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DAILY, $3; TRI-WEEKLY, f5; WEEKLY, 18?
orncz cobkkb cmracH akd chebrt streets.
O. C. TORBETT & CO.
2 0. EAS71I" K, T.C. DTJHHIKGTOH. t G.C T0HBET7
JOHN 0. BKECKiNKIDGE,
UU" (If KErSTUCKY.
DUI&OOHATIO ZOdBOTOBAXi TICKBT,
FOB TUB STATE AT LARGR:J
WILLIAM II. POLK, of Mauby.
ISHAM G. HARRIS, of Shelby.
SAMUEL POWELL, of Hawkins.
JAMES W. MolIENRY. of Overton.
D. M. EE7. of Hamillon.
E. L. GABDENHIRE, of White,
E. A. KfifcULE, or Kutherford.
JAMES H. THOMAS, or Maury.
THOMAS J. BROWN, or Giles.
O. O POI.NDEXTEB, of Montgomery.
J. D. 0. ATKINS, of Henrj.
O. M. CURRIN, of Shelby.
SATURDAY MORNING, SEPT. -!0, 1850.
JOHN M. BRIGMT. ESQ.
Our paper is necejsarily so crowded with other
mailers this morning, that tve can only briefly refer
to the preot speech of Mr. JJkiout, on uroaa tn.
He anoke to a lama crowd, and with that stirring
eloquence for which ho is distinguished sbove most
men of the southwest. He lias studied Know nom
ingism in all its arts, and depict3 its disastrous in
fluences on the morals and the politics ot me coun
trv with masterly strencth and effect.
We refer our friends in tb.8 west to the list of
appointments by Mr. Bright in this paper. We
have no doubt that they will be well attenneu, arm
we know that his ppceches will be among the mcst
cflcctivo of the whole canvass.
"OLD LINE WHIGS."
The know nothings of this city, who for two years
past, have sworn that tho whig party was very
dead, held a jubilee last night and fired off the
gun in honor of eometbing which they tay this
dead nart7 has done.
Not a man, so far as we can learn, participated
in tbi3 meeting, who voted for Jobnsjn in the last
election. These know nothings may go through
the farce cf re-nominating Fillmore twice a- day,
and yet they can't give him on electoral vote,
WHAT'S THE DIFFERENCE?
Fremont and his party declare that the repeal of
the Missouri compromise was wrong and that it
ought to be restored. Tbat s tbo black republican
In what rerpact does this differ from the Fill
more platform, as advocated in Tennessee? We
nut tho nnestion lo thinkinrr men I Ponder it
A SILLY HUMBUQ.
On some bill to protect slave property, ititroduc
ed in the late Legislature of Virginia, thcro were a
number of democrats votinar acaicst it, on grounds
of expediency. The title favoring a deception and
affordinc a chance for fraud, some body has pub
lisheVl their name3 as constituting a "Fremont
Electoral Ticket. " The whole thing h a fraud ;
and we aro onlysurpri?eu that democrats are green
enough to bo deceived by it.
THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN IN TENNESSEE.
The Presidential campaign has now progressed
sufficiently in this State to have developed the true
position and policy of the parlies. In Tennessee
we have no black republican, or anti-slavery Fee
most party, and therefore, it might have been ex
pected that the contest would have been between
the demcorats and tho know-nothings. The latter,
in all their opeeehes and writings, holding up for
the tenets and principles of their order in relation
to foreigners anJ Catholics iho former opposing
thoso tenets anil principles, very much as was done
in tho election of last year. But, strange as it may
appear, the know-nothing organs and speakers do
not pretend, in any formal or serious way, to ad
vocatn the principles of know-nothingism in any
part of the State. Wo invite public attention to the
fact that, although they have a platform on which
they all pretend to stand, yet they do not advocate
it, as being now any prominent and serious thing,
which they are anxious to establish in the present
election. Nearly all their ppeakers address the
peoplo from one and a half to two hours each day,
and net one-fourth part of the time is devoted to
tho dangers alleged last summer lo bo hanging
over the country from the influx of foreigners and
Catholic?. Four-Df.hs, at hair, of every speech
made by Gov. N. S. Brown, Mr. Maynard, Gen.
Haskell, and the oihcr speakers of our opponents,
are not made on the know-nothing platform nt all ;
but are made on that plank of tho black republican
platform which condemns the repeal ct tho .Mis
souri compromise ; not against tho platform, but
in favor of it. Tiiisistho main plank iu Fre
MuiiT'a anti-slavery platform : that the repeal of
the ilissouri compiomiso was a breach of plighted
faith and a foul act of tinbonor. So said Somnib,
in that fpoeeh for which ho w6 chastised by Mr.
Brooks ; so say Haix, Gidiunos, Wilson, and all
the other abolitiouists, both in and out of Congress.
And so, we art humiliated in saying, do the know
nothing orators and speakers say and argue in
The epsecbci which Gen. Haskell and others
of tho know-nothing party aro now making, arc
onthi3 leading point, lair transcripts or copies of
those that have beeu are now every day being
rai'io by black republicans in tbo North, and if de
livered there would draw down the plaudits and
shouts of the followers of Parktr, Garrison, and
Fred Doccr.AS3, louder nQd longer than they do
here. To any body who is calmly looking on the
canvass, all this seems strange, "passing strange,"
when it is recollected that know-nothingism has
heretofore laid it down in itscroed " to ignore" or
"eschew" the sUvcry question altogether. They
said so in effect in the Tennessee platform and di
rectly in tlicir Philadelphia one. This indiffer
ence, not to ?ay total refusual, to intermeddle
with the slavery question, satisfied tho democrats
South tbat tbey would havo to fight tho baltlo
against the biack republicans ttlone and single hand
ed, getting co help from tho know-nothings, who
hada a much nt stake as they had. But it is even
worso than this ; for now tho know-nothings in
Tennessee, in every county and on every stump,
have virtually dropped their own party platform,
have swuDg lo xo from their itmoricjj and eschew
ing dectrine, and tAken their stand on the black
republican platform, so far as it relates to the cau
ses of tbo present excitement in the country and
the repeal of the Missouri compromise. Kvery
speech now making may Le summed up in the sin
gle idea : tbat the South is wrong and the North
Is tight jipon the great slavery issues ii
tbistlectltn. flu other words, when ,th
IT.VO.V su i
pabUcsoaders dt ntmnco the Vorual of thoJMii
EOoffcomprcmi3erthe knonopftng r??pon'1 .ahd
calfformore Sbarpe's rjfl.s arj men men to-seVd
to Kacsw, they pan always com lade their appeal
by saying, that even the great orttors und leadeis ,
of a large party in the Sou h itself, me-y Jay tie- j
dare that we are in the liglr, n 1 th every drop ,
of blocjl wojnay shed jnKansa?, .mnajJb.QjojjLEt,;
the door ot the democracy-nod the doutb.
Such, bricfljibat truly, is.ttie. present altitude
and position of tho canvass going on in Tenuessee.
