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Daily American organ. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1856, November 14, 1854, Image 1

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"The Perpetuation of American Freedom in our otyect; American Righta our motto; and the American Party our cognomen."
VOLUME I.
WASHINGTON, D. C., TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 14, 1854.
NUMBER 2.
rtmUSHID XVKEY afternoon, (except huniuy,) at
TUX CORNER or LOUISIANA AVENUE AND
TKNTII STREET, BY
AN ASSOCIATION OP NATIVE AMERICANS.
PRINTED BY
JOSIAII MELVIN.
Terms.
DALLY PAPER, 10 CENTS A WEEK, OK $5 A YEAH ;
WEEKLY PAPER, $2 A YEAR,
In Advance.
RATES OF ADVERTISING.
Dm square, tint insertion, 50 conU; each subsequent I
insertion, 20 cents ;
One square one week $1 75
One square one month 5 00
One square three months 10 00
Ten lines, or less, make a square.
HF* Cords of two lines, yearly, live dollars.
Tlio following preamble and resolutions,
adopted at a mass meeting of the citizens of I
Washington, on the 27th day of Se, 'ember '
last, priwent the general sentiments Uf the
" Amerioan party" in this city, and will doubt
less bo read with interest by the friends of I
American principles throughout the country, '
to wit:
Whereas, a publio meeting of citizens of Washing
ton was held at Carusi's Saloon, on the 19th instant,
upon a call made in and approved by the Executive
organ, tho proceedings of which, in the resolutions
im id to have been adopted at that meeting, and in the
speeches of oertain selected Orators at a subsequent
adjourned meeting, are now spread before tho public
eye in the columns of said organ, and its kindred
Sreason, with approbation; and whereas said resolu
ons, however dressed up in abstract professions of
patriotism, assail principles dear to tlio American
heart and necessary to the safety of the eonstitutiotf'
and to the ]>cace and prosperity of our country; and
whereas, the Executive is invoked therein remove
from public employment such officeholders M enter
tain '-?"l*." ?v>r.mhv to iMirnetrate rfflythless
WUH muqv J/..?,.
proscription of both Whigs and Democrats Thr as
honest difference of opinion ; therefore? * < ?
Jietolvtd, That mere professions of love to the'eon
stitution and to civil and religious freedom, when
oontradictcd by actions, cannot deceive the sensible
and vigilant guardians of American liberty, whose
apprehensions have been excited at beholding the
strides that have beon made toward a complete con
trol of our government by the subjects or a foreign
potentate well-known as the avowed enemy of our j
whole American system, to whose overthrow they
are solemnly devoted.
JThat, as vigilant custodians of that bene
ficent Bystem of civil and religious freedom bequeath
ed to us by the fathers of the republic, it is our duty ,
to meet and repel all insidious attacks upon our lib
erties as well as all open assaults; and that we view
with indignation and ularra the assertiou of princi
ple* and purposes, ou tho part of the recognised ex
eonenta of the Roman Catholic Church in the United
tatcs, subversive of our republican institutions,
which constitute aggressions of such a character
that, if not now resisted, will lead, at 110 distant day, i
I to the overthrow of the American Constitution and
the oomplete establishment of despotism.
JittolteJ, That while, in the past political divisions
of the country, as Whigs and Democrat*, we have
?truggled in honest conflict over contested principles
and measures, all of which are now settled, yet in
the present crisis of danger to all that both parties
hold dear we will bury every remembrance of past
opposition, and " pledge to each other our lives, our
fortunes, and our sacred honor" not to cease our ex
ertions until our country shall be freed from the
dangers that n?w menace it.
Metolved, That we proclaim, as the cardinal princi
ple* of our political and moral creed, a sacred regard
for the constitution in all its provisions, upon which
uro based our glorious American principles?freedom
of speech, freedom of opinion, freedom of conscience,
freedom of the press, together with a school system I
for tho diffusion of intelligence, sanctified bv an open
Bible as the rule of faith and practice, holding as an
established principle that intelligence and virtue are
essential to the success of a free government.
