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The Vinton record. (M'arthur, Vinton County, Ohio) 1866-1891, September 03, 1874, SUPPLEMENT, Image 6

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white. And jot we find the Democracy of Ohio In (he
exercise ol ineir astred, appeaitug to in proton ami
Breindlce of hrnorsnt while men. for special nrivtl-
ecss to tome, sud for a deuial of right to other. The
J.ofa.blicao party slauds f r the equality of all cillsena
before the law, and especially does It pare for the poor
-aud lofting mi. As tiopposed slsvery, to It op
poses inouoDolf and oppression of every tort, ine
colored man should lie permitted to eat and sleep and
travel whilhorsoerer he will entitled to the same orivil-
;Maa 01 hem, au.il protected by lbs aatne law that ia
There are certain Question which are seml-polltlcal
but which are generally classified as belonging to the
stomal n of moral. They aifecl the habile of men, and
aaly become political when they hare relation to the
gioa order and welfare of society. Foremost assoug
theee question, and perhaps the one
I thli time attracting moat attention, fa the
lite of Intoxicating drinks, and the lawa controlling
the aauie. It way a well be admitted at once that
the ftepubliran party Is tn favor of. temperance, aa It
sr. uf morality In oiber forms, we nave placed upou
trie statute liooks. of this and other States, laws to reg
ulate and restrict the sale of spirituous .liquor. As a
itrty, rtepubilcan bav not gone loth extreme limit
SI .prohibition, fur the ivstson tbataonie have doubled
;he possibility ol success, and others have deemed ft
iiexpedient. but wbat tteinperanco legislation we
lav has been given ua fir the Republican party,
shile the Democrat would, If tney dared, remove all
eitm tions, and allow absolute tree trails lu liquor.
We recognise druokeime-a as a (rest vice, and could
I dietnte the laws I would bsve them punish drunk
arils, as well a those who make drunkards. A
tjirty we have not undertaken to Interfere with the
Tab Its snd customs of any class or nationality, so
toug as tnese nanus anu customs urn not interfere witn
fie welfare aud peace of society, but we have opposed
tiitethperance, while the Democratic party haaencour
Bn'ed 11, though Individual members of that party, id
fast numbora, are temtierani men, and for temper
luce measures, it would be welt lor our prohibition
Irlends, now that license has been killed with the new
Coustiliitiott, to remember this. They possibly hold
the balance of power in this State, and can decide at
(lie ballot-boi whether the party of temperance, which,
However, doe not go quite solar as tney do, snail be
jlacd In power, or whether the enemies of their cause
hall be substituted In our places to undo all the good
that baa been accomplished. Many good temperance
men voted recently lor license, because tney believed
that the adoption of th no-license clause would result
lu practical free trade. They thought that to limit
nd control ihe evil was better than to give it free
course. 1 was among those whoso voted, and for the
I easou named. If the question had been purely and
pimply whether or not Ihe cause of leniieraiice should
be promoted, th majority in favor would
kare- been overwhelming. If, therel'mo,
the men who voted against license
will stand by the only party which sympathises to
ny degree with their views, they will be joined by
liuetof those who voted differently, but who desire the
advancement of the cause of tera iterance.
The Democracy predicated a resolution of their Con
veotlou upon the supposition that tiie llceuse clause of
the Constitution bad csrried. it has slue been ascer
tained that they were mistaken.
Our friends of the opposition seem to be greatly ex
ercised lest General Grant should he the choice of the
Republican party for I third term, and they have an
alarming resolution on that subject. It is only to be
wondered tbey did not resolve that the good of the
Country imperatively demanded they should becoiu
lulsionrd to select our csndiiiate for us. The only
anxiety which Republicans need feel about
It Is lest the Democracy, considering
the popularity and excellent administration of Uen.
(Irani, may attempt to appropriate hint aa their own
candidate. I have never enjoyed an intimacy with the
president, which would enable me to interpret his In
tention better than others, nor atu I authorized in
nut way topeuk for biui; but t know him tn bo a
tnnn of profound good common sense; ne apeak little,
I but listens well, observes carefully, and thinks pro
foundly; be Is as well aware, asour Democratic frleuds,
el the deep-seated prejudice of our people, against vio
lating precedent aud custom by the elevation of any
loan, however popular, to the presidency for a third
term. I have no doubt he quietly enjoy tbe apprehen
sion of bis enemies, and that at the proper time be
will let their heart at rest by retiring from his high
position, leavings grateful country the rich legacy of
bis distinguished service for four years In time of war,
and bit eminently successful administration for eight
years in time of peace.
In conclusion permit rnc to say that for reasons, some
f wblcb I hare slated to-night, and other which
will b discussed during the approaching canvass, I
firmly believe the good of the country requires that
the Republican party be continued in power. I have
criticised with some severity tbe antecedent and pres
ent position of Ihe opposition. But what I have said
applies rather to the feeding spirit, the controlling ele
ments of the psrty than to Its individual member.
-Is I grow older, I come to theconcluston that no one
political organization monopolliea all the wisdom or
virtue of the country. It has been my fortune to
know with, considerable intimacy large numbers of
Democrats whom I freely acknowledge to be a intelli
gent and honeetaaany member of my own party;
out the organization 1 under had direction and unsafe
to follow.
I will only add that II all the
people of Ohio who think tbe Re
publican party ought to continue the admin
istration of the Government, will take tbe trouble to
' Tote this fall, we shall elect our Slate ticket, which
bears the names of singularly unexceptional men, and
cintLsue our ascendency in the Congress of the na
tion. Parly ties In this country are not a strong as for
merly, for Intelligent men are beginning to think and
act for themselves, without regard to party leaders.
Indeed, no man can be a leader who is not ill accord
wltluhebest and highest sentiments of his constit
uents. It now becomes all honest and upright cltl
tens to take their stand for principle and right, looking
forward with cootidence to a grand and prosperous ca
reer fir the nation, and assured that he who doe his
tluty fearlessly and faithfully will be rewarded with
. the approbation of his countrymen.
....... .-.--n-.-.-- r
Delivered at Terre Haute, Indiana, July
31st, 1874.
The Democratic party Is out of power, and Is strug
gling to regain It. It 1 the opposition, and attempt to
seize upon every popular discontent, and to avail 11
c l oi every local passion to injure the Republican
lerty. It presents no policy for the administration of
tlteUovernnient, and makes no attempt to preserve
t.itislsiencv. It feels at liberty to profess in one local
ity what It denies In another, and to take any position
In on State, to strike the Republican party a blow,
wiihoul regard to tbe ground which it occupies upon
the same question in other States, it does not hesi
tate lo use any weapon of assault, knowing that there
is little responsibility attached to those who are strug
gling to twin power as compared with those who are
in possession of It, and who are responsible for its ex
ercise. Aa an illustration of this, I may refe. to the fact
that lu the State of Maine the Democratic party ha
Just declared for absolute free trade, and for raising
the sevenue by direct taxation. In Pennsylvania it
declares in favor of a protective tariff, while in In
diana it affirms its belief in a revenue tariff, to be so
adjusted, and framed with auch nice discriminations
as to of.onl no protection for American industry.