The men who are' pursuring tU j strange and dan
gerous course may 'riot; and wo do not suppose they
dOj intend to streDgthsn black repablican:smj -but
sure it is that nothing on earth cjuld have a more
direct tendency to produce that result than the
speeches now Using made all over the'StaV'by
know-mining orators. Tue ipeakers now in the
field ha?e the right to make thtm, and the people
who tolerate and even applaud such speeches havo
the right to do so : But when they begin to reap
the harvest of yvojs, the seeds of which they aro
now sowing, we pray them to remember that r.s
faithful journalists we solemnly protested against
tho whole proceedings.
And what oxcuso have these speakers and lead
ers of the know nothing party for taking and urg
ing this favorite doctrine of the black republic in
party 1 Do they believe, what they say every
day and assert, that the repeal of the Missouri
compromise wa3 really wrong and unjust ? It is
no nnchariubleness in us to say, tbat in our opin-
loa they can think no such thing. In support of
this opinion let us remind them and all the people
of the State of a few recorded facts. Wo want
theso facts to be in the hands of every public
speaker in the State, in order that they may ba
laid before every candid and patriotic voter of tho
In the House Journal, page 1094, of the session
of 1833-1, wo find the following proceedings :
Mr. Lamb then offared the following in lieu:
Resolred, by the General Assembly of the Stale of Ten
nessee, That we cordially approve of the bill now under
conBideration in the United Mates Senate, introduced by
the Hon. Mr. Douglas, of Ulinoia, for the orRanizUion and
government of the Nebraska and Kansas territories.
That we believe the principle contained in aiid bill in
regard to the question of slavery to be just, equitable, and
in conformity to the federal constitution, to tne treaty by
which said territory was acquiiel, and the compromise
act of 1810.
Wherefore, our Senators in Congress are hereby in
structed, and our Representatives earnestly requested, to
givo the proposed measure their zealous support, and to
use all proper exertions to obtain the passage of the same.
Resolved further, that the Governor of Tennessee is
hereby requested to lorward a copy ot this resolution to
our Senators and Representatives in Congress.
Mr. McEnigbt offered an amendment in lieu of Mr.
Lamb's, as follows :
Resolved, by the General Assembly of the State ot Ten
nessee, Thdt we cordially approve ot the amendment pro
posed by the Hon. Archibald Dixon, of Kentucky, to the
Dill reported to the Senate of tho United btates by the
committee on Territories, for the organization and gov
ernment of the territories of Kansas and. Nebraska
That we believe the principle involved in said amend,
m-nt that is. the extension of the principles of tho com
promise of 1850 to those territories just and equitable
in iteelijand that it is in conformity wnh the federal con
stitution, with the treaty by which those territories were
acquired, and with the compromise of 1850.
Mr. Brown, of McNairj, called the prerious question ;
which was not sustained, and Mr. McKn-ghfu amend
ment was adopted in lieu of Mr. Lamb's : Aves. 83:
Those who voted in the affirmative are :
Mesasrs. Bailey, Brown, of McNairy, Chamberlain,
Cheatham, Clements, Cooke, Cooper, Dortch Ellis, Erwin,
Farrington, Oreer, Hall, Herd, Holn e3, House, l.ubbard,
Byder, Lucaj, Mabry, of Knor, Mabry. of Warren, Max
well, McKnight, Morris, of Cocke. Morris, of Wayne,
Richardson, Smith, of Davidson, Smith, of Haywood,
Temple, Tharpe, Wheeler, and Mr.Speiier Wisener 83.
Those who voted in the negative are :
Messrs. Bullen, Carroll, Cavitt, Chowninrr, Cowart. Eas
Wood, of Hardeman 24
Look now over the names of all those who voted
in favor of Mr. M'Knight's resolution, who was'a
whig, and yon wil. find that they compose the en
tire whig strength of tha House of Representatives,
and thi3 demonstrate beyond doubt or cavil, that
the then entire whig party approved and applauded
the repeal of the Missouri restriction " as ju3tand
equitable in itself and in conformity with the Fed
They were all whigs then, and were determined
to have their full sharo of the credit of that repeal,
and therefore recited the fact that Mr. Dixon (a
whig Senator from Kentucky) wts the author of
theamendment to expressly repsar.it. This, remem
ber, was March, 1854. Tn the next year, 1855,
the know-nothicg party was established or formed
in the State. In June, of that year, the whole of
that party in Tennessee, still thought and believed
that the repeal was " right and just " (except Gov.
Neill S. Brown, who seems to have confessed
otherwise to the abolitionist Ford of Ohio ) This
is proved by their insisting on tha 12th section of
the Philadelphia platform, which bound all of that
party not simply to aii'Je ly but lo maintain tho
the Eansas and Nebraska bill. They maintained
the justice of that bill and the repeal, through
the whole of tho year, 1855, by standing on that
12th nation and boasting of it before tho people
as the best an3 surest safeguard of our rights.
But mark what a change took placo in February
last, and the second Philadelphia Convention.
There the norlh threatened to repeal the 12th sec
tion which bound every member to approve of the
repeal of the Missouri compromise. Tho north
said we do not in fact approve of it, and therefore
wo will be bound no longer to say that we do.
The Sou tli said, we do in. fact approve of it. and if
3'ou compel m to say that ive do not, we will go
home and jain the democrats. Well, the struggle
over tbo 12th section was a violent oue, but nt
last the north having Oie majority struck it out and
inserted Iho clause denouncing the passage of tho
Kansas bill, &c, " as reckless and unwise." Then
came in that unfortunate oath tbat bound Mis south
ern know-nothings in all matters political to bo
obedient to the decision of the msjority, however in
consistent with their personal preferences. Un
der this oath they were bound thereafter to con
demn and denounce, whit in the Legislature of
Tennessee, in both sessions of tho Philadelphia
convention, and through all the elections of last
year, tboybad approved and applauded. A? whlgs
they were free in their minds and conscience--, and
approved the repeal of the Missouri restriction aa
just and canstitutional but now they are lonnl
by that luckless and unobligatcry oath to coodeiu..
and denounce it I Now, does not this simple reci
tal of recorded facts prove our assertion, that
when tho know nothingleadcrs assert that the repeal
of the Missouri restriction was wrong and unjust,
that they do not really believe what they are now
coerced and bound by superior numbers to assert?
