Nashville union and dispatch. [volume], April 04, 1867, Image 1

About Nashville union and dispatch. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1866-1868

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NASHYILLK IENHESSEE, THURSDAY, APRIL 4, 1867.
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NO. 111.
HOJf. KDMUA'D ,COOPEn,'!
1 il ,1 JL7 17XKJL 13LJL JJLMJ
IStatc.
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My 1euT0tv Omziew : Once more I ap
pear before you, to atlnwince to yoo, and
through yoa to the country, mjr jievra in
regard to the great ouestfona which occupy
the public mind, and to give you,an account
of the manner in which I performed the
duties whicJi devolved tiporr roe, as jour
Hprefettivcin the tlilrty-nin.Ui Congress.
Mv,ppJitioal course has been passed in
fltiirfng 6 mm, and when it required moral
and poHtleal courage to do right How
the'taAk ha been performed the country
rnujfllalgr.mme, always remembering that
he& unpopular mind is temporarily "ex
clle atjjlltlte v()ice6 afeound us are-extrar-a
ga m. Jml k1m6st delirious, it requires
Iteth "morel and political oourage" to stand
firmly by Uc viil laftR resrW and not yield
to the paimoflB and prejudices of the hour.
Ifoumtan administration In power which
had succeeded and was but a continuation
of the administration of Abraham Lincoln.
It administered- the government through
the same Cabinet and upon the same cardi
nal principles making the preservation
ttf the Union, and its full and complete res
toration, its leading purpose.
The Kebels had surrendered at the time
of the accession of Andrew Johnson to
executive responsibilities, but the practical
work of the restoration of 'the Union 're
mained to be completed. He assumed the
work jiMtas President Lincoln left it, and
endeavored t carry H forward in theama,
dfr?34en"atfd teEWSijSj the same polifl-
ral idiift.
Wtif!et thus engaged, and after the oh
icy which he pursued bad been approved .
by tue entire country, during tue summer
and fall of 1865, it suited the ambitious
iHirppses of some of the prominent mem
bers of the Republican party in Congress
to abandon the national Union policy of
the administration, and to mark out a new
one, wliibh the Phhlont could not approve
because, in ills opinion, it was in conflict
with the constitution.
Upon this abandonment, by the leading
members of the Republican party, of the
palmy Of the administration, an issue was
raided, and upon whlah the two co-ordinate
departments of the, government the Ex
ecutive and the LegMitWej-dlvidcd.
The result has been the triumph, so far,
otitlie Congress ; and in the heat tf par
titan triumph, the advocates of the suc
cessful policy go back upon" the record of
the llepublicau partvaAnromRlgated in
their platform of pnScfplM adopted at
Haltimere in 1804, and upon the adminis
tration eff Abraham Lincoln as authorita
tively ilokj-l in his amnesty proclama
tion of December 8, 1863, and brand "the
iioliov" thus announced for the restora-
tion'tff tKo Union with the name of dis--
loyrfitJ?; jji drder: ID' iftako or rmse a point
ctfilltU)rnee with President Johnson.
Will you pardon me, my lellow-cllUen,.
if Ar a'few moments I occupy your time in
establishing, by the cloa rest, and most sat
isfactory evidence, that the policy of resto
ration adopted 'and 'declared by President
Johnson in his amnesty proclamation the
!!9thdfty of Hay, 18(15, was in strict sccord
aneo Willi thergrqpt underlying and funda
inentctljlleas Which were embodied in the
amnesty proclamation of Abraham Lincoln?.
.nix LLiiiuuin, in Jits iruiaiuaiiun, iiju-
fwlDfiti Oath of allegiance to bo taken
by (liose who were entitled to take it, under
his proclamation President Johnson's
anestprelamatiefi requires a like oatlu
Mr. Llmlu rwtnrtoa the privilee&s to
certain classes tlioroiw enumerated ; Presi
dent JglmsWs-did tho-flme thing.
Mf.Xjneolnr in Ii'tS plari of restoration
tleekrcd that all persons should haye the
right to vole ibr delegates' to the Conven
tions, which might bellied in the States,
to foim SbtcMiifeSitiitiuiis, who Jiadjtakfn
the SsRluyiarfbgd accepting .3ua
tin? Wlfifecnlfy rigiu whoeverVi' would
make a sworn recantation of his former
unsoundness." President Johnson, in his
proclamation, required the same test.
Mr. Lincoln limited the right to vote to
thoe "who were lawful voters, according
to the laws of the Stato in which they
resided, before the passage of the ordinance
of seewwion." President Johnson recog
nized the polioy of the rule, and adopted
it as wise and just.
Mr. Lincoln provided, for the appoint
ment of provisional Governors, giving to
them the power of calling State conven
tions, with tho view of forming State con
stitutions, for the purpose of being received
back into full, practical relations with the
government; and pledged "that such gov
ernment of the State should be recognized
and 'guaranteed by tho United Stales, and
that under it the State shall, on Jthe con
stitutional conditions, bo protected
against iuvasion and domestic violence."
President Johnfson did the same no
more. Now, this plan was a favorite one with
Abraham Lincoln. He never hesitated to
avow it. It was presented by him to Con
gress. It was, again and again, during the
summer and fall of 184H, approved of by him,
and he was nominated for re-electiou at
Baltimore because such was his policy, and
triumphantly elected.
Mark thecontrast. The author of the
policy, who only two day's before his ns
xasslnatian, pronounced that it had met the
unanimous consent of his cabinet, and he
adhered to it is canonized as a saint, and
hi successor in adopting and endeavoring to
carry out the same line of policy is de
nounced as an usurper, an npostate, and a
traitv. Why and wherefore ?
Let mo call your attention to ono of the
resolutions adopted, by the Republican con
vention, which assembled at Nashville on
tho 2Sd day of Fubruary, 1S67, in which
they declare:
"'That we cover our faces with shame
when we oowtewplate the disgrace brought
jipon our beloved state, uy the detection
and degeneracy of her unprincipled adopt--nl
son, who by the bullet of an assassin, has
.ascenled to the chief magistracy of the na
tion, find we shall cortlfally endorse any
action of Congress which shall legitimately
dopriye him of continued power to disturb
the W of the ooHiitry."
Now, we deny that the President has
hnmaht any disgrace em our beloved State.
We deny that he has committed any of
ficial act, w hich sustain the charge that
.he has shown any defection towards, or
abomloned any of' the great principles up
4m whlflhltewftSdieoUl. Weiwiy that he has
4nratHl in any maimer, from the high
ftMdolevated lotion whloh he occupied as a
Matuen and a patriot before tho country
when he aumeu the ardous and responsi
14 dtWlc of ill Presidency. Wo deny,
in a wil. that h has mm nutted any pr
imm at tvnlitiral act iustifviae the illibe
ral awl iit elwn;e Hwt lie w or ever has
ly HftpriiRMpled in any of his private or
4(oii dealings.