On the temperance question the Democratic position
s as varied as the circumstances surrounding it In the
different States end Territories; with thi qualifica
tion, however, that there Is a general leaning to the
tide of intemperance. It may be said, generally, to
go as far in favor of tbe unrestrained traffic in intoxi
rating liquors as it can, not to wholly forfeit the re
iHct and friendship of those who are inclined to the
si'leoj temperance. If the temperance men are tor
prohibition, the Democracy are for a license law, always
striking lower and making a bid for the support of
those who traffic lu intoxicating liquor. II tbe tem
perance men asked only for a license law, then the
temocracy would put the license very low, or hkve no
license at all. still offering inducement for the sup
port of that class of men. Whatever measure be pro
posed io any Slate or Territory whereby to diminish
the evils of intemperance, for some reason it ia sure to
rome short of receiving Democratic support; and they
gevtr fail to find some excuse for opposing it, although
Ibey may deal in glittering generalities in favor of
temperance and reform. It Is to tbe general tendency
aud proclivity of the Democratic party against the
temperance reform to whlcn 1 call attention.
Resolutions against corruption are (the cheap clap
trap of panics. All psrties profess to be opposed to
rotruplion, and are ready euough to expose sud prose
cute it in other parties. Ihe true test of an honest
party is in it self-examination, and tbe exposure and
punishment of corruption in lu own ranks, In its con
tinued vigilance for self-purification in doctrine and
practice. Tried by this test tbe Republican party ia
distinguished above every other in the history of this
country. Nearly all that Is known of corruption in
h. wnnl.lip.o nartv has been shown by its own dili
gent self-examiuation aud the prompt exposure of
evei official delinquent who has been discovered. No
body believes that the Democratic party is particu
larly sensitive about corruption. In fact, when it was
In power it was noted for the industry and skill with
whiuh it covered up the peculations of its own mem
bers. Committees to Investigate the official conduct of
its own members were so rarely appointed by Demo
cratic majorities io Congress as not to be remembered.
The Democratic and Republican parties seem to nave
proceeded upon different principle for self-defense
and preservation. The Democratic party sougut to
protect itself against public opinion by concealing the
delinquencies of lu members; while the Republics
r.art ha, ovortwded uuio lb uri ociple ItTlt self-sxsmi
nation and (be exposure and punisnment of lu delin
sjuent members was ue nest Enaraoiee tor us cvuurr
miiMi lii IrnsH. -
i nor. .r onrul and bad men In all parties) and in all
buman eraanizatioua; and tbe bad mea will ulti
mately corrupt and lake possession of sil organization
unless they are repressed, exposed, snd brought to
. ..ni.lon.oi The detection snd exposure of tbe
Credit HobtJIer, Kanbovo, and District ol Columbia
transactions, was the voluntary and earnest work of
.... U..nol,lic Dsrtv: and while it may show here
and there a diseased member, vet It etearly reveals
the healthy tone, Tigor, and condition ot tne is.
Th. .winlo and constitution of tbe Republican
fcsrtr pat it naturally upon the side of temperance as
IT! I r. ..Vliailna M anlnat siaverT. oi
sa ggvj afss- I" saasaj f a auvey si -1 - r- V
tb people at s rains monopoly, of labor, free schools,
ntIlctus and B-oral protean. It It a nraaTrassty
party, and whenever It cesses to be so and becomes
eooKervailve, then you may begin to talk about its
atlsslou being performed. It Is qualified lo grapple
lib every new Issue that is preseiitfld, has its Isre lo
th future, and holds that the work of reform is its
normal and necessarv condition. -
Kor years lo coma the routes! will be between th
Republican and Democratic parties, and between them
there is no room for a third party, and every oo that
la organised will he feehie aud ephemeral. Those
partial represent different ideas, tendencies, and modes
of thought which are to irrepressible ooullicU
eee e e e e
The third section of the pisiform, adopted at the
ueuiocrsuc atste tAiuventlou, is la mew woros:
"n'aare in fsvor ol the repeal of the oalloual bint
Ing law, aud the substitution of greenbacks fur th
national bsuk curreticr."
While nils section does not declare In lavor of tbe
restoration of tbe old Sute bsuk system, we know
very well that It would result In that. Tbe people
will have some system of bauking, and when Ihe
naiiouat bants are broken down Male banks will
spring up and take their place and we shall airaln
hsveupoo us all the evils of local, unsecured, unrclis-
nie currency, which doe not circulate beyond tne
llmlu of the State in which It la created, which from
year lo year perishes in the hands of th people, and
under which the buiea of the West and South paid
constaut tribute to tbe Kaslern Slates in form of ex
chsuge. To the older members of my audience I need
piuiwh iiw ntuiuenu upon we evils anil utsasters
which attended Ihe Sute bank s -statu. ' Their racol-
. lections ire too vivid.
Ihe nstlon.i) banks afford a currency that Is per
fectly secured, in which tverybody has entire conn
deuce, that iaof uniform value in evey part ot the
linked Suites, that is not easily counterfeited, and Is
unquestionably the safest snd most tatisfsclory bank
currency this country has ever had. The proposition
to destroy this banking system involves a radical
change in the finances and business of th country,
the collection sud withdrawal of more than i'joo.oou,.
OUO of losus which theee banks have made to the peo
ple, the vast derangement, contraction, snd distress
wmcn sucu sn event niusi produce upon tne business
of the country, and yosis ot doubt and expert ment be
fore another avsteu can be established in lis Olson.
The priucipil reason which has been given for this
prujioseu coanse is mat tne uoverniuenils paring lu
terbst lo these banks upon their bonds, which, it it
alleged, 1 an increased burden and expeiidilure.
This argument ought not to deceive any Intelligeal
person. The bonds which tbe banks deposit with
tbe Uoverumeut as a security for the- re
demption snd payment of their note
they have to buy In lite marlet, Just like anybody else,
paying the saute prices. If those bond were not held
by the banks tney would be held by others, lor they
were already lu existence lieforethe bants purchased
them ; aud whether the interest is paid to the banks or
private psrties, as the holders of these bonds, can
make no difference to lbs Government. The hanks
srarequircd to purchase these bonds and deposit them
wiiu me itoveriiiueiii as security lor tueir notes, thus
maklntf thai niitii mm huvninl nil m.u.il..i !,
neither the people nor the Government can fuse any
thing by them. The Government furnishes the cur
rency to Ihe bsnkt sfter the deposit ot boudo, the
bank hiving lo pay th expensa ol the paper and
printing, as a limitation and check upon the issues of
Ihe bank, so that it shall not be in llieir power to put
Into circulation more curreucy than they have secured
by bonds on deposit. That the Dank must obtain
their notes through the (iovernuient is simply a mens-'
ure oi saiety tior tne people ny preventing over-is
D..I - I ; .. - . . 1. 1 .... . i .
wui, wiviuiuk w iu nssoiuuon, me uorernment
should Issue tltoJ.OOO.OUO of additional arren backs for
circulation lustcad of the bank notes. These addi
tional greenbacks will lie a public debt to that amount,
though not drawing interest, and the very next reso
lution declares that tho Government shall return to
specie psyiiiutits as soon as the business interests of tho
country will permit. It requires little rellectlon to see
that these two resolutions arc .exactly contradictory,
and that the first puts It out of the power oi the Uov
erumeut lo comply with the second. If the Govern
ment can not procure the gold wherewith to redeem
tax.,UUU,Ubu of greenbacks, the preseut amount lu cir
culation, how will It be able to redeem the greenbacks
when the volume shall lure been increased by adding
f Mt,0OU,000 more in place of tbe national bank cur
rency, making S730.uuo,0UO of greenbacks? The dtllt
culty of returning to specie payments will be increased
nearly 1UU per cent., aud according to th generally re
ceived theories, this will largely add to the deprecia
tion of the greenbacks.