But we have, or think we have, n right to complain
of their speeches in another respect. They per
sist in saying on all occasions that it was President
Pierce and his djmocratic party tbat first repealed
that compromise end consequently they aro the
authors of all tho blood that has been abed in
Kansas and of all the other evils ttat now threaten
the country. They persist in saying this and deny
that the compromise measures of 1850 ever did
or were intended to repeal or dispense with the
lino of 30 degrees and 30 minutes. Our demo
cratic speakers havo met them by arguments the
most conclusive, tbat the measures of 1350 did
repeal the Missomi compromise, but we wish
to furnish a document to day that must fore
ver put this question iu ut;, , u&nt every
speaker in the State to have it end read it in every
address to the people. If there t.i3a man in the
world who ought to know best wh-tln-r it was io
toaded to repeal the Missouri -ompio.nise in
1860, it ought to be Mr. Clay. H.- introduced tho
measures himself and ought to kno.vwhat he in
tended, no is now dead, but his express declare
tionmado on the Cth of February, 1850, s i 1 live?,
and wc shall close this article by its iosertion :
"Sir, while I was engaged in anxious considera
tion of this subject, tho idea of tho Missouri compro-
mi e, as it has' If eu ttjjmsd.-camqunder myii.
vit-w, was considered byjuie, and finally rfjectet',
as in my rid . mf ot lufslworthy ofSV'coc m-jnTTc
ceptaict! cf bothf Title's ol tSl3JtJ.iion ihanfthe
pnj?ct which I effer tu'jcur consideri ticn
Pacific ccf Brj,'8Hd to i sk g mtltmen from tie Scu h
and from the North, toe , wh;ch is most p'Pjer
which must just, to which is there Ilia least cause
of obj;c.ijn? Wnatwss donr, s;r, by li e M s-
souri lice? Slavery wrs positively. itdiciedjltor.hJ
oi iuui, lite, ine question ot tne aumissioa or
exe'usion cf slavery ufbof tbat line wassettled.
Th-re was no provision that'slavery shoull be ad
mitted eomh of tbat itce In point of fact, it ex
isted thete. Id all the territory sjulh of 36 de
gite3 30, embraced in Atknsas and Louisiana,
slavery was then esiilinp. It wss not necessary,
it ij true, to insert a clame admitting slavery at
tkat time. But, if there is a power to interdict,
there is a power to admit; and I put it to gentle
men from tno Scuth.are they prepared to be satis
fied with the line 3G degrees 30, interdicting s'.avtry
north of that line, and giving them no security for
the admission of slavery south of that line ?
When I came to consider the subject, and to
compare the provisions of the line of 30 degrees
30 the Missouri compromise line with the plan
which I have proposed for tbo accommodation of
this question, s-aid I to myself, If I offer tho line
of 3C degrees 30. to interdict the question of
slavery north of it, and to leave it unsettled and
open south of it, I offer that which is illusory to
tho South I offer that which will deceive them, if
they auppose that slavery will be received south of
that lino. Is it better for them I said to myself
it is belter for the boutb, tbat there should ba
non-action as to slavery both north and south of
the line far better that there should be noa-ac
tionboth sides of the line, than that there should
be action by tho interdiction on tho cn9 side,
without action for the admission upon the o'.hsj
side of the line Is it not so? What is there
gained by the South, if the Missouri line entend (o
tbe Paciiiic with the interdiction of slavery north
oj it, &c.
I hopo then to keep the whole of theso matters
untouched by any legislation of Congress upon 'he
euMect of slavery, leavine it open and undecided.
Nonaction by Congress is best for the South, and
best for all tho views which tho South have dis
closed to U3 from time to time as corresponding to
their wishes. I know it has been slid with regard
to the tcrrltorif a, and especially bai it been said
with recard to Uahtcrnia, that non-legislation upon
the pert of Congress implies the same thing as
the exclusion ot slavery. 1 uat we cannot ueip
That Congress is not responsible for. If nature
lias pronounced the doom of slavery in theso terri
tories if she has declared, by her immutable Imvj,
tbat slavery cannot bnd shall not be introduced
there who can you reproach but nature and na
ture'a God ? Congress you cannot. Congres3
abstains. Congress is passive. Congress 13 uon-
actio;:. EOJth andnorthof the line: or rather if
Coaires3 agrees to the plan which I propose, ex
tending no line, it leaves the entire theatre of the
whols cession ot these territories untouched by
legislative enactments, either to exclude or admit
In these extracts aie clearly and fully set forth
tho views of Henry Clay, the author of the plan
of adjustment passed in 1850. He declaied it to
be antagonistic to the Missouri Compromise, and
argued that his plan was preferable to the South
becau-e virtually abrogating the Missouri restric
tion, it left the "entire theatre of the whole ces
sion of the territories untouched by legislative
enactments, either to exclude or admit slavery ."
With thess expositions of the Compromise of
1850 this understanding of its principla and ef
fect, the South accepted it.
BUCHANAN AND THE LABORERS THE 1
CENTS" SLANDER EXPOSED.
The know nothings charge Mr. Buchanan with
having once declared in a speech in the Senate that
"ten cents a diy is enough for a laboring man
The charge ii not only utterly false, but it has not
even a abadow to rest upon. When driven toseek
somo evidence of its truth, the know nothings pre
tend to copy an extract from a speech by Mr. Bu
chanan as follows :
"What is tho reason that, with all these advan
tages, and with the protective duties which our
laws allord to the domestic manufacturer of cotton
we cannot obtain exclusive possession of the home
market, and successfully contend for the markets
of the world? Reduce our nominal
high prices for labor to the real standard prices
throughout tae world, and you cover the country
with blessings ana henetits.
Tha words "for labor," inserted in italics in the
above pretended extract, are a forgery. They do
not ccsur in the speech. They are fraudulently
inserted by the knov nothings to givo some color
to their charge agtiast Mr. Buchanan.
Tho speech from which the foregoing pretended
extract 13 taken was made in tha Senate in 1810,
in favor of tbo Independent Treasury bill. We
would be glad to copy it entire, for it is ono of the
best and soundest democratic speeches wo have
ever read. Mr. Buchanan was showing the evils
to all classes which resulted from the consraat ex
pansions and contractions of the banks. Re:erring
exclusively in this connexion 1 3 the manufactures
of Ntw Enghnd, Mr. Buchanan, eaid:
"Sir, I solemnly believe that if we conld but re
duce thi a ll ited paper bubble to anything like
reasonable il n.enaions, New Eugland would be
come the most j. isperous raanulact'jring country
tuat tne sun ever t none upon, wny cannot we
manufacture goods, and especially cotton goods,
wh eti will go ictj successful competition with
British manufactures in foreign markets? nave wo
not tho necessary capital? Havo wo not the in
dustry? Have we not the machinery? And, above
all, aro notour skill, energy, and enterprise pro
verbial throughout the world? Lmd is also cheap
er here than in any other country on the face of
the earth We pcs3ess every advantage which
Providonce can bestow upon us for the manufac
ture of cotton; but they aro all counteracted by
the folly of man. Tne raw material costs us les3
than it does the English, because this is an article
the pnen of which depends upon foreign markets,
atid is not regulated by our own inflat d currency.
We, therefore, save the freight of cotton across the
Atlantic, and that ol the manufactured article on
its return here. What is the reason, tint, with all
these advantages, and with the prospective duties
which our laws afford to tbe domestic manufactu
rer of cotton, wo cannot obtain exclusive posses
sion of tho home market, and successfully contend
for the markets of the world? It is simply because
we manufacture at the nominal prices of our own
inflated currency, and are compelled to sell at the
real prices of ether nations. Reduce our nominal
to the real standard of prices throughout tho world,
and you cover the country with blessings and ben
efits." Mr. Clay, in his speech against tho bill, had
charged tho friends of the Independent Treasury
with a desire to reduce tho wages of laboring men.
