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The Vinton record. (M'arthur, Vinton County, Ohio) 1866-1891, June 07, 1866, Image 1

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Persistent link: http://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn85038222/1866-06-07/ed-1/seq-1/

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At Bratton's Building, East of the
One rear, $1 60
Eight months, 1 OO
Four months, 60
Athens, Mo Arthur, 0.
Constable and Constable,
McArthur, - Ohio,
WILL attend promptly to all business in
i trusted to their osre, in Vinton snd Alli
es counties, or snj of the conrts of the 7th
Judicial (list., and in the Circuit eonrts of the
V. 8. for the Southe rn district of Ohio. Claims
agsinit the Government, pensions, bontity and
back pay collected. jn4tf
McArthur, Vinton County, Ohio,
WILL attend to all legal business intrusted
to their care In Vinton ,Athers, Jao ksn,
Koss, Hooking, and adjoiningeounlies. Fsrtio
nlar attention given to the collection of soldiers
claims for pensions, bounties, arrears tof pay,
eto., ifjalrul the U 8 or Ohio, lndudl.g Mor
gan raid olslms. - , jan4
McArthur, Vinton County, Ohio.
WILL attend prompMj to all badness en
trusted to their oare, in Vinton and A'h
eni oonnties. Qllloe in llulbert' building, ov
er he Poal Office, up itairs. spl25ti'
TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION Professional. Watches.
. W, J, WOLTZ,
Musical Instruments,
flloMJEBT'a BciLDlNQ.l
TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION Professional. Watches. Bankers.
Kinney, Bandy & Co.,
SOLI CI r ihe acoonnts of business men and
individuals of Jackson, Vinton, and adjoin
ing counties dealers in exchange, nncnrront
.noney and coin make collections in all ports
f the country, and remit proceeds promptly
on he day we get returns. Government secu
rities and revenue stamps tlways on hand and
for sale. tSJTIu tores t paid on time deposits.
' Stockholders : II L Chapman, l'resldout: II
8 Bundy, Vice President: T W Kinney Cashier;
Wm Kinney; B Ludwick; a A Austin; J D
Clark; W N Butke; PLodwlck. no30ms
Brown, Mackev, and Co.,
"Wholesale Grocers.
No. 22 Paint street, Chillicothe, O.
MERCHANTS of MoArhur and anrround
Ing country, aro respectfully invited to
oall and examine our stock conaiailog of every
thing in the grocery line, which we will sell as
low as the lowest and all goods warrautod to be
just as represented. Before purchasing else
where you will do well to call and see us, as we
will offer you inducements not to be beaten.
No 22 Paint street, Cnilllootho, 0.1 door south
of McKoll's Quetnaware store. do21m3
Groceries. Railroads.
M. & C. R. R., TIME TABLE.
FROM Deoember 3rd 186V Trains will
leave Stations named as follows I
Stations. ' Mail. Night Ex.
Cincinnati, 9 10 a m 12 35 a m
Chillicothe, 2 00pm 3 05 am
Hamden, 3 45 p m 6 81 am
Zaleaki, 4 18 p m 7 01 a m
Marrletta, ' ' 8 20 pm 11 10 a m
Staliom. Mail. Night Ex.
Marrletta, , 5 45 a m 7 05 p m
Zaleskl, 028am 1106pm
Hamden, . 11 00 a m 11 42 p m
Chillioothe, 11 58 am 120am
Cincinnati, 465pm 6 00am
. Trains oonneet at Hamden with Mall train,
to and from Portsmouth O. dec7-65
Corner Sixth and Elm Streets,
Cincinnati Ohio.
Terms $2,00 per Day.
OMNLBU8SEB carry all passengers to snd
from the cars. The new depot of the
Marriotts snd Cincinnati Batlroad, corner
Plum snd Pearl streets, is only four squares
irom this house, making it convenient ror pas
sengers to stop st the Clifton. dea-6m
Hotels. Special Notices.
