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OF J Jfanulg jfcfospger--3p etarttfr to politics, Jorogn ano gfomtstit $fctos, ISteata; it &xt$ ano Sotntes, tfktatura, Agriculture, Markets, Amusement, r . XIX. WOODSFIELD, MONROE COUNTY, OHIO, JULY 30, 1862. NUMBER 21. n rw M THfl.SMKlTOF DEMOCRACY. PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY. TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION: One dollar and fifty cents per annum, if paid Within the yean if not paid within the year, a Mil will be presented, and if not paid then two dollars will he required. No paper will be discontinued, except at tne option f the publisher, until all arrears are paid. Executed with neatness and dispatch at this O&ee, and at reasonable prices. TERMS OF ADVERTISING: SPEECH OF JAMES ft. MORRIS, Of Ohio, tin the House of Representa tives, delivered July 7, 1862. Hon. 1"Fot 3 wks, 3 moa. 6 mos. mos. I li m. t square, $ 1. $ 2. $ 3. $X $. 5. "a squares, 2. 3. 5. 6. 7. Column, 3. 5. 7- 9- J! "j column, 5. 8. 12. 14. 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If , subscribers remove to other places without informing the publishers, and the pa- pers are sent to the former direction, they are held responsible. 6. The co.ui ts have dee'ded that refusing ti take periodicals from th office, or removiiu and leaving them uncalled for, is prima facj evidence of intentional fraud. Business Cards. Dr. R, J. BUCKLKDGE MSPBCTTPLIflf offers services to Vll?PECTFl 111 fesstoual his pro line uiti- aetaa of GRAYSVILLE Ulace two doors south of CONCLUDED I would like to know how many more lives of northern soldiers than have al ready, been sacrificed does my colleague Mr. Ashley suppose it will take to suppress this rebellion, when the south ern people come to know and realize that our object ia to take the life of every rebel, to confiscate every dollar of rebel prop erty in the rebel States, and emancipate every slave, and then restore the Union and maintain the supremacy of the Con stitution and the laws? Surely my col league values the lives of our soldiers and the misery and distress of their wid ows and orphans as of little worth. I, sir, claim to have more regard for the lives of my fellow-citizens, and more sympathy for Iranian suffering and woe, than to pros ecute this war fbf any other purpose than that avowed in the Crittenden resolution. "This is the time of all others to re lease the slaves of rebels. Such law could only be enforced by tbe Army. Hence the Army would be on the spot to quell any possible outbreak. fVwdRbn. J. P. C. Shanks, J Indiana, May 24, 1S62. Mr. Bale introduce:! a bill in the Sen ate, June 18, providing that whenever the public service requires further enlistment of recruits for the Army, either uf regu lars or volunteers, the President of the United States be authorized and directed to issue his proclamation to the people of the United States, inviting enlistments from a?l !lic people, without distinction of r.icc, color or condition. Section two enacts that every slave that shall ealht by virtue of this a-t, or the proclamation of the President issued in pursuance thereof, and shall be received into the military service, shall be immedi ately ftiul absolutely free from 'all claim of service, ei&epi that which he submits himself to by such cnii&me'iit: Section three provides th.;t every per son bond or free, who shall enlist into the military service of the United States shall be entitled to all the wages, boun ties, and privileges allowed bylaw to any soldier enii.ied in the Army. "All slaveholders aud tlmse who sym- thc -institution of Slavery, vinpathizo with this rebel- -3m pd. J. C. MOUUOff. afcit vicinity, liatehwt's si ore. July ft, 1862. J. O. AMOS. AMOS & MORROW I ATTORNEYS AND COUNSELLORS Woodsjteld, Monroe Co., O. rILL faithfully and promptly attend to ilifi. o iwa doors norm oi ivoeuier tore. tr. 6, 1861 ly. JOSEPH w! RICHARDSON, Attorney at Law, p itbtce with more or less. lion, u say that this is tue cause or tne whole difficulty now, and I think that this nation is false to its own interests, i'alse to the claims of justice, if it does not destroy the iustitusion on the occasion now pre- i sented. . j UI believe we have the constitutional J right to put an end to shiv.