In the act of 18d4 a distinct pledge was irlven to tbe
creditors ot the Government that the whole volume of
greenbacks should never exceed t40U.OOO.Iio the
amount authorized by the acts of 186. and 1868. Tbe
recent Din wo ten passed Congress and wu vetoed by
the Presldeut assumed this uledirn b tie MnHInu anil
fixed tbe maximum amount of greenback at I4U0.-
000,000. '
The proposition now made bv the Democracv to In.
crease the Issue of greenbacks (354,000,000 is beset by
difficulties aud contradictious on every hand. When
ine greeuuaca acts were passed in 1802 and 1864, they
were denounced by the leaders of the Democratic
party, embracing the oldest and most distinguished
members of their Convention, as unconstitutional upon
the ground that Congresshad no power to make any
thing but gold and silvor a legal tender In payment of
debts. When Chief Justice Lhasa delivered the nuln.
ion of the majority of the Supreme Court to the etlect
that these acts were unconstitutional, he was sustained
by tbe leader of the Democratic pailr throughout the
United Slates: and wnen afterward President Grant
bad appointed two more Judges upon that bench and
his decision was reversed and the constitutionality of
these acts atCrined, he Was charged by the politicians
and press of the Democratic party every where with
having packed the Supreme Court for the purpose of
obtaining a decision lu gross violation of the Constitu
tion of the Unibad States. Now in a time of peace, long
aiuir iue war is over, we una a portion oi tne same pol
iticians urging that the number of greenbacks should
be doubled and that these new greenbacks should be
used In payment of the five-twenty bonda issued and
sold by the Government years before. The position of
these Democratic leaders I subject to this criticism
that during the rebellion when the issue of greenbacks
was a uecessuy so toe prosecution ot tue war, tney de
nied the power; and now in lime of peace, to gain a
political advantage, they assert the power, though It
would Involve a broken Dledite. and ia slrlDoed of all
plea of necessity.
And this brings me to the consideration, of the first
resolution of tbe platform :
"That we are in favor of the redemption of the five.
twenty bonds in greenbacks according to the law under
wmcn iney were issueu."
The existing greenbacks were authorized and issued
before the sale by the Government of the five-twenty
bonds. The law creating them declares, and upon the
back of every note is printed. "This note ia a luual ten.
der at it face value-for all debts public and private,
except duties on imports and interest on the public
debt." It was with these note that the five-twenty
uouus were purcuasea si par irnm tne uovernmeiil by
the people, snd it was contended with great force that
the Government, bv the express terms of the law. had
a right to use these notes in the payment of those
nonus. in iacr, ii was uimcuit to see now, upon pnn
cllilea of Muitv and tha reailino- of the Inw. this enn.
elusion could be avoided. Nevertheless, it was strenu
ously argued tbat there was an understanding outside
oi tne law, anu a manliest public policy wmcn required
tnose oonus io ue paiu in coin.
Bnt In 1867 Mr. Pendleton, a distinguished Demo
cratic leader, advanced tbe proposition that years alter
the bonds nau neen sola, lioogres nsd a right to make
aiuriner issue ot greeuoacas ncyoua in iour nun
dred millions authorised by the original acts, and to
make them a legal tender in psvtnent of those ore
existing bonds, snd these new greenbacks should be is
sued lu such quantities as to enable the Government
to pay off ue bonds tt a rapid rate, snd atop the in
terest. To me this proposition seemed to involve bed
faith snd repudiation. To require the bolder of the
tlve-twenty Donas to accept in tneir payment tbe
original greenbacks with which the bonds had been
tiougnt irom toe uovsrnmeui, expressly made a legal
tender In payment of 11 public debts, except Interest
and auues, was equttaoie, ana a measure oi wmcn
thev had due notice: but to require them to accept in
payment a further issue of greenbacks, made long
after they had purchased their bonds, would be not
only In violation of their pledge given in tha act of
1864, but unsupported by the reasons, necessities, and
equities of tbe original transaction, and inconsistent
wltn nstionai raiin. inis proposition or sir. renuie
ton bsd the support of many distinguished leaders of
tha Democratic party in tbe Western States; and re
sulted in a very personal and somewhat violent dis
cussion oi tne question.
OUUU I . . .JUI".'UH V. W.TCIU. . . . U ., 1
March, 1869, Congress passed an act declaratory of the
IJ n an th..tn.ii,Mlliui n, I Innn ,1 IIm.I t n
law, intended to seuie ue wnoie questiou, in wmcn it
was provided that the five-twenty bonds were payable
only in coin, principal and interest This act wss in
tended to be a settlement of the controversy as to the
mode of paying the bonds, and was generally received
as such. 1 accepted it at a final settlement of the
question, and believe it must now be so received,
binoe tbat time these bonds have been bought and
sold upon tne express declaration ot tne Government
that they anouia ue paid in com, and the Government
ia now estopped from asserting the right to nay
tbem In any other way. Whatever may have been iu
right to psy tbem with the original greenbacks that
wasexpressiy waived oy tui act, ana tne wnoie world
was invited to deal in tbem upon tbe pledge that they
should be paid in coin. Tb Democratic platform.
therefore, involves a double repudiation ; first, by pro
posing to maae a new issue oi greenbacks, wnn which
to par the five-twenty bonds; secondly, by proposing
to repeal tbe pledge given in the act of I860, upon the
faith of which those bonds have been bought and sold
for more than live years.
It may be safe, theretore, to 'predict tbat the settle
ment of this question oy the set of 1869 will not be
disturbed ; that It will not be in the power of the Dem
ocratic party of Indiana to reopen Ihe question, and
tbat lb national bank system will not tie abolished,
it may also be assumed that the pledge contained in
the set of 1864, thst the whole amount of greenbacks
should never exceed $400,000,000, will be accepted as
valid and continuing, and that the policy of making
an issue of greenbacks beyond tha t4tW,tXKJ,(Kj0. either
as a suhstitnle for national bank notes or for any
other cause, his been abandoned, and in fact that the
volume of greenback will never exceed (382,000,000,
tbe amount now In circulation. And tbe greenback
problem which remains to be solved 1 the redemption
ot these' notes In coin st the earliest practicable period,
as promised by tbe act of 1869. Tbat this period Is not
tbe prtjent, seems o be conceded by nearly all, snd
tbst it will not arrive until after
tb .effect of the panic bav pssssd wtf, good
times have been restored, snd th pais oca of trad has
ceased to ran se ttrougly against tu. Whluj th forty
flu million of national bank currency which the law
urovide may be taken Irom Sute In the East and
given to those Slates lu the West and South having less
I nan tneir proportion or man what they nerd, may not
be takeu up very rabidly, and In fact, can uot be iiulil
there ahall have beou a revival of business and pros
perity, yet it will be taken at no distant period, and
the demand will be renewed and Anally granted for
tlieesubashinentef wbatia called free bauking aud
the removal of tbe monopoly feature of the. national
banking system, which has ever been its blemish, snd
nss isigely contributed to Whs lever ot unpopularity
thesv-teu nisv have.
Notwithstanding all that has been said agalust our
currency a Deiug depreciated and fluctuating rag
money, everybody knows thst it is a good currency,
under which the country has prospered as it never did
before, and tbat its further improvement will lie nat
ural, steady, sud healthy. Aud with these considera
tions I am content to await the further developiuenu
oi in future on tne auauciat question.