Cough -
IB warranted to bs the only preparatio:.
known to ears Coughs. Colds, Hoarseness,
Asthma, Whooping Congb, Chronlo Coughs,
Consumption, Bronohitis snd Croup. Being
prepared frorq Honey and Herbs it is healing,
softening, snd expectorating, an 1 particularly
suitable for all affeotlons of the Throat snd
lungs. For sale by all Druggists everywhere.
., Vanusry 13,H6,ly. .
!TTb. Btbickl ahd's
- AJ Tonio is s con -
U Strickland's
k eenrrated preparation of
jtoots ana tierDS, wiiu
vsnlissids snd carmina
tives to strength! the stomach and narvsna sv:
tern. It is s certain remedy for Dyspepsia or In
dlgestion, Nervouaneaa, Lou ot Appetite
Acidity, of the Stomach, flatulency snV
Debility. I Is not tloobolio, therefore parti ort
Isrly saited for Weak, Nervous snd. Dyp ptio
psreona. For sals br all Draggist everywhere
-at one dollar-per bottle. -
s-JsiurjMS, tut, ly. , . ' '. . . .1 ,T"
VOL. 1.
NO. 24.
... i.
Hotels. Special Notices. Poetical.
Oh, for some deep secluded dell,
Where brick and mortar life may cease;
Tosit down in a pot of grease
No no I mean a grot of peace.
I'd choose a home by Erin's wave,
With not a sound to mar life's lot,
I'd by the eannou have a shot
No by the Shannon have a cot.
Now fair that rocky isle around,
That wild expanse to scan it o'er,
I love a shiver with a roar
X mean a river by the shore.
Romantic B in's sea girt land,
, How sweet with one you love tho most,
To watch the cock upon the roast
I mean the rocks upou the coast.
'Twere sweet at moonlight's mystic hour,
To wander forth where lew frequent,
To come upon a tipsy gent
No no I mean a gipsy tent.
In that retirement, love, I would
Pursue some rustlo industry,
And make myself a boiling tea
No no I mean a toiling bee.
Beneath a shady sycamore,
How sweet to breathe love's tender vow,
Your dear one bitten by a sow
No I mean sitting by a bough.
Or sweet with fond wife to sit
Outside your door at daylight's close,
While she's hard hitting at your nose
I mean hard knitting at your hose.
Perhaps on early cares you brood,
While sympathy her sweet face shows
'Tis good to walk upon ones toes
I mean to talk upon onca woes.
Ah 1 still you watch that fairy shape,
A summer dress which does adorn,
, Admiring much her laugh of scorn
No no 1 mean her scarf of la wu.
At the North far away,
Rolls a great sea for aye
Unseen by mortal eye,
Silently awfully
Round it on every hand
lee towers majestic btand
Guarding this silent sea.
Grimly Invincibly,
Never there man hath been
Who hath come back again,
Telling to ears of men
What Is this Bea within,
Under the holy starlight
Drinking the golden sunlight
Ever sileutly never seen
Throbbing eternally there it hath been.
From our life far away,
Roll the dark waves for ayo
Of an eternity
Silently awfully,
Round it on every hand
Death's ley barriers stand
Guarding this silent sea
Grimly invincibly.
Never there man hath been,
None of the souls of men,
Loosed from Earth's fatal chain,
Who could tell mortal ken,
What is within the sea
Of this eternity.
Terrible is our Life
In Its whole, blood-written history,
Only a feverish strife -
In its beginning a mystery
In Its dark ending an agony.
Terriblo is ourdeath
lllack hangiugclouds over Life's setting
Ice on Life's fountain when wiuters
Darkness of night when Life's daylight
is gone
In the bosom of that cloud,
Locked by that cold ley key,
And within that darkness shroud,
Rolls the ever throbbing sea.
And we all we
Are drifting rapidly-,
And floating silently,
Into that unknown sea
Into eternity.
Have ruled our race and rule it still ;
Twin Masters of the fate of man
Are Faith and WU1.
The pole star and the helm of life,
That sets the end, this gives the course,
O'er plains of peace and seas of strife,
To carve our course.
