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. .5 :.'. 1 -'5 VC rfc. 3-i AW. Ay Ay T. A. PLANTS, Editor. "Independent in All Things -Neutral in Nothing." ruolishert, . E. MoLAUGHLIir POMEROY, MEIGS COUNTY, OHIO, TUESDAY, APRIL 10, 1860. VOLUME III: 3 is rf. t- 1 5 1 i i - A PSALM OF IiEPK. 1 the following is one of the beet poetic ver ions of the 48th Psalm that ire have eter seen: - Goi is ur refuge in distress 1 Our safeguard in the wilderness Our shelter from the storm; Though winds and wares a conflict make, Though earth's foundations reel and shake, OHM i We need not feel alarm. ,A peaceful riter softlj flows ; r - In tranquil streams, to gladden those ;'' ' Who put their trust in God;- : . Within y holy roice they feel ? , Thcoftwt of his presence still, . While oceans roll abroad. , : Wnat though the heathen madly rage, And kingdoms in terce war engage? fWhea God .sends forth. hiSj roice, . He m'atos'thii&ringipear to bend, , Sends peace tp earth's remotest end, ',f '.4nd bids the world rejoice. 8, Be still, and know that he is God; ; 4 He rules the earth with iron rod, ; j.jj j.And sita enthroned aboTe; .. , 2 He dwells with those who own his name, The God of Jacob still the same IhGodof Peace and Lore. O -ANGEL VISITSr BY T. 8. AETHUtt. .Ttey do not. always visit ua in ,beau tifui garments) making the air ; around golden-with their sunny smiles.- - Oftner they comeai8gui8etd.in sober-hued vest ments, Hps grief-rcurved, and eyes heavy, as with weeping. But come to ns when and how they ever will, it is ever in love. Daily they are about our paths, though we" perceive them not with our dull bod ily senses?-snor even recognize their presence by the finer instincts of our 8rjirjts,for 'of' the earth earthy", as we are.' and with affections clinging to the earth; we have neither eyes nor ears for tne inner sigut kuu iuuer vuiuco m on for ; the 'pureTin. heart.' ; ;Yes," they are apoui our: daily paths, smoothing and making , them flowery when they may; but oftner -piling up obstructions and making, them rough and thorny. ; fRpugh. and thorny! Piling slructionsl" we hear from the some-5 life-weary sufFerer. "Is work for angels?" 1 up ob lips of this a Beautiful the way seemed before you, in the bright morning of early woman hood, heart-sick and life-weary once; and as your eyes went far onward, how many lovely vistas opened, snowing Diessea ar--cadiaB in the Bmiling'distoncet i To gain them vou felt was to gain heaven; and onward you pressed with eager footsteps. You did not gain them! For awhile the path was even, and the fragrance of a hundred blossoms delighted your senses. But all at once your feet .were wounded .there were sharp obstructions in way; then thick clouds and darkness were be fore you, hiding the lovely Eden. Still, you sought to' pass onward, though the way was rough,-anA the .sunny vistas, opening to the land of promise, hidden from '' your straining vision. ' Then a mountain arose suddenly, whose rocky steeps you i cpuld flot climb Despair was in your heart; and in .the bitterness of your disappointment you called your self one mocked of God. It Was not so;- precious immoral! - Not .so, pilgrim to a- better land than the ar cadia of your ' maiden 1 dreams! ; At the very foot of that inaccessible mountain, a narrow path at length became visible; and though it looked jrpugh, yand had no green .margin 'beautiful with flowers, there was an emotion of thankfulness in jour heart for tnis way of escape, fpr. already a mortal dread had seized upon your spirits., r Wth hurrying' foot ateps you entered this new way, and the hope that it would quickly lead around the mountain, and bring the sunny land affain in view, repressed the fear that else had been paralyzing. ""It was the hand of an angel which led you into tha t new'' way, and kept your heart from fainting. JN arrow, rough and flowerless though it "proved, it was a bet ter way than that' along which you' were Eassing with such buoyant steps for it enth'eavenward.' And think lifea weary oneP-do 'you . not. feel , that you ' are nearer heaven now than when the sun of this world shone from an unclouded sky above the path of pleasure and prosper ity! . Think, and answer to yourself the question. : 'A heart-stricken mother sat grieving for the loss of her youngest born, the sweetest and"ldveliestHof her precious flock grieving and refusing to be com forted. . There had been loving sympa thyi: gentle remonstrances,' and ,. pious teaching from the lips of the minister who had a year before touched the fore head of. her babe with the waters of bap tism, but, all availed not the foun tain of tears stayed not its waters, nor was the murmuring voice hushed in her rebellious spirit.' At- lenthf16ne came to her who had known a like sorrow, and whose" fieart Had, even like he'rs, been bowed into the Very dust. She took into her .own soft hand the passive hand of the mourner, ; which gave uot back a fiign.-- A little while she held it, clasp- jng her nngers in a gentle pressure; then in a voice whose tender modulations went vibrating to the inmost of her spirit, she said: f,; ! ' ,"Ybu had an angel ' visit last flight." An angel visit! .. What did the., words eignify? -.;; ..u "Only a year has passed since I had a like visit," continued the friend. "I did not . recognize .'the, heavenly messenger when she came, for my eyes were too full of tears to see her radiant formj she came and went, bearing on tier bosom as she passed upward to the regions of eternal sunshTrwt4.be f spirit pfijny-. lovely boy!" The hand of the mourner answered to the : light! pressure of that in which "it lay.4 ' ' ' ' -" ' ' x i -1 ' ' ' ' ' ' - ' "That hight," went bn !th comforter, '.fl'saw in a dream call it a dream, but regard it as a revelation my translated one among the blessed in the upper kingdom of our Father. He was in the arms of the angel mother, whose love for him it was plain to see was wise and ten der surpassing all my own deep . affec tion, a3 far as ihe unselfish love' of an angel surpasses a week and erring crea ture ot earth. "Grieve no more!" said the heavenly being, as she came to me. "I