In the seventh resolution the Democratic Conven
tion went upon Its knees to the prejudice sgalnst color
and the hatred uf negroes. The bill which passed the
Senate making provision for Ihe equal rights ol negroes
in tn public scnoois, supported uy general taxation,
colleges, churches, hotels, railroads, steamboat, thea
ters, and graveyards, supported at public expense,
was made the occasion for a special attack upon Sena
tor Pratt and myself. It will be remembered that the
same men who passed this resolution were apologists of
slavery, and to the very last did everything In its de
fense, except to ngtit. iney were opposed to iu aoun
Uon, resisted the civil rights of Ihe negro at every
step, and declared that to confer upon him the right
of suffrage would be Ihe dishonor and destruction of
the republic. Beaten at every point, they would still
exclude him from tbe blessing of education, the equal
privileges ot travel, or a place of refreshment and rest
on his Journey, or of honorable burial when dead.
They would even exclude him from the privilege of
worshiping God in company with white people; and
this, too, by white men, some of whom seldom enter
tne doors ol a ctiurcn.
. There I something very remarkable In the opera
tion of thi prejudice against color. Persons who In
their Infancy were nursed by negro women, In their
childhood slept and played wnn negro cimureu.
In youth and manhood were the daily cotupanlons of
negroes in the workshop, upon the farm, In the car
riage, and upon the Journey, who employed negroes as
boJv scrrauts, and In that way were almost contin
ually iu their society, dressed by them, shaved by
them, nursed by them in sickness, and lu various
wave inhaling their breath a hundred timea a day, and
having with them that physical intimacy and contact
which does not exist between equal In society; yet
when the same negro, as a freemsn, presumes to
stop at Ihe same hotel, or to ride in the' same car with
them, or to send his children to the same school with
theirs, or to kneel in the same church, they are inex
pressibly shocked, and declare that social
equsiilv will degrade and destroy society.
They think to make a few voles by appeal
ing to the prejudice and fears of the white
people sliout mixed schools. In towns and communi
ties where the children of each color are numerous
enough lo be formed into separate schools, there will
be no trouble on lite subject, and there has not been.
Rut in districts sparsely iiopulated, or in iielgblmr
hoods in which there are few colored children, snd
where their proportion of the school fund would be
wholly Insufficient to maintain separate schools snd
their parents are not able to maintain private schools
for them, if they are uot admitted Into the publio
schools they must grow up in ignorance snd without
edncat'on. And what harm would the colored chil
dren do In the public schools r They would interrupt
nobody, tliougn in many places tney wouiu oe w
vii'tiniaof insult snd oppression. Tbe man who would
say that under such circumstance these colored
children must grow up without education, to be poor,
ignorant, helpless and perhaps vicious throughout
their lives, simply because it would be offensive to have
them mi into ths same schnol.hoiise with whiba chil
dren, himself needs education lnt he principles of our
common humanity.
But the punishment and suffering will not fall upon
the negro children only; the couutry which inflicts
the wrong will ultimately nave to pay lor it in some
way. Such are the tnysterioua rulings of Providence,
Even now the people of the South ure complaining
bitterly of the ignorance cf the colored voters by
whom tbey are surrounded, and by whom, In some of
the Klstes snd many of the districts, they are outnum
bered. The poisoned chalice is commended to their
own lips. Only a few years ago the people ol South
Carolina, Louisiana, ano, in iact, every oouiuern
Hlate, made the education of negroes a felony. For
teaching them to read and write their teachers were
fined, imprisoned, cast out oi society, ana oiten put to
death; so thst the negroes grew up in a mass in the
densest ignorance, for It was thought thaw that would
make them the most subservient slaves. And mean
white men now hate to see the negro educated, for
fear that he will become their intellectual superior.
Rut there came a grand revolution. The masters
had embarked in a wicked rebellion in which they
were defeated. The slaves were made free and clothed
with equal civil and political rights with .their late
masters. In some of the districts, and in two or three
Stales, tbey were numerically in the majority, snd
took the reins of the Government naturally into their
own hands. Thoy were not as a mass very
well qualified to govern, and the morals
as well as the intellectual edu
cation of many of them was sadly defective, for slav
ery Is s very bad Instructor In morals, teaching hon
esty neither by precept nor example. When the
white people come with loud complaint of misgovern
ment by tbe negroes in South Carolina and other
(southern States, I answer that the negroes are just
what they made them. Their former master must
tike the bitter with the aweet. It Is impossible that
the brutal slavery of two hundred years should not be
followed by some consequences which are disagreeable
to their former masters. Aud what are all the (utter
ing aud the evils resulting from nongovernment by
the negroes In sll the Southern States combined, com
pared with the intolerable autferings and hardships
resulting from the institution of slavery, for even one
short month? But the negro of the South is improving
rapidly, and Is everywhere distinguished by his de
sire to get an education. Even tne old are learning to
read and write, and all are anxious lor tne education
of their children. In the State of South Carolina, in
which the negre population is o largely in the
ascendant, and over which there I so much Demo
cratic groaning, they have to-day a butter system of
scnoois than in most Southern Suites.
In the Southern States the central idea of the Dem
ocratic party is opposition to the civil and political
rights of tbe negroes. White men are urged to vote
the Democratic ticket because that Is the white man's
nartv. and will not tolerate the civil and political
equality of the negro. If the party In the South bat
any other principle than litis, they aro wholly subor
dinate, would be sacrificed to It at any time, and are
not worth mentioning. To be ji Democrat, in the
Southern States, mean not only opposition to tbe
civil and political rignts ot tn negro, under ail
circumstances, but tne political anu social ostracism
of every white man who recognizes such rights,
and will act with the negro in any political
organization. Democracv In the South
mean a conflict of races, and has no use for the
Democracy of the North, except so far as it recognizee
thi race conflict and principles of the white man'
Government. The itepublavan party placed the thir
teenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth amendment in the
Constitution, and ia bound by lu allegiance to the
Constitution and to tne eternal principles ot tne Dec
laration of Independence, to preserve aud defend tbe
negro in the eniovment of his freedom and of his civil
and political rights. And here is preseuted a great
and vital issue between the two parties, The Demo
cratic psrty is pledged by iu constitution, its history,
affiliations, snd hopes of the future, to undving hos
tility to tbe negro race. The Republican party is
pieugea oy lis uisiury, uy us sacreu priucipiea, lo
sund faithfully by the 6,Ot'O,00O of new-born freemen,
and must continue to be in tbe future, as it has been
in the past, tbe party of liberty, equality, justice, and
the indissoluble union oi tne elates.
A mischievous Impression has beencunnlngly made
in tbe Sooth thst the president sympathize with the
Southern Democracv upon the subject of civil rlnh ts.
and will differ with Northern Republican upon that
question, and this Impression emboldens the move
ment against the negroes, which is growing In the
South day by day. For this impression I know of no
iounaation. no worn or act oi tue i-reeiueui nas given
it countenance. In bis December message he express-
1 v recommends tbe "enactment of a law to better secure
toe Civil nguis wmcn ireeuuui suoum secure, uu. uas
not effectually secured, to the enfranchised slave:"
snd I repel with indignation the suggestion that the
President will prove false to the principles of the Re
publican party.
For the corruptions and disorders existing In the
cute government oi boutn uarouna, i nsve uo apology
to make, nor has the Republican party. While these
have been exaggerated an hundred-fold, there is too
much truth tn them, but tbey are not political, and
are tbe natural outgrowth of the condition of the State
and of society as they emerged irom tbe rebellion. Iu
the frauds and peculations. Democrats have bad their
full participation, and the Repnblican party of the
united states nave no other responsibility man this:
Tbst they prevented the dissolution of the Union,
abolished slavery, clothed tbe negroes with civil
and Dolitlcal rights, and save tbem an eaua!
participation with their late masters in the recon
struction of tbe) State Government.wblcb had been
destroyed ny tue rebellion, i-or tne mental and
moral condition of the negroes the old slave-holding
Democracy is responsible, and for the fact that the
negroes have an equal right, to liberty and to a voice
in the Government by which tbey are controlled, th
responsibility must be traced directly to the great
Creator of us sll, who in His Holy Word and through
out tils worts nas proclaimed tne equal numanity,
rights, snd immorialily of all men. For the rebellion
snd all its dreadful consequences the Democracv.