The power that stands on rocks of strength
And lets the tempest lash and foam
TJnshaked Is the power at length
That brings us home.
But where is home? that faith can tell,
But what is faith f that Will can prove
By Buffering bravely, striving well,
' And serving love.
"Did any of you ever see an elephant's
skin ?" asked the master of an infant school.
I have 1" shouted a six-year old at the foot
of thn plana. t'Whpro 9" uaWl tha tea riot
amused by his earnestness. "On the ele
phat 1" was the reply.
The widow of a celebrated musician had
Inscribed on his monument : "He has gone
where his music alone can be excelled."
The widow of a pyrotechnist saw this, and
had inscribed on her husband's tomb : "He
has gone where bis fire-works can only be
A Spanish gentleman studying English,
being at a tea party, and desiring to be
helped to some tongue, in doubt as to the
term, hesitated a moment, and then said,
"I will thank you, Miss, to pass me that
language?" :
Two young ladies are announced to ap
pear at a fancy ball in Paris as birds. From
the description of the costumes ft is evident
that a striking feature will be the bill,
A learned young lady, the other evening,
astonished the company by asking a loan
of g diminutive argenteous, truncuated
cone, convex on its summit, and semi-perforated
with symmetrical ' indentations.
She wanted a thimble,
FAITH AND WILL. Miscellaneous.
Democratic State Convention held
at Columbus on the 24th ult.
Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Con
vention :
I congratulate you on the results
ot your deliberations theVisdom
and harmony of your action. The
questions submitted to the people
are too grave, the results of their
determination upon the public lib-,
erties are too momentous to per
mit the indulgence of premature
or vain exultation ; but the scenes
we have witnessed to-day may well
inspire our hearts with courage
and zeal and hope for the future.
Another year has rolled around,
and the Democratic party is called
again into council. As you see, it
has come with its strength undi
minished its spirit unimpaired
its zeal unabated its fidelity to its
principles unshaken with its or
ganization as perfect and its num
bers still greater than ever before.
It is the party whose origin is co
eval with that of the Government
the same party which Jefferson
founded, and Madison organized
and strengthened, and which, by
its self-denying and just adminis
tration of the limited powers grant
ed to the Federal Government has,
during the largest portion of oui
history, secured an unparalleled
measure of order and peace and
prosperity and liberty.
I love the Democratic party. I
admire its organization and discip
line. I honor the name and fame
of its founders. I revere its prin
ciples, so broad in their applica
tion and so beneficent in their in
fluence, that in all this land dis
severed as these States how are
there is not a State, nor county,nor
township, nor town, nor family, nor
house from the Lakes to the Gulf
from the Atlantic to the Pacific
in which it has not a repiesenta
tive and a member. I revere . the
wisdom which could mark with
such unerring accuracy the true
limits of the powers granted and
the powers reserved, and could in
practice with such fidelity establish
them; which could make from the
discord of States then contentious
the harmonies of a confederation,
whose powers were confined to in
ternational and inter-State affairs,
while to the States was left the en
tire guardianship of the rights, the
liberties and the political status of
its citizens. And I believe it is
only by adhering more closely to
the teachings of its precepts and
example that we may have the
least nope of preserving our Gov
ernment from the perils of consol
idated despotism on the one hand,
or of lawless anarchy on the other.
The party is the same; its princi
ples and convictions are the same;
they will" continue as long as the
Government shall endure, but each
day and year produce their ques
tions to be answered, their . prob
lems to be solved and thus, while
parties and principles remain, pol
icies change. The duty of the
hour i3 to meet the questions of
the hour, and to modify the appli
cation of principles, as the exigen
cy of the times may require.
The question of to-day is Union
or Disunion the old Constitution
or a new Constitution the old
Government as our Fathers gave it
to us, or revolution and change,and
a new system. The Constitution is
in danger. The Union is broken,
not by the collision of arms, but
by the political action of parties.