-ry in the State ? ! in rebellion, and in fact the President in timates pretty strongly in his recent proc j lataation modifying or repealing General Hunter's, that the time may soon arrive, in the progress of this w ir, when, in the oxercii e of the power which he unques tionably possesses asConiniandcr-iu-Chief, be will declare the slav es of all rebels free." Hon. John Hiuchins. of Ohio, WILL faithfully and promptly aneuu c , io,;. ' ' - ' ' all business entruspted tc their care, j -n-!i -i - ' "l rejoice mat, wnue uie rresiueni I saw fit to revoke the recent sweeping or- dcr of fien. Hunter, he took pains tocouph; that revocation with words of earnest ! warning, which have neither meaning nor application if they do not recognize the ! authority of the Executive,-hi his military WOODSF1ELD, MONllOE CO., OHIO. ! discretion, to give treedoni jo . the slaves. Will practice m Monroe ana anjoiumg , q lat this authority will he executed at no very uistant momtmn neneve luosiurniiy. The laniniaee' of the President obviously proposition, which was peculiarly his own. Infamiliar intercourse with him, I remem ber nothing more touching than the earn estness and completeness with which be embraced this idea. To his mind, it was just and beneficent, while it promised the sure end of slavery. Of course, to me, who had already proposed a bridge of gold for the retreating fiend, it was most welcome. Proceeding from the President it must take its place among the great events of history. If you are disposed to be impatient at any seeming short-comings, think, I pray yon, of what has been done in a brief pe riod, and from tbe past discern the sure promise of the future. Knowing some thing of my convictions, and of the ardor with which I maiutain them, you may perhaps derive some assurance from my confidence. I say to you, therefore, stand by the Administration. If need be, help it by word and act, but stand by it and have faith in it. I wish that you really knew the Presi dent, and had heard the artless expression of his convictions on those questions which concern you so deeply. You might, per haps, wish that he were less cautious, but you would be grateful that be is so true to all that vou have at heart. Believe me, therefore, you are wrong, and I regret it the more because of my desire to see all our friends stand firmly together. If I write strongly, it is because 1 feel strongly; for my constant and intimate intercourse with the Presidentbeginning with the 4th of March, not only bids me peculiarly to his administration, but gives me a personal as well as a political inter est in seeing that justice is done him. Believe me. my dear sir, with much re gard, ever faithfully your3, CHARLES SUMNER. "This is the immense sacrifice we are making for freedom and Union; and yet, is it rll to be squandered on a subterfuge and a cheat? For one, I shall not vote another dollar or a man for the war until it assumes a different standing, and tends directly to an anti-slavery result." Hon. M. F. Coutcay, of Kausax, December 12, lStU. ' We will break it slavery down, de stroy it, and overthrow the institution, if the laws of war, under the Constitution of the country, gives us the authority, as I most solemnly believe they do. I will will have no disguise of my opinions or intentions. My stand upon the subject is open to all observation. Iam for destroy -tna this hostile institution in every Stafe tji'j.t, h'.ts made war ujion this Gouernnn-nf; and if we have military strength enough to reduce thein to possession, I propose to leave uot one advanciti! SledjfwirJt slave in the wake ol our armies; not one." Hon.. C. P. of Aec York, Mty 23, 18G2. u I would redti e 1 . . oi - . li . Counties. Omce up stair over ciuomir i- ker's grooery. Jul li, ibtil. JOEL F. RANDOLPH, & Counsellor LAW AND NOTARY PUBLIC. Woodsfield, Monroe County, Ohio. Attorney ft implies it, and foreshadows it among the thick coming events of the future. Con servatives and cowards may recoytfrom it, and seek to postpone it; but torosist it, unless Congress shall assume it, will be to wrestle with destiny." Hon. George W Julian, of Indiana, May 23, 1SG2. Mr. Chairman, my colleague Mr. HutchinsI and the trcntlemau from Iu- f-T T . -! 