North and South, are responsible. For the preserva
tion of the Union, tb sbolition of slavery, th enfran
chisement of tbe negroes and the reconstruction of the
State Government in the South upon the principles of
liberty tnd equal right to all, the Republican party
is prouu to tax tne responsipuuy.
The eighth section of the Democratic platform de
mand tbe repeal of the Baxter bill and the enact
ment of such a license law as shall "protect society
snd produce a large Increase of tbe school fund." It
is notorious thst th motives of th Convention for
favoring a license law were not the protection of soci
ety and the increase of tha school fund, but to secure
th vote and influence of those who favor tb tramo
la Intoxicating liquors, ..
Th Republican Convention proposed to refer the
qsesUon of th saieol Intoticttlng liquor to th, de
cision of esch local community or neighborhood, and
to let Ihe majority determine whether such sales
should be putantlnl or prohibited therein. The fail
ure of laws to promote the cause of temperance can
generally be traced to tb sbsenc of a public
opinion la th particular locality having suffi
cient .strength to enforce tbem. Law of
thi character can only be sustained
and executed by a strong public opinion In their favor.
Under the plan proposed of leaving the decision of this
qaestion to each locality or neighborhood, the exist
ence of sucb to opinion will be determined In advance
by a vote of the people. If the majority of the people
In a particular locality believe In the traffic in in
toxicating liquors, they can have It uuder liceuse reg
ulations. If iu another community the majority are
opposed to sucb truffle, belioviug it immoral, un
healthy, and iu every way lujurious, should not their
wishes prevail Is not this solution of the question In
harmony with Republican principles sud Ins tight of
local self-governiueutf If In a given community ma
jority of the people are opposed to the tiathc, should
they have It forced upou them by perb a very
mall minority? And if, on the other band, in au
other continually a ntsjority of the people are In favor
of the Iruttie, thould-they be prevented from having It
In their midst by a like minority? ;
The pretense in th Democratic platform that this
traffic should be forced Into a community sgalnst the
wishes ol a majority of the people "lor the protection
of society and tbe Increase of the school fund," Is ut
terly preposterous, and will deceive nobody. Those
who fsvor th traffic in Intoxicating liquors sre willing
to sccept a license Isw, snd It was to pleas them, aud
not to eulargs the school fund, tbat tbe Convention de
clared lu favir of it.
A large portion of the people In every State believe
thst the trafic in intoxicating liquors Is lujurious to
public morals, snd destroy the health, happiness, aud
prosperity ofj tuultiludssovery year, and should there
fore be prohibited. Another portion are opposed to
prohibitory laws upou various grounds; some for the
reason thst they csu not be enlorced. aud do not
diminish inunnperuoce; others allege that such laws
are luvasiotiiof privuterlghu; and others again for
the reason flat certain liquors classed as intoxicstiug
are not so, bpt sre healthful, and the use of them nut
Injurious Uipublic morals snd good order. Tbe power
to decide this questions undoubtedly belongs to the
fieople of tli State In their sovereign legislative capaci
ty. Anygtneral law, prohibiting or regulating tbe
traffic lu luajxicaliug liquors, would be offensive io
some localities, and sccepuble tn others. What is
fairer, sud that better can be done, then to refer
the decision; of this question uuder the law to each
particular locality ?
The Demtcrstlo Convention declared In favor of a
tariff for rerenue, Intending to have It understood that
this was a declaration sgaiust the policy of protection
tnd lu favor of free trade. Every man well informed
upon tbestbjoctof the tariff kuows thst a tariff for
revenue Is lecessarily a larilf for protection. A tariff
tor revenut is calculated to raise sav two hundred mil
lion ot dollar it it were laid "horizontally" thai is,
at the same rate per cent, upon the price or value of
all articles imported would. lo regard to a great n um
ber of articles, be absolutely prohibitory, aud in re
gard to another large class highly protective. A reve
nue uriu, not to ue proniouory, must be Ulscrltuina
titiL' and varied iu its character, and can not be levied
at an equal rata upon all article Imported. Several
year ago, Deniooratio orators in Indiana and else
where, iu order to meet thi fact, insisted that ihe lar
ilf should be placed highest upon all imported article
which vera uot and could not be produced in the
United Sute auch, for example, as tea and coffee,
nd other articles, which were or could be produced
In the United Stales, were to come in tree, or that the
tariff upon them should be put st a point so low as not
to allbfd protection to borne productions sgalnst the
Imported article. ' It was insisted that if tho tarilt gave
ftrotection to home production It would diminish the
uiportaiion aud thereby diminish the revenue to the
Govern uienL
It was so obvious that a tariff levied upon these prin
ciples would be exclusively for the benefit ot foreign
and agaiust home industry that this line of argument
has been mainly abandoned. Justice, common souse,
aud patriotism alike dictated that, as a tariff was a
necessity, it should be levied not In tb interest of for
eign or home monopoly, but so ss to afford fair and
reasonable competition between home and foreign In
dustries, relying upon competition to bring shout re
duction of prices to the people, and it is upon this
principle unit tue Republican party nas attempted to
regulate the tariff.
flow utterly senseless Is the Jargon of free trade
when addressed to the people living iu tbe Mississippi
Valley, far away from the sea coast? Here we are in
Indiana, 800 miles from the nearest sea ports. How.
ever great and cheap the facilities for transportation
may become for our products to the seaboard, this diss
tance can never be diminished, and transportation
must always b a great Obstacle and expense in our
approach to lorelgn markets and add largely to the
cost of all we import. Here in this great valley we
have a soil of uuturiiassed fertility, timber, coal, ores,
mineral resources of every character, and all the means
of sustaining a vast population, almost evory variety
of industry and production. And with these immense
advantages in our possession, bow unwise it is to
cultivate a policy wmcn is to mate us dependent
upon foreign, distant, aud costly market for our pro
ductions, aud to import from other States
and countries tne articles winch we can better
produce ourselves? Now when the time has come for
tbe development of the resources and industries of
the West, and for the establishment of our prosperity
upou sure foundations, snd to obtain thst commercial
superiority which our natural advantages give us, If
we will but improve them, we are met with the insane
cry of free trade, and advised to throw down every
protection and homo Industry, to put the labor of the
country upon a lovel of price and dignity with the
pauper labor of Europe, tnd to continue our depend
ence upon the East, and the payment ot tribute to
foreign countries.
The States of the North-west have ceased to be re
garded as mere outlying vegetable gardens and truck
patches to furnish the marketing of the older aud rich
er communities of the East, aud have become oppu.
. -r..i ... t.....lii..An .nil . .Yi..
llll, fiuwui lui, BimiuwiiisBM, uuiiimuuiiica, cafinuiq
of forming their own policies, aud becoming by the
development of their resource the most iudupuudent
and prosperous amoug tne mates.
Another question of paramount Importance rising
high above ordinary political considerations is the
proposition to amend the Constitution so sa to elect the
President and Vice-President by the direct vote of the
people. The dangers and imperfections of the preseut
system are well understood, and may plunge the na
tion into civil war at any time.