Its enemies are in the high places
of power they Bit in the 6eats of
the Capitol they have their grasp
upon its throat they Ihrottle it to
the agonies of" dissolution. The
President confronts them and the
question presented to-day to the
Democratic party and the people
of Ohio, is simply this, whether
they will support the President in
his effort to maintain or the Con
gress in its effort to- overthrow the
Government? The Constitution
grants certain powers to the Feder
al Government. It reserves all
ether powers to the States,1 and
guarantees certain rights to the
people. 1 The same powers were
granted alike, by all- the States.
The same powers were preserved
alike to all the States. The same
rights were guaranteed to the peo
ple of all the States. ' The. States
are equal, j They i were "- equal be
fore the Constitution was adopted.
Th.ey continued to be equal by the
terms -of thtf Constitution- it-self.
'i. .. . . . ;. . I" "
They must remain equal as long as
the Constitution shall be maintain
ed, and the Federal Union created
by it shall endure. Mr. Seward, in
his speech at Auburn, day before
yesterday, recognizes this funda
mental truth. And in my judg
ment those powers and those rights
belong to-day as well to the States
and the people of Georgia and Mis
sissippi as to the States and people
of Ohio or Pennsylvapia. "
Why should it not be so? The
Constitution provides that "this
Constitution and the laws made in
pursuance thereof shall be the su
preme law, anything in the Consti
tution and laws of any State to the
contrary notwithstanding." This is
the measure of the lawful authori
ty of the Federal Government.
This is the limit of its lawful de
mand upon the States. When this
is conceded, the measure is full to
overflowing when this is conced
ed, the States have fulfilled their
Federal duty they have discharg
ed their Federal obligation no
more can be exacted from them,
and they are entitled to the unob
structed enjoyment of all the pow
er reserved and the rights guaran
teed by the Federal Constitution.
Id not Federal authority as
promptly obeyed to-day is it not
as unimpeded to day in Georgia as
in Ohio? There is not an armed
enemy in tho Confederate States.
There is not a show of opposition
to Federal authority even as great
'as the shadow where it declineth,"
and yet for months, the equality of
the States has been violated and
the people of those States have
been denied the first great right
guaranteed by the Federal Consti
tution that right which is essen
tial to free government that right
without which all government is a
lawless usurpation, which it is al
ways a right and frequently a duty
to resist with all the means which
God and nature have put into our
hands I mean the right of repre
sentation. ju.-We.have a .wonderful spectacle
E resented to us. Scarcely a year
as elapsed since Lee surrendered,
yet the Confederate Government
has entirely disappeared and the
Federal Government has taken its
place. In the States old Constitu
tions have been abolished and new
ones have been established old
governments have been thrown
down and new ones been 6et up
old officers have been expelled and
others selected. The States are
exercising .all the functions of gov
ernment necessary to the preserva
tion of civil society. They pre
serve order, punish crimes, protect
life and property. They regulate
the relation of husband and wife,
parent and child, creditor and debt-.
or. They collect debts, enforce
contracts, regulate descents, estab
lish corporations, charter cities,
control public education. And
who has said they were not suffic
ient for these things? Mr. Seward,
in the speech from which I have
quoted, says that the return of the
Southern people to their Federal
allegiance is without parallel in
history. Yet Congress for six
months has devoted itself to the
invention of odious Constitutional
amendments, which were intended
to deprive the States of their just
powers; and to the passage of odi
ous laws, which were intended if
obeyed to reduce the people to the
most degrading submission, or if
not obeyed to produce irritation
and bitterness and threats of resis
tance from which it wa3 hoped to
deduce the necessity of establish
ing military governments and en
forcing martial law.
And why is this? It is because
they hate the Constitution of the
United States because they hate
our system of Government. .They
hate its two fundamental ideas
confederation : granted and reserv
ed powers. They admire the
strength of a consolidated govern
ment and confide in the wisdom of
an overshadowing, absolute, irres
ponsible majority. They prefer to
intrust the rights and liberties ol
the people, the amelioration of the
condition of our race to such a
majority rather than to the pro
gress which consists with the
checks and balances of our system.