Hay we not shown to yo that the Pros
ill MinM to-day the vy me ilki
ral iu regard U tho oondition of
(he tiw in rebellion wMk his prerteccs
wr JhIt Ami upon oil tk growt iww,
lias he Shauged, if so in what I It is un
HstiottaMy, true, that a divergaooe has
HVrrl between the Reptiolioan iwirty' in
Cngrsf ami the PrenMent, but the politi
mil qMMlioM is, who has changed ?
Ti ItaoWleaH irty hove by their leg
iflRttotf do)tel as psrt ttf their political
creed Ml dennilly an permnntly en
grafkvl MHn tlieir pUtl"rm the modern
doctrine;
" I1nt a Htate which rises in rekolltofi
MiiMt the rsvamisont of tho United
xalw, loos it pWtieal orfiiitOn as one"
M (he United Stales, ami uwran a mere
lrr4iry, ami can only bo restored to lis
femur jKwltion hjmmi sook oomlltiooa as the
Congre. of the Uwiled States may de-
When ami where did thin doctrine orjgi
jMrte? What authoritative pjUtform of prin
ciples jH-evioo to the 39tk Ooogress orthe
ICiUioan Union party, contained it ? Iy
what Mtminot and fnfliientul members
M( the KtUtoan pArtr was this political
hrey uf State rsiioiile aclvooated? o
bv Mr. Unooln; not V Mn, Seward f nt
by Mr. Chose; not kr Mr. Saafi? Kt by
Oov. Urowiilow, rIIwajsardr'or by
ir own distinguished dtixea, llos W. H.
aVirmor?' ' ,
6n thecontrary, the political taith upon
which' Mr. Lincoln ana "his Cabinet . pro-.
ceeaejf upon which .the Americas Con
gress with marked unanimity in July, 1SG1,
voted; and upon whichhe.war waa prose
cuted to a ijccejful termination, was tint
the ordinances of secession adopted by the
Rebel Stales were void, ab initio,, and, there
fore, would not Injuriously affect the politi
cal rights and personal privileges of its
loyal inhabitants, and whenever the armed
invasion was overthrown, they werb -entitled
to the full enjoyment of all their
privileges as American citizens.
Mr. Lincoln so held when he appointed
Andrefr Johnsoh Military" Governor of
Tennessee.
My colleague from the second district, Mr.
Maynard, on the 23d day of May, 18G2,
held the same views, anjl .in his speech
delivered on that day in ihe Cbjgress of
the United States, so forcibly and beauti
fully expresses the doctrine, that I ask
your indulgence to read an extract :
, "TSe death of States and the crushing
out of Institutions was not the purpose for
"which the American people entered on this
war. They intended the life of States and
the preservation; of institutions. Such has
been, is, and, I venture to affirm, will be
the policy of the President and his admin
istration. It was this high conserving
policy that led him to unclothe of his '
Senatorial robes the great tribune of the
pepp)e,,and . intrust in his hands the labor of
reiostaiing-this great commonwealth, In
whose councils he had long been so con
spicuous. He was sent not to destroy but
to save ; not to create new relations but to
Restore and preserve the old? He found
tlis maqfiinerylllperfect, ' completo, 'but
mdtionless.' The engineer and workmen
had fled ; the fires had gone out, the water
had cooled in the boilers. Another engi
neer is put on duty : other workmen are
summoned to his aid. The fires are re
kindled; the valves open one by one, the
piston-rod begins to glay, and as byde
grees the bolts are' refitted "to the 'shafting,
the whole resume their motion and hum
their accustomed sonjj of industry. The
State was not dead ; its government was
pot destroyed ; merely iU( functions for a
time usurped, and Its action perverted;
its relations to the Federal system Kuspen
ded by violence. When the violence is
overcome and the asnrpation isi subdued,
the former relations become active, and
the functions of Government legitimate
the State exists as before. It has not been
eonquered, it has been restored. It has not
been subjugated, it has been disentralled."
, Compare this declaratipnj jf sprinciples,
with tlf n"evand prbgfesaiy iUiiBorn"oE:
the'. preterit political necessities, and then
ask yourselves who has apostatized from
the faith whose " faces should be covered
with shame?"
i But again,, on this .particular .point yf
political faith, what werelhe views of Gov.
William G. Brownlow ? Listen to his an
nouncement of them in his message to the
Legislature on the 6th day of April 18G5 :
' "Tels with nrofound regret that-I? have
- observed several Republican journals, and
some leading politicians of ability and in
fluence, are opposed to the admission of
Senators and Repreaentatlvjesrdm Tennes
see. They take the ground tUatMhe Stato
should be treatedjisi ternf&ry,' and con
tinued under - military .gti?ennuent, and
subject to the arbitrary orders "of military
rule. If this dangerous aimNfcvolutionary
doctrine is adhered to by .any 'considerable
portion of Senators and Representatives in
Congress, I shall, for one, dread the conse
quences. My confidence in the wisdom
and patriotism pCSenators and Representa
tives, leads me. to believe thev will discard
"indignantly every such proposition. I
taice tne grouna mat 1110 state nas never
been out of the Union, and boldly deny
that thoi unconstitutional and treasonable
acts of those in rebellion ever carried them
out."
And yet the President for adhering to
the same doctrines, and regulating his
political couduct'by them, -is villiiied and
abused by a convention iu the State, which,
at the same time, nominates for re-election
the very man who thus " boldly " utters
and approves of them.
This proposition of dead States was al
ways repudiated by Andrew Johnson. As
early as 18G2, in his address to the people
of the State on assuming the duties of mil
itary Governor, he distinctly denounced it.
In 1803, he repeated it, by telegraph, to
Hon. Montgomery Blair, then a member of
Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet. It was known to
be his political sentiments at the time of
his nomination for Vice President. It was
fully disclosed and elaborated in an article
which appeared in the .Nashville Times
and Union on the 28th of December, 1SG4,
and cordially approved by the Republican
Carty including John W. Forney, who,
y a letter dated January 7, 18G5, address
ing the President, sayB :
" The fact is, my dear Governor, we
cannot resist peace should the Southern
people lay down their arms and demand
to come back into the Union under the
.terms of the amnesty proclamation agree
ing to the abolition of slavery by tho
amendment of the constitution, and con
senting to the restoration of the old Union.
Any party that opposes such an appeal
would come to confusion ; nor can we em
barrass such 'question by legislation on the
subject of negro suffrage, because that
question belongs to the States, and it will
look very odd if the Legislatures of even
the free States should endeavor to confer
the right of suffrage upon the as yet illite
rate negroes, just delivered from slavery
in the South, when in nearly all the free
States, the negroes are wholly disfran
chised." Thus it is, etandjng firmly on the same
platform now which he occupied then, he
is the subject of calumny and abuse, be-
came he cannot yield his convictions of
constitutional law into the keeping of a
party which has rapidly advanced towards
the centralizing of all power in the Con
gross, and the territorializing of the States'.