The theory and reasons for the establishment of the
Electoral College have all failed, and the colleges are
but useless machinery, potent ouly for mischief. Elec
tors being chosen by general ticket in sll the States, a
small majority may determine tbe whole vote of a
elate, and tnit nas oiien neen controlled ny tne fraud
ulent vote In a large city, which was the case tn New
York in 1868. There is no provision in say Suite far
contesting (he election of Presidential electors, how
ever notorious tbe frsud or violence bv which thnv
may have been chosen. If no candidate receives the
vote oi s majority oi tne wnoie numuer oi electors,
then the election of President is to be made bv the
House of Representatives, in which each State has one
vote, Nevada with 40,000 people, having the same vote
as Mew ion witn o,uuu,uw. oucn sn election ot
President beiug anti-republican, grossly inequitable,
presents tho grandest opportunities for corruption sua
Intrigue, and is fraught with imminent danger to the
In 1825 Mr, Adams, who had received loss than one
third of the popular vote, was elected President by the
Tf t 1 ...... A . . T .. .. V I.
JIUUBB (II iwui wouMai.cs w.oi i vm: i at . m. , w UO
had received a large plurality of the popular ana elec
toral vote, in tuts election, sir. way, as a member of
the House, cast his vote and innueuce for Mr. Adsnis,
afterward became his Secretary of State, and never
recovered from the charge of bargain and sale. In
the only other election of President by the House of
Representatives, ia iwil, sir. jcuersou was cnoscn
sfter s protracted struggle running through nianr
days, snd it is now a well established historical fact
tbat tnree states nooiiy cnangea tneir vote to Mr. Jef
ferson, giving htm the election upon an understanding
in regard to measures and the retention of certain per
sons ia office which would now be regarded as cor
The path of duty Is the path of safety. Wa ihould
brush away the electoral machinery and the election
by the House of Representatives, snd choose the Pres
ident snd Vice-President by tbe direct vote of the
people, giving the election to the candidate who hat
tue nignesi numuer oi votes.
The power la given to Congress by the Constitution
"to regulate commerce among the several States," and
whatever 1 necessary to execute tbe power must be
Included in It- If commerce can not be successfully
regulated without regulating the means of transporta
tion, the instruments by which it is conducted, then
the power to regulate these roust be included. Of
course, this is to be understood ss applicable only to
commerce among the several 8tates, aud not to apply
to that which is exclusively confined to Ihe Interior
ol tho State. Railroads have now become the instru
ments by which the greater part of commerce is car
ried en among the several Stales, and have,- to a great
extent, superseded not ouly rivers aud cansls, but also
stages, wagon and horses. There are few lines of
railroads now that in their connections and consolida
tions have not become parts of lines engsged iu com
merce suiong the several States. Although railroad
companies, like steamboat companies, are chartered by
tbe butes, yet, in most coses, they are authorised to
form consolidation and running arrangements with
linn of railroad in other Ststes, snd to tske leases ol
rosds lu dlstsnt States. Most of these corporations
own snd control lines of road running Into or soloas
ad joining-States, and several either own or have leased
thousands of miles of road, stretching far North tnd
South, and half way across the continent. These great
lines oi railway.thuaranilfylng'the Union and affecting
the interests and prosperity of the States, are under
the control of small Board of Director in Philadel
phia, New York, or Baltimore, and chiefly ruled by a
few leading mind, tbat really exert more power aver
the nation than Governors or Presidents. i
Whether we consider the Interests of th railroads
or of the several State through which they past, it
seem equally important they should be subject lo
uniform regulations, which can only be seenred by
nstionai control. If tb through lines from the Atlan
tic to the Mississippi may be regulated in on way by
Ohio, another by Indiana, and still another bv Illi
nois, they may become Ihs victims of unfriendly leg
islation, and be greatly crippled snd hindered in their
operations; and each State, acting for its own interests,
niay not consider those of other states, and may regu
late against tbem. U each State may regulate, wltbia
its own territory, those road employed iu iiiler-Stsie
cotucasros, w may bsve reproduced some of those dis
order and connicta which existed between the Slates
befort lb CoBtUtutLoa wu formed. .. True, lb rail-
road companies derive their power from Stat chart era,
hot tbey must accept their franchises upon Ihe. con
dition thst if tbey engage in commerce among the
several Sutes, ibey will be subject to the power of
regulation which wss vested in Conitress bv lu Con
stitution, long before sny railroad charter was granted,
it is hardly too much to say tbst the several State
can not, actlug separately, regulate efficiently these
great lines of Irauspurtstioo, iu which so many States
and communities are Interested. .
As to whst regulations would be necessary, It would
be left to the discretion of Congress, subject to the re
slriclloos in the Constitution. These restrictions re
late lo the uniformity of the regulations; thst is, that
no sdvanUge or preference shall be shown to one Stale
over soother. Uniformlly and equal dealing with the
people of all the Sutes are Impressed upon ail tbs
powers given by Congress, so thst they are not used
for the oppression of one part of th country for the
upbuilding of another.
Cheapness and uniformity of operation, speed, con
venience, promptness and safety, all point to connected
roads and through lines; and these, throughout their
length, should be governed by uniform methods snd
laws. The railroad Interest Is so vast, and so Inti
mately alfecU the business progress and comfort of
every community, that it is of the utmost importance,
not ouly to the people but to tbe shareholders, that It
be under the direction of general laws, and as far s
possible blended Into sn harmonloua whole. The su
pervision and control of inter-SUte railroad by Coo
ares would give rise to a number of regulations look
ing to the safety of passengers, regularity of trains.
Uniformity of operation, connections, Inspection ot
tracks, bridges, sud locomotives, cars, etc., and in
nisny other particulars tending to promote the ssiety,
efficiency, snd development of the railroad system,aud
Ihe Interest snd convenience ot the people,
Thst It Is not possible for Congress to ensct general
laws establishing uniform rates fur freight sud psssen
(ers upon all iuter-Sisu railroads is too clesr for sn
argument. These rates must necessarily vary on th
different rosds, and in different parts of the country.
The cost of construction snd of keeping up snd opera
ting some rosds is much greater than others. Upon
tome roads th amount cf business to be done very
greatly exceeds that on others, and there are so many
circumstances which would make a change of rate
proper and necessary, that we may assume at once
that uniform rates tor freights snd passengers can not
be established. But it seems to m to be clearly with
In the power of Congress, and to be practicable, to
tablisU Boards of Railroad Commissioners, to be vested
with certain powers, to be governed by general regu
lations, within which tbey shall have the power lo
supervise and regulate the rates for freight and pa
teugers upon inter-State railroads, so aa to
Jirevent unjust discriminations between lif
erent, localities or classes of persons, to pre
vent combinations between railroad corpo
rations aud other persons to put up the prices of
freights or passenger fare; to prevent railroad corpor
ations from taking advantage ot the obstruction ot
lakes, rivers, snd canals, by frost or low wster, to put
up freights sud fares beyond what would be a reasona
ble, fulr and honest profit; and, in short, to prevent
extortions and Impositions by railroad companies upon
the people of the country, however attempted to be
practiced. They should be required lo holo tbe scales
evenly and fairly between the people of the country
on the one band and the railroad companies on the
other, to that the railroad companies ahall bav the
full enjoyment aud protection of tbelr property, and
ne allowed to receive sucn rates ot compenssiion ss
will make fair and ressonsble return for the capiul,
skill, labor, and responsibility employed these result
to be srrlved st under such rules as may be provided
by law or adopted by the boards of railroad commis
sioners for their guidance. Tbe Interesu and rights of
all parties should be protected with equal care snd
vigilance, the railroad companies to be left in th con
trol of their property as far as may be consistent wilh
publio interests, snd not to he Interfered wilh by
these boards of railroad commissioners, except in clear
It has been decided by th Supreme Court of th
United States thst railroad companies are common
carriers, as defined by the common law, which, by
tne common law, are required lo carry for all persona,
and at reasonable rates ; and the power which I pro
nose shall be conferred upon these board of railroad
commissioners are no gresler or other than those
wmcn now belong to the CourU to regulate and control
common carriers, but would be exercised in a sum
mary manner, so aa to make them efficient In con
trolling the conduct of these common carriers.