1 1 A-4 . J 1 ave uiiuouoieuiy prctation of the diana Mr. Jllian h given -the proper iuter President's proclamation Particular attention to collecting; will meaning, .pjr application at all I'ina letter from "Senator Sin , draw and acknowledge an icgai uuu.w lowing writinc. -Office two doors WfWf on Min Street. wjrfSe 11. istl. ly. south of Mooney'a r i v u i n c: u Attorney & Counsellor at Law, CALAIS, OHIO. December 16,1860. X?9? T. MORRILL, Attorney & Counsellor at Law NOTARY PUBLIC. Clarington, Monroe County, O; -x-JTILL promptly and faithfully attend to j business entrusted to his oare. Com promise .and amicable adjustment always first sought, and litigation used only as the last jesort. Oct. 31. '60 - - 1 if it has any The.fol- tk fit .m ER seems by authority, and I therefore quote it as expressing the views of Presi dent Liii!H.dn : . Senate Ciiamuj.r, Jnoe 5,(J.862 My DfiAjt Sjk: Your criticism of the V t rv m l. H. PIERSON VCTERS his professional srvices to the citizens- of Woodsfield Itntt vicinity. He may always be found ready to accommodate his numerous patrons at the old stand. May 16,1860 ly. DR. W. 6. WEBB, TJXSPKCTFULLY offers his professional ser tv vices to the oituens of Cau&uon and vicinity. "Office at the residence of Mr. John N. Marshall. References are made to Drs. J. G. McCitllouoh and Lewis Qbatigk r , of Beallsville, Uotober 15, I860, President ia hasty. I am eonfidont that, if you knew bim as I do, you would not make it. ,,";,i-Hiji ' -j f Qf course, the President cannot be held re on ible Tot' the misfeasances of subor dinates, unless adopted or at least tolerated by. him. And I aiu'"surc tlmt nothing un 6t ungcrTtfrcMs wift betOlciTrted, hiueb les.s adopted oy him. I am happy to let you know that he has no sympathy w'rth Stanly in his absurd wickedness, closing' the schools nor again in his other at of turning our camp into a hunting ground. for slaves. He repudi ates both positivoly. The latter point has occupied much of hisrthonght; and the newspapers have not gone too far in re cording; his repeated deolaratious, which I have often heard from his own lips, that slaves linding their way intp the national lines are never to be reenslaved. This is his conviction, expressed without reserve. Could you "have seen the President, as it was my privilege often, while he was con sidering the great questions on which he has already acted the invitation to emanci pation in the States, emancipation in the District of Columbia, and the acknowledg ment of the independence of Ilayti and Liberia even your zeal would have been satisfied, for you would have felt the sin ccrity of his purpose to do what he could to carry Forward the principles of the Declaration of Independence. His whole these aristocratic slaveholders to utter poverty. I know they are conceited; I know they are es sentially aristocratic. I am fully persua ded that their minds and their feelings are so in antagonism to republican demo cratic doctrines that it is impossible to reconcile them, and we never shall have peace until we have reduced the leaders to utter poverty and taken thereby their influence away. I am for doing it. It ought to be done.'' Stnutor Wade, J Ohio, June. 25, 18G2. I quote again from the ger.eman from New York, Mr. &B0EWICK : H Now, whatever views gentlemen may entertain in regard to the propriety of accepting the aid ot the tTeneral uovern rmmt in the way in which it was offered, 1 wish. sir. to record my belief that with or without aid from the General Govern ment. eraancipation"will occur in all of the States ot this Union "Mr. VKLIFFE. How and when? u Mr. Sedgwick. How and when ! I will answer the gentleman. I hope and believe that before this war is ended the sun will not shine upon a slave upon all of this continent. 41 Mr. WicKLIFFE. The gentleman is for freeing the slaves under the war power. "Mr. Sedgwick. I hope the war aud slavery will end together. I have no alarm on the subject. "Mr. MAf,hORY. The gentleman says that this war will result in the annihila tion of slavery. My regret at such a consummation would be lessened it we would secure at the same time his anni hilation and that of such as he by hang- lus:. . . . Mr, Sedgwick. Ebulitions of im potent passion will not move me on the subject. I hope that tbe two things will end together. I hope that the end of slavery and of this war will bo written together upon the same page ot the his tory ot this country. Hon. C. s. iScdg- ucick, June 25, 18G2. M Bv the laws of peace, it fslavervl was ml H L. ' J entitled to protection, and had it. By the laws of war, it is entitled to an n ihilat ion . Iu God's name, let it still have its rights." Hon. John H. Rice, of Maine, May 21, 1862. "The rebels have demanded a "recon struction on the basis ot slavery; let us give them a 'reconstruction' on the basis of freedom. Let us convert the rebel States into conquered provinces, remand ing them to the status ot mere rerritories, and governing them as such in our dis cretion." Hon. W. W. Julian, of Indi ana, January 1-1, 1862. " Sir, I can no longer agree that this Administration is pursuing a wise poli- t i eau- savage, if you please. Sir, I