The thirty-ninth Congress rendered iUelf
notorious by the passage of many bills
having for their object the curtailment of
tlie power or the tiexecutive and the judi
cial ower of the Supreme Court. Against
all those I voted, becau'e I believed
thot the legislation did not originate from
the conviction that it was right or proper
for the welfare of the Government, but
frooi feelings of pnimosily towards the
Executive.
It deprived the President of the power
of removal of incompetent er unfaithful
offieers, and yet holds the "Executive De
partment responsible for the faithful on
loreement of the laws, and thereby over
turning the established policy of the Go
vernment since its organization.
II deprived the President of the power
which baongod to him as pommander-in-ohlef
of the army and navy of the United
States by which, heretofore, he was en
abled to execute law, maintain peace and
eowfcrrott it upon the General.
It closed its labors by the passage of a
reconstruction hill, which subjects tne
Southern States to military rule and with
tho ' openly aowed purpose, that the
effoOt of its tyranny and oppression would
he td induce the" people of the South
ern .State to rewodeJtheir governments
m the terms dictated to them, uy
this measure the terms Tare offered to
thou colored suffrage or military des
PonVni 1 That is the . harvest' rath
erd In by the Congressional reapers !
Lheee are the final fruits of the groat con
test. Oh, my countrymen, to this it has
oonte at last colored suffrage or military
destHMism the political equalitv aud rule
of hek former slaves, or the rule of the
bavonot '
I opitoaed and voted against the military
roeonniruttlon bill. It was. however,
iased, even over the President's veto, and
is now the lew. I voted against Itbecause in
ray opinion it was In direct vl6tatioa of ibo
TnMltunoos of the United States, which
have, worn to support ; because it was over
taralng the uniferaaetioa of the govern
'mefiLsince its organization, br'clothiriztbe
lirmy with, extraordinary and -unlimited
powers in time of peace, over the lives, the
liberty, and the property of the citizens ;
because, it declared Jnvalid. the existing
State- governments .and assumed on the
part of Congress the authority to dictate
to tbn people the terms and conditions un
der which tbey might proceed and; orm
new constitutions, which must be approved
before- they could have representation;
and because each legislation waa danger
ous to the liberties of the people, and its
enforcement would occasion enormous ex
penses, -which, when added to our already
large indebtedness, would make our bur
dens heavy indeed.
The character of this bill may be stated
in a few words. It deprives the people of
the Southern States. of all civil authority.
It delivers overall power in those States to
officers of the army, and clothes them with
complete, absolute, unrestricted authori
ty to administer the affairs of the
States, according to 'their soverign will
and pleasure. Np laws, no statutes,
define or limit their jurisdiction. The
laws of the States are expressly repudiated
and declared invalid. The laws of tho'
United States nowhere punish crimes com
mitted by one citizen on another, or furnish
civil remedies, for the enforcement of con
tracts, or regulate -the transactions between
citizens' of "the same State. The officer of
the army who commands the department
alone makes the laws, and alone enfoi'ces
mem. jib ueuqes tue ngnis auu aacei laiim
the mode for their nrolection. Jn a word.
iieilhe absolute sovereign over hisde-
. . . 1 ' J iL.L 1 . 1
jjaniuem; uis.uecrees .are ineir iawB, uuu
bis will is their rule of action.
Its warmest advocates admitted that it
was an extreme measure, as much so a?
could be framed andenacted by any legis-
lative body unrestricted in their jurisdic
tion by law. ell might they say so
Could a Congress do more? Can you con
ceive of a higher exerciSe of power than to
flotho one man, and ithat man a soldier,
with absolute authority, and control over
millions of liis fellow' men.
In my opinion the condition of tho coun
try did not justify such a complete .aban
donment of the firm foundation upon which
our civil government previously rested.
War no longer existed. It had ceased in
fact and in .contemplation of law. The
state of war, whether "flagrante or ceuanlc"
bad ended, and the btate oi peace had been
restored by tlie proclamation of the Presi
dent, issued in pursuance iu law, and exist
ed in fact as welf as, in law.
ifo person opposed, the legal authority of
the government of the United States. In
its broad domain no armed opposition ex
isted to itaJawful authority, whether civil
or military. Peace,. and ebediqnee to law,
prevailed everywhere. So complete and
final, that although Congress by an act of
legislation overthrows their existing State
governments, adopted as they believed in
accordance with the expressed wishes of the
dominant part, -yyet ybu hear of no re
tolu By "the same act the people were placed
under the absolute control of one man, in
conflict Wiilftfleir opinions and prejudices,
and compelled to resort for the settlement
of their difficulties, the redress of their
wrongs, and the attainment of justice to
drum-head, court martials, or military com
missions, without bavins the benefit of a
jury, or the law of the Jaud, and yet impli
cit obedience marks their Conduct.
The military commander deposes of his
own voluntary will their chosen officers
from posftions of honor and trust, to which
they have beezrelected, without a hearing
or a trial, and: places' iti tlieir vacant offices
only such as he may chose, and the sublime'
spectacle is presented ot a " people." in
whom, r"und6rvour system, .all power' is
vested, amnestied and" pardoned as they
are, quietly yielding .because it .is the will
of their masters.
Let me remind you, my fellow-citizens,
that history teaches us by example this one
standing political truth, that when the law
making power ascertains that it can devise
no civil remedy adequate to a civil emer
gency, and flies for relief "to the aid of the
military, that it is but the forerunner of
the downfall of the republic, the chief rea
son of their decadence and of their death.
The -story is a simple' one. In the en
forcement of the laws, because they are un
just and oppressive, difficulties occur.
Factions arise, each one more intent on
the maintenance of its own supremacy than
In promoting the common good. Instead
of endeavoring to agree, they only try to
thwart and deieat each other, and hn ally,
in desperation and in order that neither
may triumph over the other, they call in
the army and deliver over to a General
the power which they have found them
selves unable to wield.
Such has been the history of events in
other nations, and t the illustrations are
forcible and apposite showing that when
ever the legislative attempts to extend their
power, by cnoroaching on the privileges ot
the co-ordinate departments,, or by assum
ing authority which does not properly be
long to it, it begins from that moment its
own destruction. Having no power ot its
own by which to execute its laws, it is of
necessity obliged to employ the military.
It cannot rely on the courts or the Execu
tive, because its statutes are illegal, olid
thus having to avoid the legal methods of
enforcing its lows, it avails itself of a power
which soon becomes its most dangerous
enemy.
History, as has been well said by an
other, furnishes no single instance- where
an usurping Legislature has not been de
stroyed by the very force it had created,
and whose aid it had invoked. This was
notably the case "with the Parliament of
England, during the times of the Pro
tector, which was forcibly dissolved by
Cromwell in 1G53, by the use of the very
military which it had created.
Such was the fate of the French Assem
bly, when in the opinion of others it en
croached too far on their rights. By the
command of the Director), it was linally
dissolved at the point of the btyonet, in
1791, and afterwards became subject to tlio
rule of the young, daring and ambitious,
Corsican.