I speak of men with whom I have
been long associated, whom I know
intimately, ,1 recognize their in
telligence and their private, worth.
I ,do not question their integrity, or
the sincerity of their motives. Yet,
I repeat, I believe they :, hate , our
system of government and desire
its overthrow. What is that sys
tem? ;; I will not detain you. either
with an analysis of its parts or a
history of its formation. The ex
igency of their condition required
that the international affairs and
the commercial intercourse of the
States should be placed under one
head. They were committed to
the Federal Government. All oth
er powers and subjects were re
served to the States. The States
were to regulate the civil and po
litical rights of their citizens, and
so guarded were those who made
the Constitution, that while in res
pect to foreign affairs, they gave to
the Federal Government absolute,
exclusive jurisdiction, in domestic
affairs, they so entirely excluded it
that it has no power to try or pun
ish an assault by one citizen of
Ohio upon another, or collect a
simple promisory note as between
the same parties. And this is the
system which Congress has deter
mined to subvert and destroy.
Let me illustrate more particu
larly my meaning. Take the Freed
men's Bureau bill. A law intend
ed to answer the same purpose was
in full torce; its provisions seemed
ample; there was no complaint on
that score from any quarter, it was
to expire within a year after the
close of the rebellion. If the ob
ject of this new bill were only to
extend the time, a single section in
two lines would have been suffic
ient. If in any one point enlarged
powers were needed, another sec
tion, equally brief, would have suf
ficed. But neither of these was
the true purpose of the bill. Its
main object is explained in the
eighth and ninth sections. The
eighth section provides that in all
States where the jurisdiction of
the civil courts has been suspend
ed, and wheie, by reason of any
law, custom or prejudice, the same
civil rights which have been accor
ded to the white man, have not
been accorded to the negro, the
President shall "extend to all .cas
es relating to persons so discrimi
nated against, military jurisdiction
and protection," and the ninth sec
tion declares thST'the agents of the
Freedmen's Bureau shall under the
direction of tho War Department
take cognizance of all cases of this
nature, and shall try, and if guilty,
punish by fine and imprisonment,
all State officers who enforce any
such discriminations created by
State laws "All cases relating to
persons so discriminated against!"
What does that mean? Did you
ever consider it? All cases, crimi
nal and civil whether to punish
crimes, or to enforce contracts, or
to compel fair dealings. "Relating
to such persons," whether the suit
be between a white man and a ne
gro, or between two negroes
whether the indictments bo against
a white man for beating a negro,
or against a negro tor assaulting a
white man, or even a negro. "Mil
ity jurisdiction" and what is that,
pray? Why, the jurisdiction of a
drum-head court-martial, or of a
military commission under the ar
ticles of war, which the Constitu
tion forbids except in cases of per
sons engaged in the land or naval
service, or in the militia, while in
active service. Now the Constitu
tion provides that no person ne
gro or white man shall be held to
answer for an infamous crime ex
cept upon an indictment, and that
every person so held shall be tried
by a jury, openly and speedily, be
confronted with the witnesses
against him, have the benefit of
counsel, and have compulsory pro
cess to bring his witnesses into
court. Yet this bill, avowedly for
the benefit of treedmen, proposes
to deprive them of these benificent
provisions, which they now enjoy,
and to make it the' duty of the
President in every case to substi
tute the short, sharp process of a
court-martial where there is no in
dictment, no jury, and where coun
sel and witnesses for the defense
are tolerated only by the grace and
favor of the court.
Can any man believe this law
was intended to be of service to the
negro, or to ameliorate his condi
tion, or to protect him from injuri
ous discrimination, or to accustom
him to the equal rights of citizens.