can hardly desire to see more of my countrymen call ed into this war to help to shoot these masters and be shot themselves until this policy is adopted, and until the South shall have rendered up her full share of men freed men ere others can be ex pected to fight for the liberties of the country, nd shall have rendered up her full share of life and treasure. I would not only liberate them, but I would seize every foot of land and every dollar of their property as our armies go along, and put it to tbe uses of the war and to the pay of our debts. I would plant the South with a military colony if I could not make them submit otherwise." Hon. T. Ste vens, of Pennsylvania, July 5, 1862. Mr. Chairman, I might string out these quotations to very great length; but as time will not permit, I will not pursue this branch of the subject further. I I have shown what the leaders here de sire to accomplish in prosecuting this war, and what interpretation they give to the acts and messages of the President, whom the gentleman from Pennsylvania Mr. Stevens thinks entertains honest and patriotic views "If these might only sway him: but 'tis most certain, So many new-born flies his light gave life to Buz in his beams flnsh-Uiea, and butterflies, Hornets and humming scarabs that not one honey bee, That's loaden with true labor, and brings home Encrease and credit, can 'soape rifling; And what she sucks for sweet, they turn to bitterness." The action of a mojority of the domi nant party on this floor clearly demon strates that this war is not to be prosecu ted for the restoration of the Union as it was, aud the Constitution as it is, as the primary object, but for subjugation, confiscation, and emancipation; and when these objects are accomplished, then the Union may be restored, and the Con stitution allowed to resume its wanted sway, if, in prosecuting the cherished measure of these gentlemen giving lib erty to the slave tec shall not have lost our ow. It iseven now claimed by many gentlemen, and had I the time I would read many extracts from their speeches, to prove that they maintain the doctrine that we must have "provisional govern ments over the districts ot country now in rebellion against the lawful authority of the United States," Mr. Beaman; that " the rebel States are but organized conspiracies, not constitutional States, nor entitled to State rights" Mr. Bingham; and that '-when the people of these States, by jermission of the military power, and not before, shall form new constitutions and governments, and ask again to be represented in the councils of the nation, which they have so basely abandoned and so traitorously betrayed, it may be in the power of Cougress to impose the terms on which th-y shall be udmitted" Mr. Sedgwick.! This doctrine only paves the way for that other monstrous doctrine avowed by the Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee, Mr. Stevens, aud which I fin l in his speech delivered never to live in a republic whereof one section is pinned to another by bayonets." Neio York Tribune, Nov. 9, 1860. "If tbe cotton States unitedly and earn estly wish to withdraw peacefully from the Union, we think they should and would be allowed to do so. Any attempt to com pel them by force to remain would be con trary to the principles enunciated in the immortal Declaration of Independence, contrary to the fundamental ideas on which human liberty is based." A'etc York Tribune, November 26, 1860. " If it the Declaration of Indepen dence justified the secession from the British Empire of three million colonists in 1776, we do not see why it would not justify the secession of five million south erns from the Union in 1861." TV. York Tribune, Dec. 17, 1860. "We have repeatedly said, and we once more insist, that the great principle em bodied by Jefferson in the Declaration of American Independence, that Govern ments derive their just power from the consent of the governed, is sound aud just; and that, if the slave States, the cotton States, or the Gulf States only, choose to form an independent nation, they have a clear moral right to do so." " Whenever it shall be clear that the great body of the southern people have become conclusively alienated from the Union, aud anxious to escape from it, we will do our best to forward their views." New York Tribune, Feb. 23, 1861. Views similar to these were entertained and advocated by the State Journal and Cincinnati Commercial, leading Republi can papers in my own State; and when the Tribune, iu February, 1861, declared that "we will do