Each Slate mar regulate and control commerce
which is purely Internal to Itself, and all Ihe railroads
transporting auch coninimerce, without interference
. ' -..A .1,... V., I,. ,n I ,.
Hj uiukiim, a.uu ujnj, vwuuihw) iu iw im iiij m
Congressional legislation, make regulations for all
commerce tbat passes across or over any part ot lu
territory, provided such regulations do not Impose
burdens upon Inter-SUte cotnmerco, snd make no un
just discriminations. But all such regulations aa af
fect Inter-State commerce, however meritorious in
their character or intentions, must yield to the logls
Istlon of Congress, A Sute can not be restrained In
the regulation of commerce which is purely internal
to itself, except by iu own Constitution, or th pro
hibitions in the Constitution of the United Ststes.
The recent decision of the Circuit Court of the United
8tates, sitting in Wisconsin, thst the provision of tbe
Constitution of tbat Sute, giving to tha Legislature
tue power to alter or rejieai tne cnariera oi corpora
tions, is necessarily a part of every charter, of which
the corporators aud all persons dealing wilh sucb cor
porations must take notice, recogaitos a principle of
law so familiar snd so obvious that I am astoulshed
that the decision should be received wilh surprise.
It is plainly to be seen that very difficult question
may arise touching the exercise of national and cute
authority upon this subject, especially in the regula
tion of railroads that are at the same time engaged in
the transportation ol inter-State commerce and of
commerce purely internal to a Sute. But It la not
necessary to attempt now to anticipate those conflicts.
Aa they arise from time to time, they will be fully dis
cussed, and satisfactory solution lor them will be
The principles which I have enunciated will b suf
ficient in practice to enable Congress in on case, or
the Stale In the other, to protect the people and the
business ol the country. Irom oppression by cspitaltsu,
combinations, or corporations. But the people ot the
Ststes should remember tbat while the railroads have
their abuses, which ought to be corrected, yet they sre
indispensable to the growth tnd prosperity of the
couutry, and the construction of more becomes iinpor
Uut from year to year: and that capital Is timid, snd
men will not invent their money in building new
roads, if legislation is bsd whereby railroad property
is made less vsluabl or secure. Great moderation
should be exercised, snd care tsken that legislation
be aimed only at real abuses, and Interfere as little as
possible with the control of railroads by their owners,
so thst there be no discouragomeut to the construction
of new roads, aud the extension ot the system.
The great problem of increased and cheaper trana.
porution ia one to which the Republican party must
address itself with oourago and untiring industry until
it is solved. It gave earnest of its purposes during the
last session of Congress by entering into those pre
liminary investigations thst must precede the settle
ment olso great s question. Whon we consider the
vest increase of the productions ot th West during the
lsst ten years, and that the means of transporutlon
are barely adaquate to meet present denisnds, wo may
form some opinion of Ihe increased facilities that will
be necessary ten years hence. To make transportation
cheaper Is a matter in which the people are almost
equally Interested East, West, North, and South, sud
is of nstionai concern. The Improvement of the
navigation ot the Mississippi river is of deep
interest to more msn a uozen mates, oi wmcn Indians
1. 1 ... H...-K Mn.l.l.M .1 . t. - .
ia UUC. miu wan uih.u wuwinni . . 1 1 D ia,
ion of Congress, snd will doubtless be definitely acted
upon at the next. The feasibility of the improve
ment of other great water lines of transportation in
the West, North-east, and South in which tha people
ol Indiana are interested, ia oeing tnorougniy investi
gate.!. The importance ot the transportation question
must increase from decade to decade, and is so vast in
iu proportions tbst it will require .years for its solu
tion ; but the Republican party has addressed itself to
the task snd will not psuse until tbe wsy hss been
found out snd accomplished; while th Democratic
party will doubtless continue to devote its vast ener
gies to devising way and mean to prevent the social
equality ot tbe negroes snd to the enlargement ol tbe
school fund by fostering the trafilo of intoxicating
liquors by tbe license system.
In conclusion, I am proud to say tbst while the Re-
Jiubllcan party may bar erred, it baa not proved
alse to sny great principle, nor cowardly in the pres
ence of any great question. Its slms are noble and
patriotic, and It does not seek a continuance In power
by pandering to vice and prejudice, but refers to iu
fiast record of great actions In behalf of the Uulon, of
Iberty, education, equality and the material growth
and improvement of the nation as an earnest ot what
it seeks to accomplish in the future. And there must
be no cessation in IU Isbors; It must not presume to
live upon the glories and memories of the past, Iu
first and ever-present duty is iutrospecllon, scif-ex-aminatlon,
the correction of errors, the introduction ot
reforms. It must look lo tbe execution and enforce
ment of the Constitution and laws; and while assert
ing the existence of tbe nation and the Just powers of
the National Government, It should ever be vigilant to
preserve in sll their just extent the righu and power
of tbe States, ever carrying before It, as a lamp to guide
tu steps, tnose great lunuamenuu principles which
bsve given to the party iu power and glory equal
righu to all equal and exact Justice to all men.
Rttolctd, Thatwe rwfflrm the principle snd policy
of the Republican party, as announced by iu National
Convention ; thst we are proud of lu history aud great
services, and we especially commend the vigor and
force by which it maintained the Union, abolished
slavery, and secured equal civil tnd political righu to
alieitiien: we demand that these rights be enlorced
by appiopriata legislstion, so that sll citizens ahall
have lb i equal protection of the law, and be secure in
th equal enjoyment of their rigbu; we demand of our
public agenu fidelity to their principles, th execu
tion of the pledges made to th people, purity, integ
rity, snd economy In the discharge ot their official
duties, snd the prompt and fearless examination and
punishment of those who violate any of tbeir obli
gation. .
JUtoltfd, That we favor a tariff for revenue, with
ucb incldential protection a iay foster and eocour-
ag AUiericsn luuustry.
ifrjneaaii- That wa daiMuinrs a 1 farms of open or
(covert repudiation, and declare that Justice snd the
tanltlta but alltra dsunuid that tha dsht of Uta United
State be pssd In accordsuos with the Utter and spirit -of
the Isws under which It wss created, as declared io
the set ol Congress of March 18, lttotl; and it ts lb
duty of tbs National Government to adopt such, -measures
as shall gradually but certainly restore eui
psuer money to a specie sUndsrd without shock to
the business interesu of th country.
I iJUwIkJ, Tbst when the currency shsll bav been .
restored to a specie value, banking should be nitd
free, that I he circulating medium may be expanded or
contracted according to the demands of commerce tnd
Ruolrti, That the Democratic party, by It uniform ,
opposition to the Improvement of our harbors and out
great national water-courses, has shown lueil Incom
petent lo deal wilh tbe vitally Important question of
cheap transportation and til Internal Improvemenu;
that the cheap and prompt transportation of the prod,
ucu of Industry should b promoted by the Nstionai ,
and State Governments, by appropriate legislation.