have not taken this innocent one from you in an ger or cruelty, but in love love for the mother and child. As for him, he is safe, in his celestial home forever, and is and will be blessed far above anything youv could ask for it hath not entered into the heart of even a mother to con ceive 'what transcendant . delights are in stored for those who are born into heaven, ts it not therefore better : for our child? "Wiere I to say,' take him again' Into' the1 cold, dark world of sorrow, sin and suf fering, would you bear him back? No, grieving mother,. noKA You lovel this precious one too well. But how is it better for you to lose the child in whom your heart was so bound up? I see. the question bri your lips. 5 That is always best which hits the spirit nearest to trod is it not so?. Think! Not with U heavenly, but with an earthly and sel fish affection, did you love your child--such an affection could not truly bless either you or your babe. ; It is now in heaven, and as your heart follows it there, it will come into heavenly asso ciations, and thus be filled with aspira tions fpr jthat higher life which descends from" and bears back its recipient in,to heaven. Grieving one!. I came to you in mercy, and though tears have followed my visit, they are falling on good seeds planted in your heart,' "Thus spoke to me that angel-mother of my child, and ever since her words have been my stay and comfort. Such an angel come to you last night, griev--ing friend. The visit was in love, not in anger.. Then lift your eyes upward, and no longer permit them to rest on the cold earth'form and the gloomy grave. ; The spirit of your child has already arisen more beautiful in form, and is with an gels appointed for its guardianship. The wiser 'love of our good Father has removed it. Be thankful, then, dear friend. Oh, be thankful? but weep not!"-. ;.. ': ' And the heart, which no words of consolation had been able to reach, felt itself swelling with a deep emotion, and lifting itself upward . toward . the All Merciful. . .''-.V ! ;, "I will believe that it was an angel who came here last night and bore away my child," she whispered, as with shut eyes,' fringed by tear-gemmed lashes; she bowed her head upon the bosom of her consoler. "Oh,' if anything Can soothe jthe anguishment of this bereave ment, it is to think that my precidus'babe, for whom I have cared so tenderly, passed from my arms to those of an angel, and that he was thus borne safely across the dark valley into - which - I looked down with such a heart-shudder. I bless' vou for speaking, such words - of consolation! Not alone in misfortune or bereave ment do angels visit us. ' They do not always make the way rough, nor al ways -darken .the earth-firea around which we gather. . Daily they come to us, hourly they seek to draw nearer and quicken our better impulses. A thou sand evils;, soul: destroying evils are warded off by them, even though we unconscious of their presence, and, it may be, resist ' the very influences by which such priceless benefits are con ferred. "Ah! if we could but open ;' our . eyes and see; if the scales that obstruct our inner vision : could be removed; lt.we could know our celestial visitors -when they come!" ' : '' '' "" '" ' ; ' Aye may know them; and we may per ceive their presence. Whether we are in . prosperity or adversity, in joy or in sorrow, angel-visitors are with us when ever the thought goes upward and the heart yearns , for a better . life.Their mission to the sons ot men, isjtq, draw them heavenward; and if sorrow, afflic tion or adversity, is needed for the ac complishment of the great end, they are made subservient in the good work. But when in their high mission,, .they bow a thirsty soul, to the bitter waters of Marah, their hands hold not back the healing leaves, and a song of re joicing is soon heard instead of lamenta tion. Happy is that spirit to which the angels come not oh their errand of mercy in vain! Gleason's Pictoral. Keeping a Secret. The Newport Mercury relates a capital story of Stuart, the painter, which illus trates finely the power which a secret has to propagate itself, if once allowed a little airing, and to reach a tew ears. Stuart had as he supposed, discovered a secret art of coloring very valuable. He told it to a friend. His friend valued it very highly,, and came after ward to ask permission to communicate it, under oath of eternal secrecy, to a friend of his. who needed every possible aid to enable him to write. v . "Let me see, . said otuart, malting a chalkmark oh a board at hand; "I know the art and that is " ' , ' 'f ' ' "One," said his friend. '. . 1 : . "You know , it," continued Stuart, making, another mark by the side of the one already made; "and that is " "Two J cried the other. ; i 'A j "Well, you tell your friend and that ii l. t" ;;i - i,:.j " u Will Uc uici.&.iug a in 1 1 uii&' "Three only," said the other "No." said Stuart, it's one hundred I an(j eleven! (111.) Modesty. 'It is a sure indication of good sense to be diffident of it. . We then, and not till then, are growing wise, when w& be gin to discern how weak and unwise we arei, -' An absolute perfection 'of under standing is impossible; he makes the nearest approaches to it, who. has, the sense to discern and the humility to ac knowledge its imperfections. Modesty always sits gracefully upon youth; it covers a multitude of faults, and doubles the lustre of every virtue which it seems to-hide; the perfections of men being like those flowers which appear more beautiful, when their leaves are a little contracted, than when they are . lul blown, and display themselves, without any reserve, to the view. ''" t&L. We become familiar with the out side of men as with the outside of houses, and think that we know them, while we are ignorant of all that is pass ing within them. SPEECH OF SENATOR WADE, OX THE SENATE OF THE UNITED 1860. STATES, MA. HUM ItA, On the Democratic Reoslulions Relative to Slavery in the Territtriet. Mr Wade thought these resolutions worthy of notice, as they seemed to em body .the views of the Democratic party, and they were entirely opposite to the