our best to forward their the secessionists views," we here to-day, in view of the measures advocated by that Journal, and passed and sought to be passed by this Congress, can say that the best has been done by them " to forward the viewB" of the rebels that could be done under the circumstances. I desire to make one other extract from the speech of my colleague, Mr. Edger ton , and then I close with his disscrta tiou on the Domocratic address: " Who knows the exultation and the jfcy with which this Democratic address was read in the camps of the secessionists? Who can describe the thrill ot delight which ran through the ranks of the fol lowers of Jeff Davis when they read that address, and found, while there was no condemnation of the rebellion, there was a better denunciation of the true men of the North and of Mr. Lincoln's adminis tration? WTho can tell how that address animated the hearts and strengthened the arms of the rebels to strike another and a .more deadly blow at the hearts of our brothers and sons? Who can deny that the whole tenor and effect of this address instead of striking at the traitors, is to bolster up their cause, and to strengthen their hands against the Government?" thus stating these propositions and pro pounding these interrogatories when my loyalty is called in question because I differ with the dominant party in its abo lition measures and policy? Mr. Chairman, this attack comes with an ill. grace from my colleague. His memory has certainly played him false or he would never have made charges of dis loyalty upon a member of this House. The editor of the Norwalk (Ohio) Experi ment, in a late number of that paper, says: "We will give a short 'speech' that this same Congressman from the Summit dis trict made to us, in Washington, a little more than two years ago. Mr. Edgerton being from the same town, in the State of iNew lork that we came from, and a boy hood acquaintance, we called upon him at the capital, and in the course of a conver sation on 'matters and things in general' he thus defined his position concerning the Union: 'IteU you there is going to be a dis solution of this Union, and I do not care hoic quick it comes; all I want is to give those fellows meaning the South a good licking, and then kick them out. We have given bis exact language." So much for the gentleman's loyalty and devotion to the Union. One year ago, Mr. Chairman, perhaps the Republican party were in earnest when they adopted the Crittenden resolution, and perhaps they intended to carry it out in goou laitn. l was disposed to believe Mr. Chairman, my only hope that this good work will ever be accomplished is iii. the cohservative men of the great Weif and the border slaveholding States. Jict them arise in the majesty of their strength and exclaim, in language not to be mis understood, to the secessionists of th South and the abolitionists of the North : Up 1 people of the States, who lorm moor henu s; Up ! -gallant hearts, that throb with pure die- UAiU Of trait'rous.arts. Up! flaming sonls of fire ; Build ye a Hainan's gallows for the knaves whether North or South,! That dare to raise a voice or hand to break The sweet relationship our fathers left To bind us all, aemeuted with their blood. Oh ! North and South, two brothers r oue birth, Meet ye again, as they at Peanel met, Jacob and Esau thinking each of strife, Yet when they came anearer, wept with pure love Upon each other's neck, that both may sx Kep that thou hast, for God hath dealt Most graciously with each; and thus we s Each other's face, as 't were the face of Ood, Shining with blessings; and the Lord of Host Watch between the and me forever mere 5" m Army Correspondence. Camp Moscow, July 7. 1862. Mr. Editor Having received several letters from friends in relation lo sundry tilings concerning members of my oom- them when, here and in my own State, they pany, I shall endeavor succinctly to state declared that party platforms and party j to them through your paper, that since issues must be ignored until tbe close of I the loss received in my company in tha the great struggle in which we are engaged ! Schiloh battle of April 6th, 7th, 8K, that and that everything must give way to the suppression of tbe rebellion and the sup remacy ot the Uonstitution and laws. But. sir, one short year has developed the fact that the wildest scheme of the maddest fanatic of this or past years can find his wildest dreams realized in the acts and res olutions of this Congress. And must the Democratic party be told that they are disloyal if they