As this is tho chargo which is now sought to bo
revived, wo invite special attention to Mr. Buchan
an's reply. It was as follows, and as the extiast
occurs in immediato connexion with the oue wu
have given above, it is conclusive, not only that
Mr. Buchanan entertained no idea tbat the bill
would reduce tho wages of labor, but thnt ho ad
vocated it as a benefit l) the laboring man. We
direct the particular attention of the working men
cf tho country to this extract with pride and con
fidence. Mr. Buchanan went on lo say :
"We are also cb.vged by the Senator from Ken
tucky with a desire to reduce ther wages of the
poor man's labor. We have been often termed
agrarians on our side of the house. It is some
thing new under the sun to hear the Senator md
his liic.ds attribute to us a desire to elevate tha
wealthy manufacturer, at the expense of the labor
ing mao and the mechanic. Labor is tho founda
tion of the wealth ot every country; and tho free
laborers of the norta deserve respect both for their
prooity and their intelligence. Heaven forbid that
I should do them wrong. Of all the countries on
the earth we ought to have thomost consideration
for the laboring man. From tho very nature of
our institutions, tho wheel of fortune is constantly
revolving and producing such mutations in pio
perty that the wealthy man of to-day may become
lis poor labcrer ot the morrow. Truly, weilth
otten takes to itself wings and flies away. A largo
fortune rarely lasts beyond the third generation,
even if it endures so loug. We must all know in
s.ancej of individuals obliged to labor for their
daily bread, whose grandfathers were men of for
tune. . "Tho regular process of society wou!d almost.
- eeem to consist of the efforts of one clasa to dis3i-
mm, i wisn to contrast the 'p'an of accommoda
tion which is prptsed by ms with thatwElch is j
offen d by the Missouri line, to be eMcded to tho
ptte tbe fortunes which they have iabei ited, whilst
tm tber t a?, by their iedustry aad economy, are
tegulaUy ii3icg to weakST "We fill hare, there
fore, a c-ti m -n interest'is it is our common duty,
to protec the rigbts.jjfthe laboring man; and if I
believ. d or a moment that this bill woull prove
njjrious tj him, it shculd meet my unqualified op
"Although urn till wtll i o have a3 great an in
fluence as 1 could deei e, yet, as far as it goe3. it
will bent fit ih i laboring iuau a3 much, and proba
bly more, than any other clas of society. What
i3& brought mcsLUo desue? -Constant employ-
meLt, rtgular wigos, and unilorro, reasonable
prices for ih j necessaries and comforts of life which
be requires. Now, Bir, what has been his condi
tion under our sv stem of expansions and contract
ion:? He has suffered moic by them than any
other clss3 oi society. Ti e rate of his wages is
fixed and known, and they 8re the last to rise with
tne increasing expansion und tbe urst to Jail ween
Ihe corresponding revulsion occurs. He still con
tinues to receive his dollar per day, while the price
of e-ery article which he consumes 13 rapidly ii-
sing, lie is at length made to reel tbat, although
he nominally earns as much, or even more than he
did formerly, yet from ti e increased prices of all
tne neces3ariesol lite, be t amot support his family.
Hence the strikes for higher wages, and tbo uneasy
and excited feelings which have at d.fferent periods
existed among ths laboring classes. But tha ex
pansion at length reaches 'he explcuing point and
what does the laboring man now suffer? no is
for a ssason thrown out of employment altogether.
Our manufactures are suspended; our public works
are stopped ; our private enterprises of different
kinds are abandoned; and whilst others are able to
weather the storm, ho can scarcely procure the
means of bire subsistence"
And now, reader, in the above extracts, we have
given you tbe whole of whatever foundation
thero is. for the "ten cent" charge against Mr. Bu
chanan; Tbe charge rests solely on these extract)
from his speech. Throughout the whole of it there
is no sentence or word which gives plausibility to
the charge. From beginning to end the speech
abounds in sound, statesman-like sentiments, which
have been fully illustrated by the experience cf the
last sixteen years. .Our chief purpose in making
such liberal quotations is to vindicate the wisdom,
and firmness, and patrict'sm of Mr. Buchanan. Wo
desire to show how nobly he sustained Gen. Jack
son in his st-uggle with, tbe .United States Bank
how faithfully and ably he, maintained the demo
cratie position on the Independent Treasury sys
tern and how clearly and earnestly he advocated
the interests of the laborirg man. It is, indeed,
strange tlut the charge of a wish to reduce the
wage3 of laboring men should be based on any
thing in this speech. But it must be recollected
that it was during the remaikible canvass of 1840,
that ihe charge obtained currency. In the then
condition of tbe popular mind, nothing was so ab
surd or preposterous as not to be acceptable to the
depraved taste of the limes. This remtrk is fully
illustrated by the manner in which Mr. Bucbanan'd
speech was perverted, and charges deducted from
it, which were in di.ectcontradicticn of the speech
Amongst others who undertook to answer Mr,
Buchanan's speech, was the Hon. John Davis, of
Massachusetts he was usually known as "honest
John Davis." He assumed in his argument, di
tectly in the teeth of tbe fact, that Mr. Buchanan
had advocated the Independent Treasury on the
ground that it would establish an exclusive metallic
currency. Starting with this erroneous as3ump
tion, he argued to show it would biing down tha
wages of labor to the standard prices in oiher
countries where the enneacy is exclusively metal
lie. To this speech, when published, there was an
appendix, in which he introduced a table showirg
that in some of the exclusively metallic countries
of Europe laborers only received ten cents a day,
Putting tho speech and appendix together, the
hint was taken and the clamor raised that tho
democrats were in favor of reducing tbe wages of
labor to ten cents a day.
On the 3d March, 1840, Mr. Buchanan epoke in
reply to this "honest" John Davis, and never did a
Senator receive a more severe skinning. We make
below a long extract from this speech, not as being
neotssary to a.complete defence of Mr. Buchauao,
but because the speech itself shows how sound a
democrat its author his been
Mr. Buchanan said:
"Mr. President: I rise to perform a painful, but
imperious duty, which I owe to myself. The
speech which I, lately delivered in favor of the in
dependent treasury bill, has been made the subject
of criticism and censure in anotner part ot mis
capito!; under what rule of otder, I confess I can
cot comprehend. Id some portions o the coun
try, at public meetings, and in tbe public press, I
have been denounced as tne enemy ot the labor
ingman, and have been charged with a desire to
reduce bis wages, anl depress bis condition to that
of the degraded s rls ot tbe European despotisms.
Sentiments have been attributed to me, which 1
never uttered, and which my soul abhors. I le
peat what I declared in that speech, that if I cculd
believe lor a moment that the independent treas
ury bill would prove irjuiioua to the laboring man,
. .. . . i - .-
it wouu meet my uuqumneu opposition.