principles for which he should contend. The public mind is greatly agitated in the consideration of the principles con tained in these resolutions and other similar ones: It is a little : remarkable that the loudest complaints : came from those who , have had the power arid administration of the government for many years, and have moulded its policy, and been in possession of its vast reve nues. . . The party to which I Itelong, have been for many years, without any power to contro1, in any way, the policy of the government. It is a singular fact that those who have the army, the navy and the Treasury under their control, now stand complaining; and thepr come forward to tell us that mal -administration is such, or their principles are such, that it will be. better to tear down the pillars of the Government and involve us all in one common ruin. - The question might well arise- -How happens it "that you.: who have been in possession of the power of - the government for at least seven years, should have so conducted it that you. are now apprehensive of ruin? I can deduce no other conclusion than that those who have been in possession of this power have shown themselves inca pable of administering the . government on such principles as it should be ad ministered upon. -. I do not believe any ; Senator here from the Southern States can' look me in the face and say that he has not, and his section has not had their full share of political power from the organization of the Government until now. - No, sir. , It is perfectly ' obvious that your power in this Government has been altogether in disproportion' to your numbers. ' I do not blame anybody, because I know it is the nature of us all to make use of all the powers. we have to the advantage of our own principles, our own interests, and our own views. Undoubtedly, sir, I would do the same thing. And you, sir, complain of the administration of this Government and say that it is a to tal failure tcf such a degree that you are meditating its utter and entire destruc tion. Who is to blame for all this ex cept those who had the power and have controlled all the policies of the Govern ment to suit themselves? This is most manifest from the confession of those who complain. , lit is but the shadow of the great principle which I contend for, thrown across the political horizon, that disturbs the equanimity of our Southern brethren. The Senator from : Georgia (Mr. Toombs) told us that they were in possession, and he was proud of it and well he might be of 850,000 square miles of the most beautiful country God ever bestowed upon man; and he informed us, sir, that it was capable of sustaining a population greater than that of Europe; and. I believe he spoke within bounds when he said so. ; He told, us that there were but twelve millions of people inhabiting that coun try.- And we all know-that the slave- holding States in point of area are one- third greater than the free States, while they contain now not more than one-half ot the population. He showed their prosperity; and that, too,, is so. - Is not, then, anomalous, these winnings and complaints about the aggression and op pression of the North, who are entirely out of power, and when we know that the property claimed by these gentlemen was never so prosperous as . to-day?-?-Slaves are higher than they have -ever been before, and , their emplovment is more profitable to the owner than it ever has been. . In one moment it is the glory and boast of Southern gentlemen, and, in the very next breath, all . is rum and de spondency,; How is lit, sir? If the North ' have conducted themselves so shamelessly toward Southern i nstitutions, it their underground railroads have so sapped the: foundations of your peculiar institution, how is it that your property has risen in the market, and now stands higher, by your boasting and showing, than at any other former period? These things cannot . be. One thing I would notice. Ihe senator from Georgia (Mr. Toombs) rose in his place and with kind ot despair upon his countenance, said that we on this side of the Chamber were the enemies of the country. : He telt them to be the enemies of his country, and power would be unsafely lodged in our hands. VV hy unsafe, sir, if we have not endangered the Govern ment so far? ' He complained that we were faithless in the execution ot his iu gitive bill, and yet he told us that such was the loyalty of the servants of the people or Georgia, that, since the days ot .Revolutionary war to the present day, not one-hundred for any cause whatever, had escaped. Sir, had not that Senator small reason to complain of anybody? Scarcely a negro a year had escaped from the great State of Georgia, yet she comes here and is ready ' in her rags to make war on the Union, to tear its pillars down, and involve us all in one common ruin. And .why, Birr Because they have lost one poor nigger a year. He does not tell us whether they have lost them by Abolitionists or not. liut when the gentleman comes here to maintain that kind of argument, it is perfectly ev ident that there is something else than the consciousness of any real losses , by this unfaithfulness of those whom they abuse. - ' - ' ' - ' - ; :' ' Well, sir, as the Seuator from Georgia seemed to be the Attorney General to bring in a bill of indictment against this side of the Senate, I propose for a brief period, to review some of the arguments, some of the declarations, and some of the vituperation contained in that speech for I acknowledge him to be among the ablest and most experienced Senators" of this body, and if any case could be made out against the Nprth for any violation ot duty, he was able to make it manifest He had the ability, and certainly he did not lack the zeal, and if he failed with another noted character, he failed where Satan could not stand. He set forth. sir, with, the charge of treason, of per jury, nay, of cowardice, which I confess grated more harshly than all the other-1 accusations made use of. We were loiu that we, with the untold millions we rep resent, had so lost our sense of honoi that we could not resent an injury. Did he