seek to maintain their or ganization, e'ect their own men to office, and stand faithfully by the Crittenden resolution of July last; while the Repub lican party is carrying out every resolution of the Chicago convention, and, indeed, urging and passing measures here never dreamed of by the great body of that par ty; measures that only had an existence in tbe distempered brain of some abolitionist of New England or the Western Reserve? I for one-do not think I am called to par take of any such feast. The legislation ot the otate ot Ohio furnishes further evidence that, notwithstanding their pro fessions and promises, they are determined to show no favors to the Democratic party. An instance of it may be cited in the act redistricting the State for congressional purpposes, and by which they have at tempted to disfranchise two thirds or three fourths of the Democratic voters; as the only means of carrying the next congres- The gentleman has drawn upon his im agination for a number of questions, to which he has vouchsafed no answers, well knowing he could give none satisfactory in this Hall on the 22d day of January to himself without gathering them from last : " If no other means were left to save the Republic from destruction, I believe we have power, under the Constitution and according to its express provision, to de clare a dictator, without confining the choice to any officer of the Government. Rather than the nation should perish, I would do it; rather than see the nation dishonored by compromise, concession, and submission; rather than see the Union dissevered; nay, rather than see one star stricken from its banner, all other things failing, I would do it now. Oh, for six months' resurrection iu the flesh of stern old Jackson !" I can heartily join in this prayer for a "resurrection in the flesh of stern old my men have done well, behaved welliwi! played the part of good soldiers, and I have uot lost one by the enemyalqWugh day after day we were placed in the front to act as picket, and to drive uietoeoeA, aud occupy the ground, which was ffMljL with alacrity in the midst of the hissTn-T and whizzing of bullets, the men beca'mrr so accustomed to their sound that te INl the whizzing of bullets was like unta4hMte. tbe melodious sound of the piano at hone, and when it came to their time to sleepv they could sleep as sound within two hun dred yards of the enemy as though tkero was no tiring going on and they were at home enjoying their fire-sides. I have' some as brave men in my company froift the county of Monroe as the .sun' evfrj shone on, that when called on to face the enemy they Aa 'it cheorfully. Since We took Corinth we marched 4 the Grand Junction, from Junction tar Lagrange, a beautiful village on the MeS phis and Chateminga R. R., from :ffc grange to the bridge on Memphis R.R.Jj for repairing said bridge from bridgeSlU, Chadwaller to Lagrange, from thence to Moscow, from Moscow to Lafayett, from thence up. said road 3 miles to build bridge, from bridge to Lafayette, from thence to Moscow." from thene twbfinp Cold Water, from 1 1 ie nee to II oUo w ShmmM on Mississippi. Central 1 folio SPIMMft is a town of.jwnie magnitude, and it naTa the same fruitful source his imaginatiou I could say, with much more truth and force, that iu that address the leaders of the rebels see the downfall of their mad and wicked schemes, for it says to all their deluded followers, as well as to all the peo ple, North and South, .there is a party in of the powers of Congress?" The least the country who desire the restoration of I punishment he could have expected woulcl sionai delegation, x neir cry ot "no partv has been the sheerest deception, and wfe only inaugurated that certain politician beautiful . appearance, and the might ride into office. j indications are that as a getMrr. Mr. Chairman, what would have been I the people Was heretofore Yictr, harpyjttfi thought if a Democratic member of this i prosperous; from said village fco Ceh House had introduced a resolution declar ing that the appointment of a military governor by the President "is without sanction in the Constitution and laws, and that its effect ia o subordinate the civil to the military authority, contrary to the spirit of our institutions and in derogation fcoCld OT. not agree to the policy which ia forbid ding the employment and liberation of these men. Its policy ought to be to or der our Army, wherever they go, to free tha slaves, to enlist them, to arm them, to discipline them, as they have been enlist ed, armed, and disciplined