"Had I obtained the floor at a jy time during the
last week, my explanation would have been short
and simple. The means, and the only means, by
which it was alleged that I bad sought to reduce
t f. wages of labor to the standard of the hard
uiotiiy despotisms of Europe, wa by the iutro
duction of an exclusive metallic currency into this
country. Now, to such a radical change in our
currency, I have eter been opposed. I have
avowed my opposition repeatedly upon this floor
and elsewhere, and never tr.oie distinctly, tban in
my late speech in favor of the independent treas
surv bill. My mot'.o has always been to reform,
not to destroy tho banks ; and I have endeavored
to prove with what success I must leavo the pub
lie to judse that such a radicil reform in these in
etitutions as would prevent violent expansions and
contractions of the curreLcy,and thus enable them
always to redeem their notes in specie, would prove
eminently beneficial to all classes of society, but
more especially to me mooring man.
"On Saturday evening last, a messago was sent
me by a friend, requesting me to examine the
published speech ot the senator from Massacbu-
1 . ' i . - x i . : . 1 . . : . . - i
tctts, t.ur. uavisj auu Buggcuiug muni, coaiainea
an erroneous statement ot tne arguments which
had used in favor of the independent treasury bill.
I examined hi3 speech in tne national intcutgtnctr.
having never read it before, and I confess it struck
me with tbe utmost astonishment. I found tbat,
throughout, he hid attributed to mo arguments in
favor ot tho bill which I never used nay, more,
that I ho objections to the bill which I had endeav
oied to combat, bad been imputed to me as tbe
very arguments which 1 urged in its favor.
"I shall proceed to make somo remarks upon
hi3 speech. In performing Ui3 duty, it is my to e
purpose to justify myself, without feeling the
sligbest disposition to do him injury.
"One of the great cbjects of my speech was to
auswer tbe objectioLS which bad been urged
against tbo independent ticasury bill, by proving
that it would not injuriously influence tbe business
oi ti c country in the manner which had been pre
dicted by its enemies, and especially tbat it would
produce little or no tlTect upon tbe sound and sol
vent banks of the couuiry. I thought I had suc
ceeded. It certainly never entered into my con
ception that any person on the face of the earth
could so far have mistaken my meaning as to at
tribute to me arguments in favor of the bill, as di
rectly opposite to those which I urged as darkness
is to light.
"You may judge, then, Mr. President, of my
astonishment, when, in the very second paragrapn
of the speech of the Senator from Massachusetts,
I read tho following sent?nce:
" The senaior from Mississippi (Mr. Walker)
with his usual acknowledged ability, and the dis
tinguished senator from Pennsylvania (Mr. Bu
chanan) following in his track, have advanced the
proposition tbat the embarrassments and distresi
with which thecountry baa been grievously afflict
ed for several years pa3t, and which now paralyze
all its energies, are imputable to tbe pernicious in
fluence of bank paper, that this bill (the Indepen
dent Treasury bil) contains the necessary correc
tive, a3 it will check impcr ations of foicign goods,
suppress what they ca.l the credit system, end by
restoring a specie currency, reduce the wages of
labor and tbe value of property. This is the char
act sr given to the measure by its friends; and
alarming as the dojtriues are, I am gratified that
they are frankly avowed '
" Now, sir. I openly declare in the face of the
Senate and the world, not oaly that no such doc
trines were ever avowed by me, but that these
remtrksjpr thetenator are palpable, I will not
Jj?tio??, misrepresentations both of tha
'jigi Bu" to attiitrnte to me the remark, that
is'biU, by applyiDK'tha
.wutb jk Lav. riiHriMi.
the.pern cious influence of bank paper, "and by thug
resioriog a specie currency" will produce the disas
trous consequences wnictLhe hia enumersted,when
a considerable portion of my argument was devoted
to prove that the bill would produce no irjarious
effect whatever upon Ue sound and solvent banks
of the couutrj!- Nay. more, thit if. TOrmtil orort
bat a very trifling influence; indeed, ff any.ven itf
restraining within safe limits their loans and issues.
Now, sir, it may be very ii gaaious, but it is cer
tainly not very iair, to put into the month of a
friend of the bil, as arguments in its favor, tho.
strongest objections which have been Urged against
it by it3 enemies. These would be so many ad
missions of its fatal consequences, and they would
bo the stronger when converted into arguments in
its favor by ono of its friends. Again3t the whole
intent of my remarks against my express and
reiterated declarations, both upon this and former
occasions, that I was no friend to an exclusive hard
money currency, but was in favor of well regulated
B:ate bants, now could tbe senator bd so tar mis
taken as to sit down and deliberately write that I
ha 1 uiged in favor of this bit', tbat it would restore
a specie curieacy, and thereby reduce the wages
of labor and the value of property? I leave it for
bim to answer tbe question according to bi3 own
sense of justice towards a brother senator who had
never done him harm.
"But the senator does net eton heie. Through
out his whole speech he imputes to mo theusa of
sucn arguments in Javorot the bill B3 1 have stated,
and dwells upon them at length arguments which
u x naa ever usee, would prove conclusively tbat
I was an enemy to the bill which I profeiaad to
advocate, Bnd that scarcely even in disguise. This
is the Lgot in which he presents me before the
woild. Towards the conclusion of his sr. eich, he
caps the climax. He says :
"''0 follow out the case I have supposed: The
income of every man except the exporter, is te be
reduced one half in the value of wages and pro
perty, while all foreign merchandize will coat the
same, which will obviously, in effect double the
price, as it will take twice tne amount of labor or
twice the amount of the products of labor, to pur
" 'I do not ascribe this power to the bill, but it is
enough for me tbat its Meeds do. What response
will the farmers, mechanics, manufacturers, and
laborers mako to such a flagitious proposition?' "
"And all this, the Senator eavs in a professed
reply to me. He thus charges me with having
ascribed to the Iudedendent Treasury bill the pow
er of reducing tho income of every man in the
country, 'one half in the value of wages and
property.' Had I contended m favor of any such
power, well might the Senator have eaid it wa3 'a
flagitious proposition.' He would almost huve been
jusiified iu the use of a term so harsh and unpar
liamecatry. "Self-respect, as well rs the respect which I owe
to the Senate, restra ns me from giving sueh a con
tradiction to thisailecratbri aa it d H'rve. It would
surely not be deemed improper, however, in me, if
i were t turn to tue Senator, aod apply the epi
thet which he himself has applied to tbe proposi
tion he imputes to me, and were to declare tbat
sueb an imputation was a 'nagitiouj mtsrepresen
tation of my remarks
So far from imaioing that the Independent
Treasury bill woull restore to ihi country araetal
hc currency, I believed that it would exerc'Si but
a si gbt influence iu rfs:raiiing the excesses of tbe
banking system. Other and more effi.i-n'reme
dies must be adopted by the several States to re
strain the esce. ay, and thu3 t prevent future
suspensions. In my remake, I suited dstinct'y
what legislation wonl3, I thought, be required to
accomplish this purpose. Iu the first p'asc;. I ob
served tbat the binks oueht lobe compelled to keep
in their vaults a certain fair propcr.ion of specie
compared with the'r circulation and deposits, or in
other words, a certain proportion ol immediate spe
cie means, to meet their immediate responsibilities
2d. That the foundation of a specie bas'i3 f.rour
paper currency should be laid, ly piohibitiag the
circulation of bank-nttes, at the first, under the
denomination of ten, and afterwards, under that of
$20. 3d. That tbe amouot of bant dividends
should be limited. 4:h. And abovo all, tbat upon
tbe occurrence of another suspension, the doors of
the bink3 should be closed at once, and their af
fairs placed in the hands of commissioners.