believe we were arrant coward. on this side? If he did, and I have 'no doubt he did if he believes this side oi the Chamber are all non-combatants, I will not believe he intended to earn a cheap reputation for valor against those whom he supposed would never meet the challenge. It is known to everybody that the people of the free States have utterly repudiated this old, and, they contend, barbarous mode of settling dif ficulties with a duel. Every intelligent man knows full well that the man who indorses this practice in the North has so fallen under the ban of public opinion that he could afterward receive no office of trust or honor in any of those States. He is treated as an outcast; and if by any accident, he should happen to be tri umphant, he would be deemed a crimi nal, and held as such in society. I know full well and I regret it, that this state of things, although undoubt edly just in itself, has placed us at a dis advantage here. . 1 feel that this senti ment, prevailing at the North, although righteously, has frequently placed us, as it were, at the mercy of those who construct our forbearance as a want of courage. It is not strange that this state of things should exist among the Northern people. We have had no rea. son to distrust the courage of the people there. . Why; sir, physical courage with our Northern - people is a sentiment so general that it is cheapened by its uni versality. Who ever has seen the North ern man fail on the field of combat? Was it not known that braver men never stepped on the quarter deck, nor entered the perilous breachf Who ever heard ot a coward at the North when duty called? liut if 1 understood the feehator, we on this side, and the untold millions we represent, have not the courage to main tain our honor. ' ' Toombs I would refer the Senator to my speech.' I made no such allegation; merely said the people who would vi olate the contracts they had made were not to be dreaded when they threatened to march down upon us. : I made no such allegation against the North. The gentleman seems to consider that they on that side are the people; I do not. Mr. Wade said he had read the speech, and supposed it was a declaration that those on that side, and the people they represent, lacked that courage which was necessary to maintain their own honor when impeached. Mr. Toombs 1 said those persons who were not faithful to their contracts, and who passed Personal Liberty bills, were not to be dreaded. . " Mr. Wade I am very glad to hear the Senator's explanation because I say it is no particular merit or honor to the gentlemen on that side to hnve general courage. We inherited it from our common ancestors, who dragged kings from their thrones when they undertook to trespass on the rights of the people, and I trust in God that we, their de scendants, shall ever be as ready to vin dicate, not only our honor, but our rights, as were our ancestors at, :any period. But if this is all the Senator meant, I would not much disagree with him. The men who could be faithless would be very apt to be cowards. But I don't wish to be misunderstood in re gard to this barbarous mode of settling difficulties, in thinly settled and par tially civilized countries, where there were no restraints ot law, and where semi-barbarism reigns I don't know but night be necessary. If men cannot be restrained by a more eleva ted principle than fear, it may be necessary to teach respect for the rights of others, even by fear of the combat. But the Senator accused us of being perjured and faithless to the Constitu tion and ready to trample it under foot. And now, sir, just see how inconsistent a gentleman may be. I have no idea that he meant to express the full im port of his language, because he came here taking the same oath as 1 did, and yet he told us he was eager for the signal from the Old Dominion to declare war. He was ready, prompt and eager to second her motion, for he said, "one blast upon her bugle horn would raise a million men.", For what? Why, to throw down the pillars of the Bepubhc in universal ruin. He would do so, sir, if a Republican was elected President at the next election. Did he stand on high ground? Did he stand on an ele vated position, when he charged us with treason and a violation of oaths, and threatened, in a certain emergency, that he himself would stand forth to pull down the pillars of the Republic? If to do that is not treason, I , don't know what is. If that, is not a violation, of the oath he has taken, 1 do not under stand the import ot it. lo be sure, these things are said in the heat of de bate, but they go out to the country and must be noticed here. The Senator went back to the ancient history of Greece to illustrate his argument. He . did not come forward without preparation. He accused us because we did not happen to be, nimble-footed enough, as he supposed, in the execu tion of the fugitive slave law, but he did not instance a single case, if I re member rightly, but it was a general charge. There has not been a single case of resistance to that law in my State, When the cases came before the Courts, they received the most rigid scrutiny, and the law has been rigorously ap plied. There have been cases of the most doubtful character. A case oc curred not long since. ' And that was not the only one. 1 meet the general charge with a general denial. When has there now been a faithful execution of this most rigorous, odious, and I be lieve in many provisions, unconstitu tional law. x Mr. Webster thought it had no warrant, except in judicial decisions But ho was not going to argue this point. Mr. Wade referred to the clause giving power to commissioners as de cidedly unconstitutional. It gives $10 to decide one way and 85 the other. We are told this . would not buy magistrates, bat that the magis trates who generally decide these would be influenced by a "h penny bit. Mr. Wade went on to speak of other provisions of this law, and eaid the North :r er denied any constitutional law, am never will resist such a law. The law s unpopular, for it goes against the hearts and consciences of the erest niasses of the North, and