These lessons are instructive, and I wish
I had the time to show to you the wonder
ful parallelism between these two great
commotions, and ta give the reasons why
I am of the opinion that, this day, the
United States are as ninch in a state of
revolution as was England in 1G4S, and
France in 1791:
But I must forbear. The practical issues
of the day are too pressing for me to waste
time in giving yea slfch striking illustra
tions of the distingoishing features of all
revolutions showing how the first demands
for a change arc generally right; then how on
the heels of the patriots follows the reformer,
and then how rapidly succeeds the politi
cal demagogue, who, having witnessed the
ejlbrts of the patriot crowned, with success
and glory, and that the reformer attains to
power by the advancing of some brilliant
Utopia, concludes to try the public taste
with the most extreme and cxhilirating
niedioinc, and announces doctrines whiah
startle the patriot, and stagger the re
.former yet are applauded by the lunatic
and approved by the .Radical.
Pure Radicalbm steps at nothing, cares
for nothing human or divine, and, having
once tasted the sweets of power, hesjtates
at the adoption of no measure necessary to
retain it. It raged fearfully in England.
In 1649 it beheaded the King, abolished,
tlie Parliament, and, in the name of Gad
and liberty, cstablished-a military despot
ism which plundered the unfortunate citi
zens as long as it endured. Personated in
France in the cruel and calculating lives
of Robespicrc and St, Just, it beheaded the
King and Queen, abolished all regular
government, guillotined the republicans
and patriots, and established a tyranny
which exceeded in sanguinary ferocity any
that had ever previously existed.
My fellow citizens tihall we come to this?
We are but men, with like passions and
prejudice, to those of our own race, who
We heretofgre committed these acts, and
can but remember that' they -were all one
-la theicrl3"anierof4iberty,.
"Will you not be warned' by the eloquent
language of Daniel Webster, wholn speak
ing of the South American Spates says :
"A military republic-a government
formed: 6df Mock' elections, andf Bujiporfed
daily by the sword, Is a movement indeed,
but a retrograde and disastrous .movement
from the regular and old fashioned nioiv
archical systeni,1 apd adds, in regard to
Republican institution? :
"If men would enjoy the blessings of Re
publican government, they must govern,
themselves by reason, by mutual couriiel
and consultation, by a 6ense and feeling of
general interest, and iby'the acquiescence of
the minority in the will of the majority
properly expressed ; and above all, the
military mu3t be kept according, ,lo -the
language of our bill of rights, in strict sub
ordination to the civil authority. When
ever this lesson is not both 'learned and
practiced, there can be no political free
dom. Absurd, preposterous ia it, a scoff
and a satire on free forms of constitutional
liberty, for forms of government to be pre
scribed by military leaaerp, with the. right
of suffrage to be exercised at the point of
the bayonet."
Surely a time will como when such views,
so wise and salutary, will find once more
a resting place in the minds of the Ameri
can people. Will the popular enthusiasm
which has been so adroitly nursed rust
forever? Will Hhe prestige which a .suc
cessful war has invested the dominant
party, n, Congress never ,be-5 .dissipated?
Are lhe1re.no disintegrating qualities hid.
dert in thEIr Jmdst i Is it possible that so
large and'powerful a partyrcah continue tq J
liVe when ho longer Yorced to harmony
by the fear of successful opposition, or
solidified by the purpose of outside antag
onisms? . .
Again, all this system of legislation,
;wh.ether in Congress or in our own State '
Legislature, is carried through and pushed
to their conclusions by minorities, without
giving to the people an opportunity to cor
rect them, and frequently in direct, conflict
with their wishes.- iNo one will have tue
temerity to dispute the known fact that
our present Legislatnre are the representa
tives of a mere handful of our people, and
that even the wish of that constituency was
not consulted or obeyed -in their recent"
legislation but tby acted Alone from the
promptings of their own feelings, and with
the view of retaining power. And yet
their legislation is the law o,f the land, and
must be obeyed so long as it remains unre
pealed, or not declared void by the courts.
The Supreme Court has unanimously
decided the "franchise laws" passed by the
"Legislature first elected under the amend
ed constitution" constitutional, therefore,
its provisions are part of-the 'constitution
of the State, and should 'be, accordingly,
faithfully observed. My opinion as to iheir
constitutionality, wisdom and policy, has
been more than, once announced to you.
It.differedurom Jthe opinion delivered by
the court, but it was a mere opinion; their's.
whether right or wrong, Is authoritative, and
I declare to you, in all frankness, should
be acquiesced in.
I did not believe that national stability
would be promoted "by Incorporating into
the body politic . this element of colored
suffrage. Ignorant, uneducated, and just
emerged from slavery, the colored citizens, "
as a class, in my opinion, did not posses,
the quali fications necessary for the full and,
intelligent exercise of the ballot, I be
lieved that it wonld- require time in which
to prepare them for it3 judicious use. I
thought that they would have to be in
structed by that slow and gradual develop
ment which is necessary for the full reali
zation of. their capacity for self-government;
that would be after years of struggle and
toil ; that, as a classy theywould reach that
standard, of culture and information which
would justify the conferring upon them of
political equality. They have never, as a
race, founded -in their native land great
empires, or rescued themselves from the
tyranny of others, and that, therefore, time
might be allowed for their instruction, and
for the allaying of the animosities yet
actively in operation, originating from dif
ferences in caste and race, and incident to
tlie former relationship which they occu
pied towards each other.
Our law-makers came to a different con
clusion, and I yield my opposition, as it is
the law. They arc voters, entitled to all
of its privileges and benefits, and this day
I address them as constituents, whose po
litical power is as great in the ballot-box
as the most favored of our own race.
I have no animosity, or hatred, or jeal
ousy towards the" colored people. For
their welfare and happiness 1 feel now, as
I have always felt, a kind solicitude. Liv
ing in a community where they were held
in slavery, their "owner and master by
purchase and inheritance, I always en
deavored to do my duty by them. How I
have performed that duty, let those who
know me answer. This day I have in
my employment, under compensation,
the very servants who I formerly
owned. They have never deserted me. I
will not prove ungrateful and forsake
them. In their hands, during this terri
bla war, I risked my life and all of my
wo'rdly goods. They never betrayed the
trust committed to them. They protected
what was placed under their charge. Do
cile, faithful and affectionate, I can never
forget them, and I will protect them in the
enjoyment or all their civil rights a? s'a-"
credly as I woulJ'my owji.
Such appeals as I may'make to the col
ored citizens for their support, will be pre
dicated upon the same reasonings that I
address to all other qualified voters. Laws
which affect our welfare, now equally af
fects theirs, and legislation which would be
tyrannical and oppressive upon Jthe white
voter, would be equally so upon the colored.
Let my history in regard to them as a
race, speak for itself. 1 ask no more ; and
to them leave the question for their own
unprejudiced decision.