everywhere el?e, and as they can be here, and sot them to shooting their masters if they will not soul was occupied, especially by the fir3t I submit to this Governmentt Call that Jackson !" But I would not like to stand iu the shoes of the gentleman, and others I might name North as well as South were the prayer granted. I now read some extracts showing, not perhaps with whom the odious and bane ful doctrines of cession originated, but who were some of its earliest advocates: "Any people, anywhere, being iuelined and having the power, have the right to rise up and shake off the existing govern ment, aud fo.ni a new one that suits them better. This is a most valuable, a most sacred right a right which, we hope and believe, is to liberate the world. Not is this right confined to cases in which the whole people of an existing government may choose to exercise it. Any portion of such people that can may revolution ize and make their own of so much of the territory as they inhabit. More than this: a majority of any portion of such people may revolutionize, putting down a minor ity intermingled with or near about them, who may oppose their movements. Such minority was precisely the case of the Tories of our own Revolution. It is a quality of revolutions not to go by old lines "or old laws, but to break up both and make new ones. Extract rr em re si dent Lincoln's speech in the House of Rep resentatives, Jan. 12, 1848. See Appen dix to Congressional Globe, first session. Thirtieth Congress, p. 94, " If the cotton States shall become sat isfied that they can do better out of the Union than in it, we insist on letting them go in peace. The right to secede may be a revolutionary one, but it exists never theless." p M We must ever resist the right of any State to remain in the Uniou and nullify or defy the laws thereof. To withdraw from the Union is quite another matter: and whenever a considerable section of our Union shall deliberately resolve to go out, we shall resist all coercive meas ures designed to keep it in. We hope the Union as it was, and the maintenance of the Constitution as it is; who say "that this war is not to be waged on the part of the Government in any spirit of oppres sion, nor for any .purpose of conquest or subjugation, nor for the purpose of over throwing or interfering .with the rights or established-institutions of the States, but to defend aud maiutain the supremacy of theConstitutiou, and to preserve the Uuion with all the dignity, equality, and rights of the several States unimpaired, and that have been to be denounced as disloyal and a traitor; yet it can be done in the other wing .of the Capitol by a Republican Sen ator Mr. Sumner and nothing wrong is thought of it. It only verifies what I have before said, that Republicans are privileged to say what they please of tbe Administration, and their loyalty js not to be called in question. Let the same thing be said by a Democrat, and he Mill raise an overwhelming storm of indignation about him. It would seem, sir, that the as soon as these objects are accomplished j Constitution is now only to be invoked the war ought to cease." When the mas ses of the southern people become satis fied that these are the objects of the war and of the nurthern people, then, indeed, may Jeff Davis and the leaders of the rebellion tremble; then will his deluded foilowers burl from power their wicked when certain measures are proposod or adopted which run counter to some favorite abolition project. Notwithstanding my colleague "doubts any man who prates so much about the Constitution, and it may be, at this day i Water, and From Camp Cold Moscow. ' HbHow Springs presenft' I ftHT-JryM quite a picturescue appearance, its sff$4)Y agriculture is grand, and the cltisentiMr the place refuse to' let the nriscieaMttfT the South burn the Depot at Lagfa&9tt wj approached the town the rebors Blade tracts for southward in Diaie.' There is several of my men at home on sick leave, a.ndo'ihe wUUUlfl IRffajif they do uot return immediately tJfijyll be mustered out oXjLhtt service according to general orW No. 14, signed-Ma). Jfal-lc-ck. So all you belonging to .the ..M look out and return immediately, andsavo trouble, or you will be dropped from tire muster roll and branded as a deserter. I have always enjoyed the best of health. Yours, Truly, W. T. ROBINSON, Commanding Company I, 77th Regt. O. V. I. u. s. - .re THE EMPIRE OP HEALTH WHO WIELDS ITS SCEPTRBi Universal Empire has been thedatling time of the t'haraoBe K 1 - i A 1 i ! 1.1 . 1 . . 1 .1 . 