nothing short t the Almighty Power changing their :carts can make them eager to execute this law. In the South, where the feei ng is different, when slaves are brough here from the coast of Africa, in vio ationofthe law against piracy, these ery "magistrates . cannot inflict the punishment due. We would have just s much ground to accuse the South of perjury because the victims of the yacht Wanderer are not released, and hei officers punished, as they have to ac cuse aT because we do not execute winry enough a law more odious and repugnant to us. . The next charge of the benator is that of passing Personal Liberty bills. : lhere is no foundation under the heavens for thischarge against Ohio. ,Qhio never passed a law in vio- ation of the Constitution of the United States, and she never has been derelict to her duty . in this particular- . Does the Senator suppose that any sovereign State of this Union is going to relin quish all her rights over her citizens because there is a certain provision in the Constitution by which a certain class may be taken -out of 'her limits? That would be to abandon to any ruthless and unprincipled man whatever he might "choose to claim. Cannot a State prevent the kidnapping of her citizens because you have a right to claim a slave? The Constitution says that any person owing service to any other State shall be given up, but it does not state the means by which this shall be ascertained. I ap peal to the Senator from Georgia if he believes that the framer of the Constitu tion would have consented to a provis ion that deprived the States utterly of the power to protect her own citizens? No, sir. But it is frequently said that the Constitution would : not have been framed if this had not been provided for. liut so far from this being the case, it was a mere after thought. " : The Constitution was formed in all its important particulars before any man this provision, and it was placed there with no idea that a State should surrender any power to protect her own citizens. If that Convention was jealous of any one thing more than another, it was the rights of the States, and they battled inch by inch, against every principle that looked to the surrender of any State power. They never in tended to give any power to any person to claim anybody they chose. It was only to claim the fugitive from labor; and when that has been ascertained, no State has resisted the law. But the Senator says that Ohio, among the rest, has committed a kind of . perjury, by passing Personal Liberty bills. Mr. Wade referred to the law of Ohio, to prevent slaveholding, and read the last section, as follows: "Nothing in the preceding section of this act shall apply to any act done by any person under the authority of the Constitution of the United States, or any aw of the United States made in pursu ance thereof." And, continued Mr. W., now, I ask the Senator if he was upon the bench; and if a fugitive was brought before him under this law, if he would have any difficulty in surrendering him? Let me to you who hold the doctrine of State Rights, you endanger the liberty of your own States when you contend against the power of the States to pass laws protecting their own citizens. No asperity of language, no frowning coun tenance or denunciation shall ever in duce Ohio to forget what is due to her sovereignty and to the protection of her own citizens never, never, sir! And she takes no broader stand on this sub ject than 1 hope in God every other State in the Union takes. Then, the Senator was wrong and uncandid to say our constituents were perjured, when they have taken every precaution to pro- tect citizens ot states holding a species of property we utterly repudiate. Ohio is never forgetful of her rights. ' She sends no Senators here to denounce the sovereignties of other States. Rut when her rights are assailed, her ambassadors would be unfaithful to their trust if they did not hurl back any such imputation. The third count of this in dictment was, that we intended to pro hibit and limit slavery in the vast terri tories of the United States. Sir, to that charge I confess it is true. We do in tend it, sir. it 1 understand the objects and purposes of the Republican party, it was brought into power on this very subject. When the General Govern ment had broken all the pledges to free dom in our Territories, the Republican pxrty rose to oppose this .unconstitu tional aggression. Had there been no violation of the Missouri Compromise very - probably there would have been no Republican party here. We intend to defend the Territories of this country against the pollution of slavery. There we stand, and there is our platform, and there we shall stand forever. But the Senator claims the right to carry slaves into the Territories because the decision of the Court gives him that right. Now no man has more respect for the decis ions of the Courts, when within their proper judicial limits, than I have, and no one knows better how essential it is that these should be lived up to. But just as much as I revere an honest Court, keeping within its jurisdiction and re straining itself from any political con nection, so, sir, in exact proportion do I abhor and scout one from the corrupt Judge who, for any purposes, will reach over the case before him and endeavor to advance a political cause by any decision he may pretend to make. Ihe moment the Court transcends its authority for the purpose of affecting any political cause, its decision is impertinent, and with the Courts of Georgia, I m&y I hold it in bitter enough contempt, and it there ever was a decision on God's earth that would warrant any private man or .Senator in saying, "I hold it in con tempt," it is that Dred Scott decision. -. .What was the case? An old negro prosecutes for his liberty in the Federal Courts. Old Dred Scott sued for his freedom, and the plea was put in that, being a descendant of Africa, he could not sue in that Court. The Court de cided that a man may be so monstrous ow that he cannot fine "For Bis life," and I believe this is the first nation on God's earth that ever put a being in human