certainty that suci must be the invitable effect of
another suspension, would do more tn prevent it
than any other cma ! To reform, aod not to des
troy, was my avowed moit -. I know tiittthe x
istence of backs, and the circulation of bank pa
per, are so identified with the hibita of our people,
that they cannot be abolished, even if this were
"Such a reform in the bankings stem, a3 I have
indicated, would benefit every cla-s cf society, but
above all others, the iuau who makes I119 hvingby
tbe sweat of his brow. The object at which I
aimed by these reforms was not a pure metallic
currency, but a currency of n mixed character ; tbe
paper proportion of it always convertible into gold
and silver, and subject to as little fluctuation in
amount as the regular bes ness of the country
would admit. Of ull reforms, this is what tbe me
chanic and the laboring man ought most to desire.
It would produce steiuy prices and sieidy employ
ment, and under its influence the country woull
march steadily on in its career of prosperity, with
out suffering irom the ruincus expansu ns, uudcoa
t Tactions, and explosion which we bava endured
during the last twenty years. What is most es
eentinaltothe prosperity of the mechanic and labor
ing man? Constant employment, steady and lair
wages, with uniform prices lor the necf sarie3 and
comtort3 0f life which ho must purchase, and pay
ment for his labor in a sound currency.
"Let u?, in these particulars, compare the present
condition of tbe laboring man under the banking
system which now exisis, with what it would be
under such reforms as I have indicated. And first,
in regard to constant employment. What is the
effect of the present system ot banktxpansioj?, and
contractions, and revuls on?, in this particular? Is
it not absolutely certain, tas not experience dem
onstrated, that under such a system, constant era
ployement i3 tendered impossible ? It is true, tbat
during the bhort period whilst the bubblo is ex
panding, and the bauka are increasing tteir lons
and issues, labor of every kind fkdj employment.
Then builcings of all sotH are erected, manufac
tures are established, and the mason, acd oter me
chanic are in demand. Public works are prosecu
ted, and afford employment loan immense number
of laborers. The tradesmen of every description
then find customers, because the amount of paper
in circulation produces a delusive appearance of
prosperity, and promotes a spirit of extravagance.
But, sir, under this system the storm is sure to sue
ceed the sunshine, the explosion is certain to fol
low the expansion and when it comes, and wo
are now suffering under it what is taea the con
dition of the mechanic aud the laboring man ?
Buildings of every kidd cease, manufactories are
closed, public works are suspended, and ihi labor
ing classes are thrown out of employment alto
gether. It 13 enough to mtke one's heart bleed
to reflect upon their sufferings, particularly in our
large cities, during the past winter. In many
instances tbo question wilh them has not been
what amount 01 wages they could earn, but wheth
er they could procure any employment which
wou d save them and their lamihei from starvationl
If our State legislaiires, when alone possess the
power, would but logulatu our bloated credit sys
tem widely, by lestraming the bnk3 within safe
limits, our country would then be permitted to
proceed with regular strides, and toe laboring man
would suffer none of these evils because ho would
receive constant employment.
"In the eecond place, what u tho effect of the
present system upon the wage3 of labor, and upon
the price of tbe neccessaries and comforts of lite ?
It cannot te denied tbat that country is the most
prosperous where labor commands the greatest re
ward; but this not for one year merely, not for that
short period of time when our bloated credit sys
tern is most expanded, botforasuccessioa of years,
for all time Permanence in tbe rate of waca
indispensable to the prosperity of the Iaooring
man. He ought to be able to look fro ward witn
confidence to the futu. e; to calculate upon being
abb to rear and educate bis family by the sweat
of his brow, and to make them respectable and
useful citizens. Iu this respec-, what is the condi
tion of the Ubonng man under our present system?
Whilst ha surfers more uudtr it than any other
member of society, he derives from it tbo fewest
advances. It is a pnuciplo of political economy
confirmed by experience, tlut whiist tho paper
enrrercy is expanding the price of everything elso
iucreases more rapidly than the wages of laber.
They are the last to rise with the expansion, and
the first to tall with the contraction of the currency.
The price of a day's or a month's labor of any
kind, the price ot a hat, of a pair of boots, ot a
pound ofleatber,ofallartic'es of furniture; in saoriof
manual and mechanicl.il labor general v,is fired and
known to the whole community. Tho purchaser
comphins when these fixed prices are enhanced,
and tbe mechanic or laborer, in order to retain hw
customers, cannot and does not raise bis pr.ee un
til he is compelled to do so by absolute necessity.
His meat, his flour, his potatoes, clothing for him-
self and family, mount up to aa extra vaant price
,.vug uciuia.uio wuipcunuuu IS lQWcaSeu. 11 WB3
formerly supposed that the productions of meit
and flour were s'o vast in our extended and highly
favored land, tbat a monopoly of them would ba
impossible. Tha experience of tfco last two cr
three years has proved the contrary. The banks
iastead of giving credit in small snms t fconjst
men, who would hive used tbe money wisely in
promoting their own welfare, and as a necessary
consequence, that of tbe community, have loaned it
to monopolists, to enable them to raise theprice of..
tbe necessaries ot me to tbe consumer. Have we
not all learned that a million of dollars have been
advanced by them to an individaal for the purpose
ot enabling blm to monopolize ihe sale of all the
beet consuumed in our eastern cities? Do we net
all kiow that this effort proved successful during
the jast year in raisicg tho price of thU necessary
of life to twelve and sixteen cents, and even high
er, per poundf Wow, sir, althongh ti e wages of
the laboring man weie then nominally high, what
was ms conauioLf Ue could not afiord to go into
the market and purchase beef for bb family. If
his wages increased with the increasing expaniioa
of our credit system, aggravated in its effects by
me immense sale ot atate bond3 m Europe, still
the prices of all the necestarie3 of life rosa in a
greater proportion, and ha was not benefited. I
might mention also, the vast raonoply of pork,
produced by a combinatioa of individuals, extend-
: e T . . . .. ....