No, sir. It was intended to invade
the domain of the States in the
punishment of crimes purely of
State cognizance. It was intended
wronglully to break' down State
laws,' and to substitute for them
Federal laws, and thus to draw
within the circle of Federal milita
ry authority every citizen of the
land. "All cases relating to such
persons t" The words embrace all
persons of every age and sex who
One square, ten lines, $1 OO'
Each additional insertion, ......... 40
Cards, per year, ten lines, .. .' 8 OO
Notices of Executors, Admlnhitrs-
tors and Guardians, 2 OO
Attachment notices before J. P, . . 2 QO
Local notices, per line, 10
Yearly advertismsnta will be charged
$GO per column, and at porportionate
rates for less than a column. Payable In
may oome in contact, however re-
motely, with any negro man,1
woman or child, in any of the rela
tions or conditions, or affairs of life.
And this bill brings them all to the
feet of the military authority as ex
ecuted by the most ignorant and
degraded fellow who can be hired
as a servant of the Bureau for $500
a year. I cite this bill only as an
illustration. By the grace of God
and Andrew Johnson's veto, it did
not become a law. No thanks to.
the Radicals for that blessing.
Examine the proposition to
change the basis of representation.
The Constitution provided that
population should be entitled to
representation and that each com
munity is essential to the existence
of a free State.
This proposed amendment pro
vides that the basis of representa
tion shall be population, but when
ever the Negro is excluded from
voting, his race shall be excluded
from the basis ; and the number of
Representatives shall be accord
ingly diminished. That is to say :
The power to determine who shall
be electors belongs undoubtedly to
the St ates. They may exercise it
as they see fit. ' They may exclude
or they may admit to suffrage as
they may think right They may
exclude the young, the old, the
poor, the unlearned, the women
they may exclude every soldier who
has entered the army, if they
please and, if the parties so exclu
ded only be white, they may still
be counted in the basis of represen
tation, and others may elect for
them. But if the States shall pre
sume to exclude a negro from the
ballot, neither he nor his family,
nor any of his race shall be count
ed in making up the basis of repre
sentation. Amazing love for the
negro I
But tills proposition presents an-:
other alternative to the States. By
counting negroes in tho basis of
representation, the Southern States
have Sixteen members of Congress
more than they otherwise would.
If they will consent to -give: op
these sixteen members and the po
litical power they wield, then they
may exclude the negro from the
ballot-box for all time, and are quite
welcome to do so.
Do I wrong these Radicals in
Congress. They will not admit tho
Southern States to their constitu
tional equality and recognize their
right of representation, because ne
groes are excluded from the ballot
box. Their outspoken leaders bold
ly say 60. And yet within two
weeks, by very large majorities,
they have passed a bill to admit
Colorado to the Union, whose peo
ple have declared in the most au
thentic and offensive form that in
their new State none but white
men shall vote. Do yqu remem-.
ber the statement of Thaddeus Ste
vens, that if the South should be
permitted to vote, the Democratic"
party would again come into pow
er? And do you know the fact
that the Senators from Colorado
are Radicals, whose votes in th
Senate it vveuld be convenient to
have in case of another veto?
Do you believe that protection
of the negro was the true purpose
of the amendment No, sir. It
was to cross the boundary ot State
authority, and to lay violent hands
by Federal power on the most sa
cred of all the guaranteed rights
of the States. This amendment
Gassed the sitting section of the
ouse of Representatives, and
now awaits the action of the Sen
ate. Consider the Civil Rights bilL
It declares that all native born
persons of whatever race, color or
condition, are citizen"! of the Uni
ted States, and that all citizens
shall enjoy equally all civil rights,
and that all citizens shall be pro
tected alike, and be punished with
the same measure of penalty.'
What does this mean? Suppose a
State law prescribes a less penalty
in the case of a negro than of a
white man convicted of crime
against a State law? Has Congress
authority to say he shall be . pun
ished more severely? If Congress
may abrogate the clause of the
State law relating to the negro,and
substitute for it a Federal law, it
may abrogate also the clause-relating
to the white man. . If it may
subject the negro to the punish
ment prescribed for the white man,
it may also subject the white man
to the punishment prescribed ., for
'Jie negro; or it may prescribe for
both an entirely different , punish
ment, or remit punishment' alto
gether, and so establish within tho

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