form upon so low a level as that. But a majority of the Court said that Dred Scott being a negro, a descendant of Af rican ancestors, who having been slaves, he could not maintain a suit in that Court, because he was not a citizen. I ask if that was not the end of that case? Then, in the name of God, Judge Taney, why did you retain it any longer? It was settled upon every principle of ad judication, and no Court was held to it more solemnly than that one. All, then, the Court may say beyond the case was mere talk, and might just as well have been uttered in a bar-room as in a Court. . The majority of that Court are interested in that decision, and, strange as it may appear, those who complain of Northern aggression, have had a majority of that Court on their side.' I will not say that is the reason why the decisions are magnified to such importance. The very men of the very party who, a few years ago, held these decisions of no effect, have turned around of late and have found a virtue in that Court that can ride triumphantly over every other part of this Government. Such a heresy, if persisted in, can result in nothing but a consolidated despotism. And if the dicta, or talk of such a Court should be established, we will have the weakest despotism that ever failed on God Almighty's earth; for the doctrine is so absurd it cannot stand. When did they get the Constitutional power to carry slaves into the Territo ries? It is said now, that the Territo ries being the common property of the States, each State has a right to go into them with any kind of property. I deny the postulate. These Territories do not belong to the States; they belong to the people of the United States, and Con gress is the trustee for them. Suppose, for instance, the Senator from Illinois, (Mr. Douglas,) should own a plantation in Mississippi, and should wish to take slaves into a Territory, which State in its sovereignty is affected? That where the negroes are, or the State where the slaves are owned? On the same ground we might say, suppose, as will probably be the case, we should annex the Fejee Islands to this nation, and suppose the Senator from the State of Fejee should appear in this body", then I believe they not only hold a part of their population in slavery, but they hold to eating a portion of" them. Suppose he should take his chattels to our territory and claim the protection of our country, that he might practice cannibalism there, it is plain you would be bound to protect him, else the State of Fejeo would not have her equal rights with the other. States. He might say it is the law of my country. We have a right to roast and eat this property, and if you don't protect us in it, we will pull down the pillars of this Republic and involve all in one common ruin. I sup pose the Senator from Illinois would say the Territories have a perfect right to have cannibalism or not, and he don't care whether they have it or not; they are perfectly free.- Another Senator says they have a right to bring them there, and be protected by the laws of Congress. Another man says Congress has no right to pass laws, but the Courts, which are now omnipotent, can proclaim a law, and we must all bow down to it. There is just this difference of opinion on that side of the Chamber, but all agree that slavery should be spread to the ends of the earth. But suppose an other case. Suppose Brigham Young should come from Utah to Kansas, or any other . Ten itory, with , his forty wives, Brigham says these are my prop erty, and I must have a right to bring them in here, or the State of Utah will not have her equal rights." i Away with such doctrine. There is no guarantee in the Constitution for any such joosi tion as that. Our safety consists in keeping close to the Constitution, and the moment we stray from this we endanger the har mony of our action. But .waiving the Constitutional law, I will suppose that you have a right to take your slaves into the Territories and liold them there. Still, sir. is 'it expedient, right and projjer to do it? And that brings me to consider a question that has been inci dentally brought up. The fathers of the Republic, I' believe, without a dis senting voice, agreed that slaveholding was against the common right of man, was wrong in itself, and should not be cherished. But we find they did not understand it. And now the slavehold ing States have found out slavery is the natural condition of the black race and a blessing to society, and therefore ought to be extended. ' That is the only issue I wish to make, because I know your determination to extend slavery arising from this new philosophy, that slavery is the normal condition of the laboring man, and that it is right, just and proper, if not neces sary to the happiness of all concerned. If you are right in that I will go with you. Let us extend it, and let us em ploy missionaries to preach the glory of slavery, and induce the whole world to turn slaveholders or slaves, I am glad at last to see this great question placed on a solid foundation, for every man knows that no principle can be placed on anything short of eternal justice and right. The Senator from Georgia may tell us that slavery is the basis on which society has been founded for thirty cen turies. Sir, it is discovered that it is a sandy foundation which is fast washing away with the advance of mankind in civilization and ' knowledge. It Ms a principle that is deemed barbarous, and which is passing away. .' ? v :' - -; On that issue let us stand. If slavery ; is right, let us extend it; if it is wrong, ' let it die the death. I hardly know how j to meet this issue, for I have been in the habit of believing with the fathers, that liberty was the gift of God to every being, and had supposed that" this was' self-evident. If there is any one here who will not for himself respect the old sentiment "Give me Liberty or give me Death!" let him speak.. Who would not rather follow a friend or relative to the grave than into ' the shambles of eternal slavery? I know it is said the African is annferior race and cannot defend his own rights.. , But my ethics tell