One other suggestion, and by no means
the least interesting to us all, is the expense
and cost of these "military establishments,"
national and State. eOur own history
furnishes us startling evidence of their ex
tent, and warning us of the danger of na
tional bankruptcy. How many troops will
be required to furnish the proposed pro
tection? Sixty thousand national forces,.
and eight thousand State troops.- These
troops will cost the nation sixty millions
of dollars, and the Stole eight millions, if
all the troops are called into active service.
This money is to be wrung out of the sinews
and labor of the citizens, whether white or
colore'.
If there is any ntcessity for such an
armed force, the question of cost would not
be canvassed; but when a time of profound
peace, with but slight opjiosition to the
enforcement of the laws, we know that
there is no necessity for a standing.army,
and we warn you of the dangers, and di
rect your attention soberly to the inevita
ble results.
The practical question with the people
of the Southern States is, what shall they
do? My advice to them is to organize their
State governments under the provisions of
the bill. I would not hesitate one moment.
The terms are more liberal than our home
Legislature has granted to our own people.
In fact, the terms of the bill were opposed
by my colleagues from the third and sixth
districts, because they were too liberal to
Rebels. With my devbtion to a govern
ment of law, in preference to a military
government, I would infinitely prefer
living under a civil government, although
the laws were enacted by a Legislature
composed of colord members, and executed
. i it .i . i .
by colored civil omcers, man 10 oa com
pelled to risk my life, my liberty and
property in the hands of such " military
murderers" as General Payne, of the Fed
eral army, orMajorBlackwell,of the Rebel
army. "Need I say that they are but types
of a class of which all armies are filled.
My friends, I care norby what organiza
tion the safety of the republic is secured.
if its safety is only rendered ocrtaini JTbet
Interests of individuals and parties sink
'into insignificance when .compared, with
thegmt falereSu involved in the perpe,
I
tally of the government Individual life,
liowever dear to .its possessor, and the brgan;
ization of parties, however compact, are
necessarily temporary and Heeling, "whilst
our form of government should, survive
from generation to generation.-
My opposition to the policy of the Re
p,ublican,s in.Cotfgresa.was foundedupon a
cocseientioii!-. belief that their extreme legis
lation would iiot produce true patriotism
and substantial justice Under .it they
forced upon the people schemes of military
government at war with every principle of
constitutional -law, and now they advocate
measures for the confiscation of the proper
ty of the citizens, of the Southern States,
whether loyal or disloyal, in conflict with
every sentiment oT Christian statesmanship
or human philanthropy. -
Thaddeu3 Stevena has tauntingly pro
claimed, to the Congress, and the doctrine
has been acquiesced in, "that within the
boundaries of the Rebel States all citizens,
whether loyal, or disloyal, are public and
alien enemies, and by the sword they have
been conquered, and are dependent for
their lives and property on the will of the
conqueror alone."
Hence, he argues in favor of the confis
cation of five hundred millions of Southern
property, and graciously insists that the
people should be satisfied because he spares,
their unprofitable lives being a commu
nity of "traitors, robbers and murderer?."
Ihi3 key note is caught up by the Sena
tor from, Massachusetts, Mr. Sumner, and
defiantly proclaimed in the House of Rep
resentativea" by" Geh. "Butler, In language
plain and unmistakable.
"The people of theSouth are our subjects,
made so "by the result of the war. They
;are dependent on the will of Congress. "We
have the right to mtiJ:e them do exactly
'what we say they shall do, add to omit fr
'do exactly what we say they shall not do.
;They are' entirely in our hands, because
governments 'must deal with, communities
'and not with individnals. The individual
must partake of the character, and suffer
the fate of the conimunities in which he
resides."
This doctrine of universal confiscation,
advocated by the, pro'minertt "Republicans
.that I have named, 'shocks the .cultivated
iutellect of the -world, and Would be con
sidered a disgrace to any' civilized nation.
The whole theory upon, wjiich it rest3 is
born of. the passions of ' the contest, .and
should terminate when that contest ceased,
Its advocacy at this late day only demons
Btrates the madness' that controls leading
men, and which yet rules the hour.
"My countrymen, true statesmanship is
passionless. 1 " Calm amid the tumults of
tt'ar, or the angry strife of political parties,
the true statesman looks steadily to the
permanent interests of the country,-and a3
far as possible holds in check any move
ment calculated to endanger itssafeiy. He
has his eye on the unity of the republic;
ppon the perpetuity ot Its form of govern
ment; upon rescuing it on the one. hand,
from the disloyal sentiment which precipi
tated the Southern peopje into the late dis
astrous and terrible war j; and, on the o.ther,
saving it from .the vindictive legislation of
Radical partisans, who would, by the pas
sage of a system of agrarian legialation,rob
aud despoil the industrious and economical
6f their hard-earned gains, and distribute
them amongst the indolent add thriftless.
Men, I say to you, that the government
is passing through a most trying ordeal,
and that prudence on the part of the peo
ple, and judgment, founded Upon reason,
on the part of the law-rnakera, is required,
to so direct our national affairs a3 to save
our country from ruin. Jts strength and
endurance fs now. being-tested, and the
gravis question, so important for i all, has
now to be settled. Will it survive, with its
constitution marred by no violence, and its
glorious privileges and powers prostituted
by no oppression ?
As your representative, I have never
hesitated to sHstain all measures which
seemed to me essential for the protection of
the republic in its unity, and its just and
legitimate sovereignty, or which I believed
calculated to promote the public welfare.
At all times I withheld my support from
what I considered schemes calculated to
retard the rorkicgs ,pf-the government,
and (having for Jheir avowed object the
maintenance qf party supremacy.
Believing, as I have always, that no
higher evidence of political insanity could
be furnished, though an attempt to con
ciliate the people of the country by the
passage of unjust laws, which illegally dis
criminated against the political and civil
equality of the citizens, I invariably voted
against all such propositions, and I appeal
to you this day, whether, in your opinion,
legislation, which deprives the citizens of
their means of support ; which places them
under military control; which closes their
courts; which deprives them of tho right of
trial by jury, and by the laws of the laud,
is calculated to make the citizen love the
government. Power compete obedience,
but does it ever create or maintain patriot
ism? "Neither the loyal or disloyal will
prosper under such , legislation, and
the sympathies, even of the mojt zealous of
their opponents, will be excited and
aroused for those who, althougd erring and
now repentant, are made the helpless vic
tims of "military misrule."
1 know that the Governor of this State
believes in tlie wisdom of such legislation,
but in this I differ widely with him, sJS do
.many prominent members of the Republi
can party. 1 know that in the address
which he published to the people of Ten
nesse on the 17th day of August, 18GG, he
uses language so cruel and vindictive as to
make
"Each particular hair sttinJ on end,"
and in which, in certain events, he proposes
the march of three armies through our de
voted land ; who, to use his own language,
"will, as they ought to do, make the entire
Southern Confederacy as God formed the
earth when he commenced the work of
creation, ' without form and void.' They
wilt not, and ought not to leave a Rebel
fence-rail, outhouse, or dwelling in the
eleven seceded States; and, as for the
Rebellpopulation, let them be exterminated.