lug irom toauju to iviccncaii, wnicb, by mean: ot
bank facilities, succeeded in raising the price of that
necessary of life to an enormous pitch. What th-en
did the labcrer gain, even at the tima of the ere t
est expansion? Nothing literally nothing. The
laborers were a suffering class even in tbe midst of
all this delusi ve prosperity. Ir stead of being abl
to lay by anything for tbe present day of adver
eity, which wa3 a necessary consequence of the
system, the laborer was even then scarcely able to
maintain himself and his fimily. His condition
has been terrible during tha past winter. In view
of these facts, I said
" 'All other circumstances being equal, I agree
with the senator from Kentucky that tbat country
is moat prosperous where labor commands tba
highest wages. 1 do not, however, mean by tbe
term "highest wages" the greatest nominal
amount. During tbe revolutionary war, one day's
worK commanded a luadred dollars cf continental
paper: but this would scarcely have porchssed a
DreaKiafi. ine more proper expression wouu ba
to say, that that country is most prosperous whera
labor commands the greatest reward where one
day's labor will procure, no: the greatest nominal
amount of a depreciated currency, but most of the
necessaries and comforts of life. I' therefore,
you should, in some degree, reduce the nominal
price piid for labor, by reducing the amount of
j our bank issues within reasonab c and sate liniitp,
and establishing a metallio bas'i3 for your piper cir
culation, would this injure the hbcrei? Certainly
not; hecauso tbe price of all tbe necessaries and
comfort3 of life are reduced in tbe sarin proportion,
and he will be ab'e to purchase more of them for
one dollar in a s uid state of tbe currency, thin
be cauld have dciu in the diys of extravagant ex
pansion for a dollar and a quarter. So far from in
juring, it will cte illy benefit the hborio-r m n It
will insure to him constant employment, and reg
ular prices, pail in a souud currency, which of all
things he ought most co desire; acd it will save
him fiom beirg involved ii ruin hya recurrr nee o"
those periodical expar.s.oos aod contractions of
the currency, which havd hitherto couv u!e d the
" Now, sir, is not my m- a An t-: arly spr( ssed
in this paragraph? Ion e-idtd th,t it would not
irjara but greatly benefit i e taborm inan tn pre
vtrnc ihe violent and ruinous eipaLsions and con
tracioca to which our currency was iLC.dect. and
by judicious bank reform, to place it on a settled
basis. If this were done, wha wcu'd be ti e con
sequence? Thar, if the Ubonng man con! 1 not re
ctive as great a nominal amount tor bis labor as be
did, 'in the dais of cxtiavasaut expansion,' which
must always, under our p.esent ysiem, be of short
duration, he would be indemnified, and fir more
tban indemnified, by the constant employment,
the regular wage' and the uniform and mora mod
erate prices of ihe oeces.'atie and comfoitj of life,
wnich a more stable currency would pro'urc Can
this proposition be coatrovertej? I think nor; it
is too plain for argument Mark me. si ; I desire
to proJuce this nappy restilr, not by esttbhshing
a pure metallic cu.-rer.cy, but by redu.Mrg the
amount of your bank issues within reasonable and
safe lim ts and establishing a metallic b&sis tor your
piper circulation. Tho idea plainly expressed is,
that it is better, much better, tor the liboriug man,
a3 well as for every other class cf society, except
the speculator, that tbe business ol the oountry
should be placed upon that fixed and permanent
foundation which would be laid by establishing
such a bank lefjrm as would render it certain tbat
bank notes should be always convertible iato jpld
"And yet this plain acd simple exposition of my
views has been se z:d upon by thote who desired
to make political capital out of their perversion,
and it has been represented far en 1 wide, that it
was my desire to reduce wages down to tbe prices
received by the miserable serfs acd laborers of Eu
ropean despotisms. I shall mot t cbeerlully leave
the public to decide liet ween me aod my tiaiucers.
The Senator from Massachusetts, after having at
tributed to ma tbe inten ion of reducing the wages
of labor to the hard monty standard, through tbo
agency of the Independent Treasury bill, ha3 ad
ded, as an appendix to h3 speech, t statement
made by tbe Senator tiooi Maryland (Mr. Merrick,)
of the prices of labor in these bard money despot
isms: and it is thus left to be inferred tuat 1 am in
favor of reducing tie tocest and independent la
borer iu this glorious and free country tu the same
degraded condition. 'Ihe Senator ought to know
tbat there is too mueh intelligence among tho la
boring uiuses in this highly favor fand, to be led
astray by suth representations
... .MR. JOEL DittiS.
MR. W.M. WARD,
...MS. E.C. HUNTLEY.
Thei.ublic i mnectfullv uititicd that, this establish
ment will re-open, for the regular Season, &n
MONDAY EVENING, SEIT. 22, 1:53,
With the fillowiD pivceiful and L.lhted dramatic com
mrs. w. m ward, mhs jitlia miles,
" J.DAVIS, " KAl'EFiSflER,
" ADAMS, " K PAUl'lNUrON,
MI33 MARV PARTING ION,
MR WARD. MR. J. DAVIS, Mil TOZER,
mr. Harrison, mr Robert jones,
mr lamb, mr. fkrden, mr.
blake, messrs. wolcott,
dem a rest. doa'ns,
Scenic Artiat M f- "a-
Leader of the Orchestra Ma G.M. Iailor
Pronertv Man Ma. dndhbs.
MONDAY EVENING, SEPT. 22, 1656,
Will he presented a favorite play In which
MRS. W. M. WARD
will appear, supported by the whole company.
Grand Natit.oat Dmee Misa Mary lrlingion.
The performance will conclude with a laughable
Id which Miaa Julia Mile, Mies Kate Fisher, Messrs
Lamb, Tcaer, Ac , will appear.
PRICES OF ADMISSION I)rea Circle
iuette7-c: Utper Circle 50e: Colored &"ic"0c; Colored
UallerySc: Private Uoxes; (exclusive right) J10; Single
Uallerr 2;c: Private Boxes, (exel
Seats, do fl.
J5f" Doors open at V before 7 o'clock, P.
tfses precisely at 7. P-
iept20 td b r A o
P. W. MAXEY & CO.,
I'LATE, IILOCK TIN, COPPER,
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IRON AND TIN EIVIT3, PLUMBERS' T0CIJ3 AND
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PARLOR CRATES, COOK STOVES, HEAT
ing Stoves, for 'Wood or Coul, Japan
ned and Common Tin Ware.
NO 4C EAST SIDE MARKET STREET,
P. 8 We will
keep constantly on hand Tin-smith's
i, being Agents for l'eck, ijmiih Sl Co.,
P. W. M. & CO.
hate on hand .and tor sate
2'yO boxejieTin iu uy J;
100 .. A .. 10 by H;
5J .. le .. 14 by 20;
sept20-lw" X '" " bl'.V. MAXBV ACQ.
RICE. 10 tiercoj new Rice juat received per
ilroad,and!orsaleby JOaLPH NAaU,
aeOiiO lw o. ti cor. uouege ana cpnng sis.