me that so far from this giving the right to DBlave him it should"tea6h man to be more scrupulous of his rights. I ! know he is still a human being; they are still men and women; and there arc thousands now in bondage who are much more white than black.. - But whether white. or black, they have the same joys and sorrows, and are actuated by the same motives that we are. They may be treated like brutes, their souls may be ignored, you may whip and trample them down, but as they are human beings fhey will rise from the utmost degradation and stand forth in the image of God, the conscious candidates of immortal life. This gives them the full consciousness of their manhood, that stands as ' an i eternal proof that they are. not always ? to' be slayes. But if it is right, why this per turbation and fear at the South lest their institutions should fall? Why is it you withhold knowledge from the slaves? What means this persecution of North ern men who go there? , --, , What is this fear of the Helper book? If slavery is the normal condition of the race, do you fear that the handiwork of God will be overturned by these frivo lous means? Society in the North needs no such means to sustain itself. -You may go there and talk against our in stitutions. We will invite you to preach the glories of slavery and its normal condition, and our institutions will stand firmer than ever after the conflict. " We fear no such things, though the Senator from .Virginia (Mr. Hunter) may say slavery is the normal condition and free dom but an experiment which is likely to come out second best, everything shows the security of the North, and shows which is the normal condition of man and which is not. Look at the great North-west, with a population as great as all your slave holding States, so secure and conscious of her strength that she forms an em pire of herself. We hear this cry from the South of "Sourth era Rights," but we hear nothing from the secure region of freedom and Free Labor. All this goes- to show that slavery is not the normal condition of man, but it is an-j institution that has out grown the times in which it formerly lived, and now only lives on the suffrage of mankind. I will say nothing about it in the States. It is bad enough where there are four millions of unpaid laborers in competi tion with the laborers of the North. Keep it within your own boundaries, and conduct it in your own way.. If it is wrong and it is wrong your new philosophy cannot stand the scrutiny of the present age. les, more u is roun ded on the selfishness and cupidity of man, and not on the justice of God. There is the difficulty with your insti tutions, and the foundation of your fear liut as to the vast lerntones ot this country, if I am right, and slavery is" branded and condemned by the God of nature, then, in Heaven's name, go with me to limit it, and not to propagate this curse. Now' I ask Senators what they find in this Republican party so repul sive to them. "; Our principles are only these: we hold that slavery is wrong, and incon sistent with the best interests of the people, and we demand that it shall be limited. This limitation will not ' be hard upon you, because you have land enough to support a population as large as that of Europe, and centuries will roll away before you will occupy what you now have. The next thing we hold is the principle of the Homestead bill; and we demand, also, that there shall be protection to Northern labor against the pauper labor of Europe. These are the only measures of the Republican party. Mr Wade closed by referring to the free negroes of the country, who, he said, were the victims of deep rooted prejudice, so deep as to make it apparent the two races could not inhabit the same place. Many States were now trying to drive them out. He thought this Government owed it to justice and to themselves to provide some means whereby this un fortunate class might emigrate to some congenial clime, where all their faculties would be developed. TLere .were such countries in Central America, where elim inate and soil are alike suited to them, and where place could be obtained for them. "' J; He would not do them an injustice, or in any way compel them to do any thing against their interests,, but he hoped this principle would be engrafted on the Republican platform,' and then we shall hear no more about negro equality or anything of that sort. He would have the two races separate, and have them both prosperous and happy in the climate best suited to their nature each enjoying that liberty and freedom from all opposition which is the God given right of every human being. Slander Against slander there is no defense. Hell cannot boast of so foul a fiend, nor man deplore so foul a foe; it stabs with a word with a nod with a shrug with a look with a smile..; It is the pesti lence walking in darkness spreading con tagion far and wide, which the most wary- traveler cannot avoid; it is the heart searching danger of the dark as sassin: it is the poisonous arrow whose wound is incurable; it is the moral sting of the deadly aduer; murder is its em ployment; innocence its prey and ruin its sport. Its foundation is envy jcal- ousy and disappointed ambition, its heralds are found in all classes, among all sects, in every vicinage. The slan derer is vindictive, malicious, a cowardly insinuating demon -worse than a mur derer. ; 1 " ' ' '' Bitten by a Hat. In September last, Mr. John Wood, of Little York, Montgomery county, was bitten by a large Norway rat, from the effects of.which he . suffered for several weeks, intense pain. He came ' home late at night, and : while reaching into the orib for corn to feed ibis horse, he was seized on the hand by the entrapped rat. . In about two weeks he was again taken sick. His hand and arm were much swolen; and high fever, severe vomiting and purging, and great pain attended the case. The poison of the bite diffused itself throughout his sys temv and came near proving fatal. He has entirely. lost the use of hit right rm."XAy'W JxnpVr&, - BORRIBtE AFFAIRV fr. We learn from a.. gentleman who art rived in. the city -jesteiday froTn-YckJ3 burg, that Jtr 1J; t esson formerly of this city, was., murdered .and rohbed. On Saturday night last, under circum . stances of peculiar- atrocity, The uh-, tortunate man was proprietor, ot a trading-beat, and, with his wife and negr: servant woman, had stopped: for the- night at. a plantation on the Louisiana , side of the rivr, about twenty miles be . low. Vieksburg. At an early b.or tkj next morning,, the-boat was visited4 by three men, one of whom rapped at the -door, when the negro woman, on an-' swering the summons, received . a gun shot wound' iv her headv killing her in.