And when the war is wound up, which
should be done rapidly and with swift de
struction, let the lands be surveyed and
sold out to pay the expenses of the war,
and settled only by a people that will
respect the stars and stripes."
And this man, preacher, Govornor, who
calmly and deliberately uttered these sen
timents, so unlike the teachings of the
meek and lowly one whose ordained min
ister, he claims to be, is nominated for re
election, and by his party friends warmly
endorsed.
And I heard on the floor of Congress the
eloquent and classic gentleman from Con
necticut, Mr.Brandegee.no doubt educated
in the academic shades of "venerable
Yale " describe with flowing language the
imminent dangers which threaten the gov
ernment from the "Sibilant tongues of
Southern women, and the prattling Iwps of
Southern babes."
He wa3 frightened at a "woman's voice,"
actually quaking at the "lisp of Southern
babes," and with quivering lips he "de
manded once more, in the name of the
God of justice, tounsheath tlie greatsword
of the republic, and place it in the hand
of the greatest captain of the age," to war
upon helpless women andyoung children.
Think of it Boberly if you can, serioualy if
possible General'Grant to direct a cam
paign against "the Sibilant tongues of
Southern women, and the prattling lisp3 of
Southern babes, lisping curses against the
Union."
AVby, my friends, the renowned and
valiant deeds of Falstaff, performed in his
conflict with the men in buckram, on Ken
sal Green, when he fought so many hours
by "Shrewsbury clock," would be insignifi
cant, in comparison with the deeds of valor
and renown which would be won in such a
campaign ; 'and the ' tilting" of the "knighs
errant" would only be rivalled by the ex
ploits of the renowned. -""Knight - of 'La
eMancha," when, with vizor down and
ipear at rest, be charged., .upon the "wind
mill" ;
Let ns torn ifrom jhe rcontatapUtion of
thi3 bloody and revengeful method of say
ing the rouniry, and notice, for a few mo
ments, how different tbe language and sen
timents of some of the most distinguished
leaders of the Republican party lately ut
tered in Congress, full of genuine patriot
ism, and demonstrating 'that time- has
brought its healic influences to wounds
that are yet bleeding and - painful, and
proving that the asperities which have
heretofore controlled the Northern mind
have been mollified by the gentle teachings
of peace. , .
Hear what the Hon. John A. Bingham
uttered a few days ago in Congress, in
answer to thtf "blood-thirsty" doctrines
announced "by General Butler:
"The, distinguished gentleman from Mas
sachusetts, Mr. Buller, asks" us to apply, in
timcof peace, to the people of the South
ern States, the iron rule of Tvar. Sir, I can
not consent to that. No war racks the
continent; no-armed rebellion threatens
with overthrow the institutions of the
country. The pillars of the' holy temple
of onr liberties do not tremble in the storm
of battle; the whole heavens are no longer
covered with- blackness, and the habita
tions of the people are no longer filled with
lamentation and sorrow because their beau
tiful have perished in the high places of
the land. Sir, you tnay apply in the diy
of war the iron rule of war, and say that
tbe innocent and unoffending in the belea
guered city shall perish with the guilty;
but when war's dread alarm has ended, as
happily it has With us when the broken
battalions of treason have surrendered to
the triumphant legions of the republic,
let no man stand within the forum of the
people and utter the horrid blasphemy that
you should render Ihem no assistance in
the hour of their need that you shall
grant to them tiri .forgiveness, because they
,once had rebelled and fotight against their
country. The sacred dust of our perished
braves -would rebuke mfe if I did, because
they know that mercy is an attribute of
God."
Equally benignant and kind is the lan
guage of-Hob. Ignatius Donelly, of Minne
sota, who urges tbe adoption of a liberal
and charitable spirit towards the people of
the States lately in rebellion, "as better
calculated to allay the feallngs -which now
exist in theSouth against the people of the
North than any other measure that could
be adopted," and for the additional reason
that by such legislation "It will go abroad
amongst the nations' of the earth that this
American republic has attained a loftier
standard than that of any nation known to
history that we' have not only not visited
with 'severity, wrath and punishment, the
men-who waged for four years a fierce re
bellion to destroy us, but, roused, by the
cries of suffering humanity, we have 'abso
lutely extended the hand of relief to the
emmies of the nation."
Listen to what Hon. Henry "Wilson, of
Massachusetts, said in the Senate bn the
20tb day of March, T867,-when replying
to-Senators Nye" and Fowke, and then, with
grateful hearts, thank; God that prominent
and influential members of the Republican
party, known heretofore as extreme and
Radical, have risen to the height of the
great occasion, and uttered language that is
calculated to restore harmony and fraternal
affection amongst the people of the whole
country, and which is an acknowledgment
of the political wisdom and sagacity of the
President, and those of us who, since the
close of the war, by the surrender of Gen.
Lee and the Confederate forces, have inva
riably urged, "with malice towards none
and kindness- for all," conciliation as the
true and 'certain' remedy for the injuries
under which the country is suffering, and
who, for thus arguing, without any change
of political faith, have beerf tauntingly
charged by our opponents with being Cop
perheads, Democrats and Rebel sympa
thizers. I gladly announce the dawn of a brighter
day, and point triumphantly for my own
vindication to the fact that the time Fas
arrived when a Senator from Massachusetts
can utter such patriotic sentiments.
" I say to the Senator from Nevada Mr.
Nye that bloody struggle, to whiclrall
the passions of the people of the South and
of the North have been aroused, and is
.ended ; that contest of ideas is closed. Pa
triotism, humanity and Christianity bid us
of the North and of the South subdue,
hush, calm the passions engendered by the
terrific conflicts which we have passed, and
to call the dews of blessing, not the bolts of
cursing, down upon each other. We should
remember the words of our own poets of
freedom and humanity :
" Always he most forjiveth
In bis brothor, is most just."
You will cheerfully remember, my fellow-citizens,
that such have always been
my sentiments. I have more than once ut
tered them in your hearing, and that ever
since the close of the rebellion I have
urged upon the Union party the broadest
liberality toward those " bone of onr bone,.
and flesh of our flesh," who have "erred
and strayed away " from what we believed
was the " true faith."
I well know how easy it was to appeal
to the passions aud prejudices of those who
were engaged on the opposite side of this
great struggle. I felt the temptation, and
yet I resisted, whilst others identified with
the Union party of Tennessee yielded, and
and by appeals sought to raise into a "fever
heat" the passions and prejudices already
excited by the conflict of arms in the
bosoms of our countrymen, who have
risked their lives, and fortunes in defense
of the Union of the States. It seemed to
me that the friends of the Union, whose
cause had triumphed in the contest, should
so direct the legislation toward the van
quished as to prove, beyond a doubt, that
it was not passed under passion prejudice
and hatred, but only under the impulse of
a generous patriotism, regulated by the
affections and the conscience, and con
trolled by our reason.