1- , , j . i.. li. - , aim ai uus nine. iooK.eu upon as oiu xasn leaders, aim reiuru co niuir ;iuejiuiuc-e u- , , . , a. ... . , ..!,.. f, ., ',, , r i , i4 . .a i loned and out ot place, still, at the risk ot , states, trom the neutn tne ampie ioiu ox me svars anu , o ih;it Napoleon le Grand. M4 stripe. using an oft-repeated quotation. I here ! have been shed to attain it, and tfce;hn Srr, let me-propound a few iuterrogato-1 pledge my fealty and devotion to that sa- vf the myriads who have been slangbtiaral ties. "W ho knows the exultation and joy ; crc instrument anew, and saw in the lan- in the pursuit ot this chimera, would, if with which" abolition speeches are " read j guage of Ruth to Naomi in tne camps ottne secessionists, enauiiug their leadors to say to the soldiery, "here is foreshadowed the policy to be pursued by tho Republican party?" "Who can des cribe the thrill of delight which runs through" the hearts of Jeff Davis and bis rebel congress when they hear of our eman cipation acts and say, " this is but the be ginning of that general emancipation which legitimately follows Republican rule?" Who can tell how" the declaration of Re publican members, thatciVAcr slavery or the Union mustperish,'' "animates the hearts and strengthens the arms of the rebels to strike another and more deadly blow at the .hearts of our brothers and sons? " ho can deny that the whole tenor and effect of " our legislation, "instead of striking at the traitors, is to bolster up their cause and strengthen their hands against the Govern ment," by enabling them to say, "in this or that speech or resolution or bill or law, is it boldly claimed that we of the South arc to be utterly subjugated, held and gov erned as conquered provinces, the lives of all our male citizens sacrificed upon the gallows, all our property of every kind and description confiscated, and our wives and children to become vagabonds, houseless and homeless, wanderers upon the face of the earth?" Is not this a fascinating pict ure for the philanthropist snd the Christian to contemplate? Sir, am I not justified in thev could be collected into one hvmpfaitk tti.. hirvViiMal. i,aq1t rti' "Entreat me not to leave thee rr to an m0ntain8 b RoHfe Bear. retumfromfollowingafterthoe:forwhither , nnsunim , vet .v. wa8 n. in thou goest I will go: and where thou lodgest I will lodge: thy people shall be my people aud thy God my God: where thou diest, mil I die, and there will I be buried: the Lord do so to me, and more also, if aught but death part thee and me." Mr. Chairman, my whole heart is de voted to a restoration of this Union. Politically we have nothing else worth living for; and the brave and gallant men who have gone forth to battle have thought it worth dying for. Let us not, then, say to them, we have sent you forth, not to fight for tho Lnion and the Constitution, but for some .ideal scheme of some mad fanatic, who thinks he sees in the present unhappy condition of our country the time aud the opportunity to carry out bis Utopian views. Let us rather say, your mission is a lofty and a noble one to re store the Union and to defend and maintaiu the supremacy of the Constitution and the laws. When this good work shall be ac complished we will welcome you to your homes and firesides with shoute of joy that your mission is fulfilled; and with tears of sadness for your brave comrades sac rificed at the shrine of the aucttjged spirit of fanaticism aud sectionalism Noith and South, truth, the absolute "Mistress of th World." Yet there is a species of universal eM pirc which has been attained. It is is empire not over the souls and bodies t mankind, but over their diteate. The conqueror who has achieved this grand result, is Doctor Holloway, of London; at least we are taught to believe that he has done so by vouchers from all parts of the Christian and heathen world, which seem to be irrefutable, and which, in fact, so far as we know, have never been chal lenged. His Pills and Ointment are "universal remedies" in a double senna. They are disseminated throughout the habitable globe, and they are (so "crown of witnesses" assure us) universally tuc eessful. In this country it is quite certain thst the Pills are used with the most beneficial effect in disorders of the stomach, liver and bowel, and that scrofula, and all the family of eruptive diseases and discharg ing sores, give way to the healing opera tion of the Ointment. Surely the noblest of all universal em pires is that which stretches its healing sceptre over tne maladies of all nations '-Pay Book.' A ; i