PIKE'S EXTRAWIIISKY.-35 barrels for sale
hT JOSfcPH NASH,
je.KO 1st S E ccr College and Churen sts.
i a :
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SOME Or THE C05TEST3.
THI ID PART.
THE IMPERIAL CITY.
1. Wnich may give an idea of Neir York.
1L la which one tikes lodgings where he caa
Ii L In which we treat of a certain rfttclsasaa t
species cf insect.
CUAP. IV. Is which the Million Hunt begin.
CHAP. V. First night in New York.
CHAP. VI. In which Made.-Oisclls Rachel cornea on
the teens, and Jenny Lind also.
CHAP VII. In which it is plainly teen tbe Americas
does not bite well at Tragedy.
CHAP. VIU. In which there ii mors talk about tb:
CHAP. IX. In which we dou'tplayaomuchaj we would
CHAP. X. Which U farfrorr. being a lively one.
CUAP. -XI. In which there ii a good deal said in favor
of the Racbel Company.
CU AP.XII . In which shopkeepers and savages are men
tioned. CUAP. XIII. Which is scarcely au jibing beta latter
to Roger De Beauroir.
CHAP XIV. la which the exploitation is furiously
CUAP. XV. Which contains tbe History of tba Mar
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W. T. It.
A Co. have aho just rccclvert-
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For more tban a quarter of a century, lbs moat remark,
ble msgtzine writer of bis time, w&a the late William Ms
ginn. LL. 1)., well known as the Bir Morgan Odoherty ot
tilackweod's Magaz.ne, and as the principal contributor,
for many years, to Fraser'a and other periodical. Tbe
combined learning, wit, eloquence, eccentricity, and hu
rmr ol Maginn, bad obtained for him, long before hia
death, (la 1343,) the title cf Tm Moassx Bi silais. Hia
magaxino articles possess extraordinary merit. He had
tbe art ot putting a vast quantity of animal spirits upon
paper, but bis graver articles which contain round and
serious principles of criticism are earnest and weU-rea-Boned.
Tbe collection now in hand will contain bis Facetus
a variety of languages,) Trar.sl lions. Travesties, and
Original Poetry, also hia prose Tales, which an emin jnlly
beautiful, tbe best oi his critical articles, (including hu
eeltbrated Sbakspeare Papers,) and bis Homeric Haludi.
The periodicals in which he wrote bars been ransacked,
from "Blackwood" to "Punch," and tbe result will be a
series of great interest..
Dr. Sheltoa Mackenzie, whn hu undertaken lbs editor
ship of these writings of his distinguished countryman,
will spare neither labor nor attention in the nurk. Tbe
first volume will contain an original Memoir cf Dr.Maginn,
written by Dr. Mackenzie, and a characteristic Portrait,
with foe simile.
W. T. B. fc Co. have nlso Just receuerf
MAG INN'S SUAKSPKARE PAPERS.
MAGINNS HOMERIC BALLADS. Ac
WIT AND WISDOM OF SYDNEY SMITH.
$ 5 o,o o o:
Authorised by the State of Alabama.
MILITARY ACADEMY LOTTERY I
To be drawn in tbe City of Montgomery, Alabama, in pub
lic, on FRIDAY", OCT. 10, 1S56, on the
PLAN OF SINQLE NUMBERS!
SAMUEL SWAN, Manager.
PRIZES AMOUNTING) TO
200,000 Dollars !
will ba distributed according to tbe following unrivalled
1 Prixaof. 150,000 is 150.000
" 0,000 is 20,000
' 20,000 is 20,000
10,000 is 10,000
" 10.000 is 10.000
" 5.000 U 6,000
" 2,500 are 6,000
" 1,000 are 2,000
" 600 are 10,000
" 3X)are 15,000
" 200 are 15,000
" luOare 10,000
" 60 are 7.5C0
4 prizaa of f 400 approbating to $SO,0CO prize are $100
1,000 prizes amounting to
WHOLE TICKETS, $10; HALVES f 5; QUARTERS, $2J.
The Alabama and Georgia Lotteries, as channels for in
Teatment. present inducements over any known scheme.
Theeipenence the public bare had of ihe management of
tne&e iouenm, me urge amount or prizes sold, uie prompt-
nesi with which ther
r nare oeen paia, are tee Deal
anlees tbat ther will alwars be con due tad
in tha most
PLAN OF TnE LOTTERY.
There are 30.000 Tickets numbered from 1 ta 30.000.
Theie are 30 tail Prizes and 620 Approximations mat
in: in all 1000 prizes.
ine araniQK takes place in public, under the superin
tendence of two sworn Commissioners.
Tbe Numbers from i to SO.00O. corrciooadiDfr with
those Numbers on the Tickets printed on separate slip of
paper, are encircled with small tin tubes, and placed in
The tint 3S0 Prizes, similarly printed and encircled, are
placed in another wheel
ltienueels are then revolreu.and a number is drawn
from the wheel ot Numbers, and at the some time a Prize
is drawn trom tbe other wheel. Th number and Prize
drawn out are ooenedi nd exhibited to the audience, and
Urrgittertd by tho Commissioner, the Prize being placed
J Mtnitth.nnmk.p ilrcvn Thi, nnt-ttfiin rrM.aM.I
I nntil nil lh Prim ri drawn nut
Approximation Prizes. The two preceding and tie two
succeeding Numbers tu those drawing tbe first 380 Prizes
will be entitled to tbe 620 Approximation Prizes, according
to tbe Scheme.
IN ORDKRINO TICKETS,
Enclose tbe money to our address tor tbe Tickets order
ed, on the receipt ot which they will be forwarded by first
Tbe List of Drawn Numbers and Prizes will he sent to
purchasers immediately after tbe drawing.
Purchasers will please write their signature plain, give
their Post Office, County and State.
t3f Remember that every prize is drawn, and payable
in full without deduction.
t3J All prizes of $1,000 and under, piid Immediately
after the drawing other prizes at the aual time of thirty
dijr, in full wilboot deduction.
Al communications strictly contidentiaL
Orders for Tickets sbonld be sent U early.
Prize Tickets cashed or renswed in other Tickets at
Orders for Tickets can be addressed either to
S. SWAN A CO., Atlanta, Ga ,
a SWAN, Montgomery, Ala..
wptlO or J. Y. UUOOI.VS, Box. 3 Nashville.
NASHVILLE AND CHATTAINOOOA RAILROAD.
MESSIIS. MAYNARD AND POLK,
AT MURFREEsBORO, iATURDAY 20th.
PERSONS wishing to hear these gentlemen ipeak two
go to Murfreesboro on the 20 Ih on regular trains.
FAKB Agents will be provided with tickets for the oc
sion. Foil tare most be paid going. A ticket will be
furnished which will return ihoM wno attend free from
additional charge. H. I. ANDhRSON,
tept!8-tf Sup't N. A C.lt K-C
WaATgu 20,000 buansls of Dried Peaches and
Apnles. for which tbe hiffbest market nriee will be
given in ciah by
sepilB u DAVIS, ftLUlii.lt ecu.