RtMdixd, That we bear lily indorse the preseut Re
pu of loan Congress In repealing th law Ip crossing tb
official salaries, in reducing expenses by mure Ihsn
Iweuty million dollars, in successfully resisting all
Jobs, in abolishing the extravagant Government of tha
District of Columbia, and in reforming abuse genet
ally whereby the Republican party I pruied lo be (
worthy of the oontlnuooa support of the peop e.
Jttivletd, Tbst the recent outrage and murders In
the South, ot which uuodendlng colored citizen bsv
been the victims, committed in pursosnce of th
svowed purpose of maintaining an exclusive whit
men's government, deiusnd, and hereby receive, tna
lndignsnt condemnation of the Republicans of Ohio. '
h,mJ,, That the restraint of intemperance and iu
causes, to the full extent of the legislstlve, Judicial,
and police powers of the Sute, snd th forfeiture of
public trust for intoxication, are demanded by tha "
moral and material welfare ol society sod the Sute.
Raolrtd, We deprecate the action of the present
General Assembly in reorganizing the punltiv nd
benevolent Institutions of the .Sute (or merely partisan
snd political purposes, as tending inevitably to th
impairment of their efficiency and usefulness.
The Ohio Canvass.
From the New York Times.
Ohio ha become the theater of what prom
ises to be tbe most important political contest
of tbe year, a contest which ia national ia iu
principal issues, and tbe result of which will go
far toward deternioinft the character of the
next Presidential campaign. If tbe Democrats
of Indiana bad been allowed to make their ab .
turb and wicked declaration in favor of repudi
ation without awakening- any response, their ac
tion would have been of little consequence. In
diana Democracy is well known to be of the
most degraded character, and tbe State which
was the headquarter! of the only treas
onable organization! known to exist during
the war, aright have been expected to re
tain to the lost moment all the worst dog
mas of Democracy. But the Democrats ot Ohio
are of a very different stamp. Represented in
the United States Senate by Mr. Thurman, a
prominent opponent of paper money, and a man
of general political sagacity, and including in
tbeir ranks a considerable portion of the most
intelligent of the people of the State, tbe
Democracy ol Ubio are entitled to be listened to
when tbey speak; and when tbey put out even
tbe most atrocious doctrines, tbey can not be
supposed to be trilling with them. It is only '
too certain that the Democratic politicians
believe, on careful scrutiny, tbat tbev would be
sustained in repudiation; they would not other
wise have ventured on ground where they had
once been defeated, nor would they have
gratuitously insulted the ablest and best ot
tbeir leaders.
The Ohio Democratic platform includes a
variety of propositions. It declares the five
twenty bonds payable in legal-tender notes; It
fironounces tbe pledge of Congress to pay tbem.
n gold, made in 1861), a "wicked sacrifice of the
interest of the tai-payincr laborer for tbe benefit
of tbe non-tax-paying bondholder;" it declares
tne "exemption ot tne public bondholders irom
bearing tbeir due proportion in supporting tha
Federal Government unwise and unjust;" it
favors a steady increase of tbe circulating
medium; it asks tbat one-half the Customs dues)
be paid in paper; and it demands the sub
stitution of a legal-tender currency for
tbe notes of the national ' banks. - Ir
would be difficult to conceive of a platform em
bracing a greater number of pernicious, danger
ous, and contemptible ideas as this. It would
seem tbat tbe authors of the platform set oat to
see in bow many ways tbey could advocate th
violation of the p blic faith, and in how many
forms they could appeal to the passions and the
prejudices of the people. Our five-twenty bonds
were distinctly understood, when they were
issued, to be payable in coin. Nothing else
would pav them at all. If we had told our
creditors abroad tbat we should like to borrow
money of them, and would give tbem a bond,
bearinor interest runninir from five to twenty Tear. '
at our pleasure, and tbat any time after five .
years we snoum teei at liberty to cancel tbat
bond by the offer of its face value in notes not
bearing interest and Irredeemable if we had
made tbis proposition, how much money should
we have got? Not one dollar. It is true that
Consiess ordered the Secretary to borrow money :
on bonds payable in paper; but it is equally true
.1 it.. C! . AlA I A .) .
luat iua Qcviuiary uevur uiu i. -nuu uon iuiui
theOhio Democrats, and say to the bondholder:
"You lent us money expecting to be paid; yon
shall not have payment, but only a promise
worth much less than the one you now bold.
You were also promised that the Customs du
ties should be collected in cohi, in ordet
tbat the Government might btve a source from
which to get tbe coin to pay your bonds. This
shall only be half fulfilled; the customs shall
half of tbem be taken in paper. Yon were fur
ther promised tbat on the money you lent the
Government the Government would levy nc
tax, and would allow none to be levied. Thil
is 'unjust and unwise,' and the promise shall
not be kept. Yon have been told that the legal
tender notes of the Governmentin which we
propose to pay your bonds shall not be more
than $382,000,000. That was declared by law
the Democrats contenting only last June.
But we are in favor of having as much more of
this kind of money as the 'business interests of
the couutry1 may require, and tbe promised
limitation shall not be observed." And this
really shameful series of propositions is made
by a set of astute politicians for the purpose
of catching votes in one of the most populous,
prosperous, and intelligent States in the Union.
It is obvious that if the Republicans had
allowed sucb declarations to go undisputed they
would have been unfaithful to their State and -country,
and unworthy of their party, which
bas aiways maintained inviolate the publio
faith. It was their plain duty to challenge
clearly and completely the treacherous and
scandalous doctrines of tbe Democracy. Tbis
tbey have done. They have in terms denounced
the repudiation advocated br tbe Democrats.
Tbey have declared their 'adhesion to tbt .
solemn pledge given in 1869 for tbe full payment
of the bonds in coin. Instead of increasing ttfb
legal tender currency,' tney urged on tbe Gov- -eminent
the duty of restoring our paper,
money "gradually bnt certainly to a specit
standard. And even in declaring in favoi .
of freedom in banking tbey append tbe
condition tbat tbe currency shall first have been '
restored to specie value. The contrast between
tbe position of the Democrats and that of tbe
Republicans could bardly be stronger. Th on
is that of honesty, the other that of perfidy.
The one appeals to the honor of tbe people, tbt .
other to their greed, at well as to their envy
and jealousy. Tbe Republicans pledge anew
tbe faith first proffered in the dark days of tbe
war, when we needed money and sought it
with many promises. The- Democrats repudiate
the pledges made then, not because we are un
able to keep tbem, but because it Is pleasanter
to break them. They would paraphrase Vir- '
gU, ' Sweet and "becoming is it to lis for one's ,
country." -
We can not believe tbat the people of Ohio
will accept tbe Democratic platform. Nothing
could be more dangerous, hardly anything coUld
be more disgraceful. Once started with the ap )
proval of a majority of the poeple of a Sute like :
Ohio, repudiation would gain head until a na
tional struggle would be required to check it.
And that so low a form of dishonesty ihould be
come a political Issue in a free, peaceful, pros
perous, commercial country, years after it had
once been voted down.is a though ttoo humiliat- .
ing to be yet entertained. We shall look to tbe
Republicans of Ohio to strain every nerve to
prevent such a disaster.
Got. Osborn, ot Kansas, tent a letter to tbe
President renewing bis request for arms to pro- '
tect tbe frontier from Indians. He States that
sixteen citizens of Kansas are known to bare ',
been murdered by Indians since the 16th of ;
June last, and that not one of tbe murderers has
been punished or even apprehended ,
A ritnalittio cburcb in Brighton was rtcentli ,
.demolished, and the material belnz sold, theal
tar was purchased by an Innholder who set it nr ;
to use at a counter. Thia to horrified tb chorch .
man. that they at oucef ought it .U-ck. j .

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