How fearfully different has been the
course of Our legislation from the benifi
cent principles thus advocated, let the deep
seated and intense murmuring of over four
fifths of the population of the State testify,
writhing under a system of civil thraldom.
To my mind, no greater political error
could have been committed, and the har
mony which is so essential to the perpetui
ty of the republic, can only be restored by
tue adoption of such measures in our future
legislation as will remove all cause of hos
tility on the part of any portion or class of
citizens.
Let our cardinal political principle be,
"equal and exact justice to all."
One word more, and I am done. The
President of the United States is charged
with having committed "great crimes and
misdemeanors," and I avail myself of this
opportunity once more to vindicate his
character, and bear my humble testimony
to the firmness with which he has, undis
mayed, resisted all unconstitutional legis
lation, and as a bulwark, protecting the
rights of the people.
My friends, think of him in his earlier
years, when he had been put to hard
struggles fore mere existence, and yet he
found time for close and laborious study.
This very study made him earnest and
intense. Simple in his tastes, masculine
and untiring in his efforts, he is of that
mould in which, in earlier times, the suc
cessful men of action were cast. He ac
knowledges in life no such thing as fail,
and whatever may be his future, he has
never despaired.
. It was by those rare and romantic inci
dents, which fiction cannot invent, and
which I call with diffidence from the fields
of his real life, that he ascended the social
and political ladder, until he has won pal
pable and distinct reputation and rank.
Ills v ery success provokes all the sar
casm of wit ; all the wails of party j all
the slanders of envy, and he is now-3 mark
sbot at by arrows steeped in tbe poison that
is distilled in the crucible of baffled am
bition, and inordinate halt.
You cannot know his early struggles.
Only those'whp know, him best can-Tully
appredalejfheni. -How many years he la
bored for independence before it waa won,
f My 'friends and countrymen, is there noth
ing in such a life' to shield and protect it ?
Think of his unconquerable hope, as he
struggled manfully against the obstacles in
his pathway, caused by poverty and want.
Think of a. young heart aspiring, "yet
wrung, and chafed; and sorely tried still
unshaken and undismayed, always striv
ing until to-day ho is the President! .
Picture him as a boy, feeling with what
energies be. was gifted, controlled by the
three great friends God has given to the
poor
"Faith. Energy. Time "
faith in the divinity that Was within him,
energy to "perfect Its development, and
time in which,- its great aitnsi could ' be
wrought out. These talisman ic words
were Indelibly stamped on his memory,
and always cheered him-through hardships
and difficulties:
Surely such a life, instead of exciting in
the hearts of the great and good feellings
of envy and jealousy, should only make
them feel that through such a life, enjoyed
as the energetic and robust .enjoy it, God's
great principle of success, moves and
breathes; and that thui are we taught how
much of aid and solace the many derive
from the everlasting genius of the few.
The. President has undergone serious
trials. His strong and self-reliant nature
has never been lapped In ease and luxury,
They who never suffer pain or encounter
opposition know nothing of the exquisite
pleasure incident from, the repose from
toil. The duty of the noble on earth falls
not .amidst the rosy garden of the epicu
rean. We may covet the man who enjoys,
and rests, but the smile of Heaven settles
rather on the brow of those wholafior and
aspire
Success engenders in the minds of thelow
and groveling, "envy, hatred, malice, and
all nncharitableness." They would destroy
what they cannot rival or. corrupt. , They
would unaermxiie, by "stories oft repeated,"
which have no -existerie'e except in the
filth and slime of their own hearts. Ken
nels, rank with corruption, where- young
dogs arc fed,
"Tray, Blanche and Sweetheart
To bark at his heels."
And such men dare to question the integrity,-character
and political honesty .of An
drew Johnson. f
" An esgloln his pride, of plume
Hawed at by mousing owls 1"
Crime we kpow is punished from without
by the strbng arm of the law ; vice is only
punished from within. The slanders of
this hollow world are not to be petted with
the soft roses qf poetical justice". If- no
thunderbolts from Heaven ever fall on
their heads, if they are destined still to eat
and drink, and live on, they will grow old ;
their infirmities of temper and passion will
'increase upon them; their resources of
pleasure will be dried up; and for them
there will be no savor in their food, or
pparkl& in their wine,' because they will be
tormented by conscience for having en
deavored, without cause, or reason, or pro
vocation, to destroy the character of the
great " Tribune of the people," from mere
peasonal or partisan considerations.
In a word, my fellow-citizens, they will
sink so low in their own and the public
estimation, as to beggar poverty and shame
disgrace.
And now, in announcing myself as a
candidate for re-election to Congress from
the fourth district, I submit my claims to
tlie consideration of the qualified Voters of
the district, without regard to race or color,
and can only refer them to mv past politi
cal career as to what it will be in the fu
ture, and with the confidence of having
endeavored to faithfully perform my du
ties, will retire to private life, if it should
bo your will,
"Elko one who wraps the drapery of his coach
About him. and lioj down to pleasant ilreama."
Kemoval and New Interest.
Iir FltEEMAJT A- CO, HAVE PUK-
. chaied of V. F. UANQ. Jr.. bis intcreH
in the firm of DOKMAN J: BANG, and removed
their stock of WALL PAPER, to the spacious
MUSIC HOUSE,
MASONIC TEMPLE, SI CHURCH ST.
The two branches 'of business will be kept
distinct. Tbe
MUSICAI, DEPARTMENT,
conducted byR. Dorman aud other skilled in
the business, will be under tho name and style of
DORMAN & FItEEMAK
THE
Wall Paper Department
Will beeondueted by N.T. ScTL R. FREEMAN.
Our GILT WORKS. MIRRORS.
PORTRAIT AND PICTURE FRAMES.
WINDOW SITADES,
VENETIAN BLTNDS.
ARTISTS' MATERIALS,
French and American Picture Glass,
LOOKING GLASS. PLATES, BTC,
Have been removed to
78 North Cherry SI reel,
(Colonnade Building.)
Where orders will be promptly attended to by
L.Jt. FREEMAN. J. W. ORCHARD, and W.
R. FREEMAN, with other competent workmen.
Our senior partner. W. FREEMAN, will r
main in Philadelphia, Pa,, to purchwe foixis
lor DOin nouses. e nope 10 receive, buu win
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V jan27tf W. FREEMAN CO,
THE BEAUTIFUL
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Qalltlnsr Gnnge with Ench Mnelilne.
The onlr M&qhine that wilt Gather and Sew
od at the same time bv simply
lengthening tbe Stitch.
Every Machine Warranted.
Prices sanie as ether first-ctaw MaehlnM.'M
General Arenay.
New No. 34 North Cherry Bt.
Als, General Azener for the
Howe Sewing Machines.
