM. C. WALTOflT. ' ATTORNEY t COUNSELLOR AT LAW, " Solicitor in Chancery, ' H AVINO extended hi arrangements to practice in . the Stat Courts for the counties of Monroe, Belmont, Guernsey, Harrison and, Jerter. - on, in thi Stale; in th U. 8. Cirn . cuit and DimiCT Coosvts) , for Ohio; and in the So. rniHB Coubt of 4he United Stato at Washington ,j ' t : ; r, i ; ... -i .. City, :o., ; . Tender hi professional service to hi numerous friends and th publie generally, from whom he hope to recaiv a gtnerou and liberal patronage. All bu sines iutrusted to hi car will receive tb most prompt and energetic devotion of hi profe sioml skill and industry. -. v . . . , s . .. w -fCf" Office oppotite tht Court ffouu. KWi. field, Monro Q, . , rjjor. go 1845. NEW ORLEANS MELASSES a frsh tf ply, just received and for sal by J. R.&J.H. MORRJS.