- , stantly. Mr. Wesson, then went' to. the. door,- when one1 of the assassins i'drs.--' charged a gun at him; the -eohtentsiof ' which some thirteen buckshot-rPok.' effect in his left breast. ..He.-fell. to tha floor and soon- after expired. Mrs. Wes- -son then confronted the scoundrel, when ' a cocked pistol was 1 presented - to her ' head, and her life threatened, in case of refusal to deliver .into, their possession whatever money and .valuables the boat . contained. Thus intimidated, " the" frightened lady could do nothing less ' than to accede to- the; demands of tht robbers, who-at once proceeded to rifle , , the boat of son) three thousand dollsjia in money, and a few articles of jewelry.. Having thus accomplished' their 7. arp&set" they jumped ashore,-and after a-fruit less attempt to cut the boat adrift, escap-i I ed under cover of a neighboring wood., The perpetrators of this diabolical out . rage are all unknown, yet the citizen3 inf the neighborhood in which it occurexJ T are not without hope of ultimate success in ferreting them- out and bringing: them to punishment. 1 . Mr. . Wesson, .has for" many years resided in this city, "aad was regarded by those who knew him as an,, honest and worthy citizen s His remains " were taken to V icksburg ;o Sunday,' and we understand will b brought to ; this city for interment. Memphis Bul letin, March 28. . " ; ' 1 7 " Eighty Z.lYa Lost by CcJUerjr Kxpt a . - . .., ' A fearful catastrophe happened on. r the 2d ult., by an. explosion of gas ra Burradon Colliery, ' Northumberland, England. About 120 men and.Lpys were at work in" the pit at the time, of which number more than eighty were .. killed. Two explosions occurred, the s first about half-past one o'clock in th 3 afternoon, which was slight, aadalarsoed J only a few of the lads.; The second ex plosion occurred about three minutea.. aierwaru, ana was so violent mat an , the workmen made an" effort to escape"' from the pit, but only about thirty wer- successful. Most of the others per-,, ished from the stifling effects of. th,, choke-damp.' ",-., 1 he appalling intelligence was in a few moments spread through the village and among the pit cottages, messengers were ' sent off to the neighboring collieries for. help, and men galloped, in every direc- iT 1 tor surgeons. An awful wail arose in the cottages belonging to the men" " down the pit as the intelligence reached - their families, and then women and chilvT dren flocked to the pit-mopth, where frightful scene ensued as the men and : , lads who had escaped were brought to" bank. The deputies and overmen who n were not down in the pit forthwith com ; menced making efforts to- rescue those who wero known to be in the pit v Huri-;r, dreds 01 persons remained on the bank all night, many of them women"nct children, shivering in-fba-eold air,;iali breathless' hope' that .some n would come out of the pit to give them intelli-.; gence ot father, brother; husband, or son, but upon whom they .were never . destined to gaze -0 gain, except a black ened corpse. A walk through the vil lage on Saturday afternoon showed that '.' in almost every third house there was a : - corpsev or that -preparations were made for one;that was expected from the pit.f i The victims . of , this t distressing u casualty are represented asamostintelli gent and superior; class of - workmen v provident and orderly in their habitsv ; - Good Oraetons ! M We didn't know that anything, like a , " new style " waB "ever unpopular ,witb,j. the ladies ; but to our .great astonish ment the Philadelphia North American . says that the Spring fashion in' bonnets.: is entirely tabooed by the'mbre'sensibff. 01 me sex in inai cuy. - j.nai paper , gives a description of the rejected head" covering' as follows : ' ' "'V ' . "f 4 "In shape the new style bf bonnet i a cross between a coal scuttle and a'4 buggy top. A ledge projects over the face, presenting an - appearance so un'-r gainly as to induce a "wonder that anyif J body could adopt it: " During ;all 'our1 peregrinations of the week ye didht"1 encounter more than" a dozen of thesbT monstrosities, and these,, we fancyere ' ; the property of outsiders.- For herdi"-; -; quisite taste in matters of dress, a Phi3V" . adelphia lady may be known; inany cir cle you -meet her.' Without1 adopting-' the extreme of any : fashion "except its becomingneBS be beyond a question, the5 ladies of Philadelphia piny second fiddle -to no other part of this hcmiephere:i-a'" For this reason the buggy top bonnet in 'i voted a humbug, and will not be adopted by our ladies. The new bonnets thit? have made their appearance 'are in pGf--s i'ect keeping with the usual discrimiha-'Ji tion of our belles in matters i'o personal- attire. - Again we say that the ncw-faK'-i j;led bonnet attempted to'be forced upou" )ur fashionables, is unbecoming and ufeM graceful." ' '. '-'-i;.s?; B, Among the Mew Hampshire elec;i J tion incidents are the folIowingJ5iaiI cook was a. flourishing Republic-antowai) flourishing on a large cotton-niilL-. Last year itjwas destroyed by fire. Thia.3 year the. town went -Democratic. rTb fire had depopujatedf it of its industrioui mechanics,, and. left : only - Jr r0j6iacr j, g uaieia iu .ijjcij juut en. , j . Domestic Enjoyment of parents'and children;, of brothers aril 1 asters, of friends and relations, give te every surrounding object and every refT turning dayv With what -a' lustre doei it gild even the small habitation, wheje" r this! placid ? intercourse dwells; ; -where. such' scenes of heartfelt satisfactioBBUC'