Which for manufacturiDr purposes nnot b
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MACHINES OF ALL KINDS REPAIRED
AND WARRANTED IN ORDER.
JU All kinds of Family Sewing- doni to order
at th Florence aad tho Howe Agencies.
SO. 84 (old No. 17) CHEItRY ISTBEET.
CAMP & ELLIOTT,
feU8 QENERAL AGENTS.
OHUEGH STREET BAKEBY,
Ho 176 Church 8trcet.
3. HeCOCGU .
A cent.
T RESPECTFULLY INFORM. MY FRIENDS
1 aod tbe public Ihit l ean suplily them with
Fresh Bread ssd Rolls, mernicg and ereninr.
made of tfe. Terr best material. Families nrlli
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A ffae iiSrtment or Cakes 'and Pastry eon
stintlT en hand; X)rdr' tolieitcJ, ndweTerr-
thing warranted to b mftd,f the Tiry best
materials, bjr superior workmen.
satlS Is
1L: u y -
THE FIT AND FINISirOFTinaQTinS
weclaim to be Superior Hjaaj Mrag
pattmsnt. wo keep a saptfnt ortKi Mil
in tbis market, in a.idltten Mr Mr saurc Uai
Men's Furnishmg 6oods
DRAWEF
DERSHIKTSSii-i
SQCKi
JSPENDBRSr
GLOVES
6QAJRE3.
HE
lbfDKBROHIBBfl,
hats. & ar p " 43 A. igs ,
And in fast avery tHju pertain! &fgatte
man's toilet. -,
Jl. Bu : THOaiPSOT.
(Old-No. 23) 41 Clserrr"treet.
Jan25-tf r ' . r . 1 ,
; JQHK T. TOOTC J.'VT X13U. sTu. XWBgHT
FOOtE, NASH & CO,,,
!ffog, 17 arid 19 WestOolumbiaiSlri
.
DISTIIil-EltS "...
OF COLOGSE
1 H PI KITS.
XXO DOVSSTlf . .' ,:. '.. i
LIQUORS AND . WINES..
DRH.KR3 tS WWttSK
KOliERTSON VO BSTY, '. .
BOURBON', KYK AXO 3IOXONU AHIliv
' .... '-
w ii i & ic 1 33 s.
Proprietors of the celebrated brand of Qm Bet
M it Valley -WWsky.:
tnaylS dly ' -Z
OF" OlfOJMJE .&
Middle Tennessee laiffll
FOE SAT.E,
Wilhlu Kctcu Mile of Nashville, "
TIIE UNDERSIGNED OFFERS FOR SALTS
1,000 Acres of the Troet of Land en wHetl
he reside. It is susceptible of eoavenieat ut
sion. b exceedindy rieh, nnd Is CHpoclnlly
nitnptcd to Gross ex. One-half of tba tract
fs now in luxuriant gross, the balanoein timber,
which, by the aid of tbe Northwestern Railroad,
which passes through, it. oauld be Mid in Nash
ville for more than the whole land weald osiu
If you desire ona of the best Htoclt I'nrtim
ever offered for sale In Davidson oounty, apply
at once. I am determined to sell.
I ofTer. also, a large number of Thoronuli
bred Mock several fine Stallions from fear
to six years old, a few Mores, and a number of
one and two year old Colts some of them is
fine condition to be trained tho noxtseawm.
If the Stallions aro not sold soou, they will hn
fanned on favorable term.
I also offer for sale a pair of Tlioroagrli
bred tleltlliic, well matched and brake .to
Harness. W. G. JIAILDIXG.
December 6, 1S66. tf
The Louisville Courier, Augusta CosMlUtlen
alist. Mobile Advertiser and Register, eepy to
tho amount of 320 and forward bills to this Ofiee.
IVIcCLURE'S MUSIC STORE.
EM TAB 1. 1 SUED IX ISB0. .
rpHE UNDERSIGNED 13 ROLE AGENT
L for Pianos from the renowned Bteinway,
Knabe A Co.. Dunham. Soebbeler. dais A Co.,
Marshall i Traver ranging in priee from WOO
to inoo. The " Parl'jr Gem." made by Mar
shall .t Traver. is a perfect littlo beauty, aad Is
warranted in every particular, for the lovr prico
of 8310.
The Urgent and finest asjortmentof Amerwan
Organs. Sheet Muie. Mnsie Books, and general .
musieal merchandise in tho South, whleh Is
being daily augmented.
Vir Those dealing with us will Insure a saving
of the transportation over parties buying in;
New York and large cities at a distartc. as we '
sell precisely at Factory prices: besides wai
ranting all Pianos and Organs from our ettar
llshment. Orders from a dirtanee promptly
filled, and Music mailed frsa of postage.
Pianos and all kinds of Musical Instrument
tuned and repaired by 8. Hahn. Orders left1
with us will be promptly attended ta.
JAS. A McCl.UllX,
MtMfo Pabtfeher.
mar!7 3 M Union 8reet.
SUGAR,
COFFEE
JkSO
MOLASSES,
1000 hds fair to choice N. 0. Sugar;
500 barrels Kew Orleans Molasses ;
500 halfbbls. New Orleans Molasses;
2000 bags fair to choice Rio Coffee;
150 Mats choice Java Coffee ;
25 Tierces Prime Carolina Sice ;
In store and ai riving, fur sale by -
.VKVCOMO, BUCUAJfAN t Co.,
31 fourth Rtrctj " Y
mar1-3m LOUISVILLTi; KX.
37 . t
..t
BOOTS AND SHOES.
NEW STORE! NEW GOODS!
King's celebrated Philadelphia Ladles' 9fees t
M'Mulliru' neted PhKaddpMa Gents Btst
I have a general assortment f Bee4s asd
Shoes, Just purchased far oaaa at reduced price
and will sell cheap.
No. 37 Union street. Nerth side, between CW
lejo and Cherry streets.
mart! JAS. B. FITCH.
PLANTERS'
BANK NOTES.
rpHB HOLDERS OF THE NOTKS OF T:
X Planters Manic saouia near in rama i&ai hh
notes must be pretested ta the underttgiicd
within tHe time prescribed by law, or tbe wM
be forever barred. Certificate!) wilt b hcd
far tha notes when presented. Tbn aartM-
catcs wilt be received at par ta payment M awf
debt due the Bank, and are tmw wUi aisetr
five cents lit the dollar. D. WEA VKli.
mtts) Imw Trustee, aad JUettvar.
THE SECOND
NATIONAL BAM, ;
OF NASHVILLE. :y- m
College Street, near Union wv
Designated Depositary and Financial Agent ''
of the United States, -.i
it is prepared ta transact a' regular Baaktag
busiasi, and furnish Bxshangaon - - -; - -
NEW YORK.
NEW ORLEANS.
Government Securities, Uold andlr.sraibt
. .JOHN LUMSDEN:! President?
W. J. THOMAS. Cshlr-
oetH-ir.
en
1
VI'
5.
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