Kt*olveJ, That whilo we Welcome to our country
the victims of tyranny from foreign lands, and offer
. them a place bv our side under the shield of ouroon
f stitution, we claim for Americans tho right to govern
their own oountry; and those who do not like our
government have our hearty oonaent to go elsewhere
in the pursuit of happiness.
. K*srltrJ, That the fourth resolution of the meeting
f[ at Caruai's Saloon, recommending to the President ot
' the United State* proscription of ail officers of the
federal government who may have thought tit to be
come members of the association of Know Knoth
ings?a recommendation which, before its adoption,
had been recognised and acted upon by the Execu
tive of the United Statea?proposes an alarming apd
dangerous infraction of the principles of aelf-goveru
msnt, and calls for the prompt and decisive rebuke
i of all the free citizens of these United Status, without
( distinction ofparty, sect, or creed.
| Ji*$olwd, That every Protestant denomination in
the United States maintains the constitutions! prin
ciple sf a separation of Church and State?in which
principle many American Catholics sincerely ooucur.
while on the other hand, the Papal Church abroad
openly, and always, and everywhere maintains the
doctrine of obedietioe of the civil to the eoclesiastical
authority, both in Europe and America; the sad and
ruinous effects of which, in the one, are seen in
oountless emigrants flying from its tyranny and
misery to oar own happy land, snd in the other, in
the ignorance and poverty of the masses, in the
wealth and vioes of the clergy, and in the ceaseless
insurrections, massacre*, and proverbial instability
of our Southern sister Republics.
Kttolvtd, That upon these principles we appeal
from the opinions, whose proclamation lias caused
this meeting, to tho people of the United State*;
and, although we might infer they are an exponent
of executive feelings, from tho official positions of
those who oontrollcd the proceedings, vet wo will still
hope that the President, who alone fias the power,
will arrest the proscription already begun of faithful
office-holders, both Democrats snd Whigs, for daring
to entertain American and Protestant sentiments,
and will reject the mercenary suggestion urged upon
him by the fourth resolution of the meeting last week,
. as a covert scheme to gratify the appetite of office
seekers at the expense ?f many who zealously and
efficiently aided in his elevation to power, and wliosc
removal under eristing circumstances will tlx sn in
delible stain upon him as a man and as the President
? of the United States.
Jltmlfd. That having seen the denunciations that
almost daily issue from certain presses against the
" fusiouists of the North, who are denounced as sb
~ * " ~ ~ * =- f-!Hittrurl
rusiouisu* or lire .11*1 Ml, w nvr
aorbed in "the traitorous factions" which distract
thos* States, by which they arc one after another be
ing placed in opposition to the administration, we
were astonished to hear the pressing invition in the
seoond resolution of our opponents to men of sll jx>
liiical opinions, without regard to their "political
antecedents," to form a "fusion" with them in their
future action?an invitation broad enough to include
(fsrrison, Abby Kelly, and Fred. Douglas, besides
their coadjutors in the two honses of Congress.
AWW That we, too, appeal to all Americans
who love the Union, which "must be preserved," and
tbe constitution, which established ami maintains ft,
and the rights of the States which compose It, ana
especially to the religious, the moral, and the order
loving classes, to unite with us in effecting the re
ft rms neoeasary to the safety and prosperity of our j
country, believing, as we do, that it is high time the |
career of interested and unscrupulous demagogues
should be checked, and the government be placed in
the hands of men acquainted with it* character and
?pirit, and who duly vahie its countless blessings.
And whereas we believe in the competency, ability,
and right of American-born citizens to govern their
own country: therefore
R*?nlt*?/,' That we will not vote for nor assist in
elevating foreigners by birth to offices of trust, emol
ument, or honor under our government; nor will we
vote for or sssist in elevating to such offices any
Amerioan-born citizens who recognise or hold them
selves under any allegiance whatever to any foreign
princc, potentate, power, or authority.
Kttoltml, That tlie naturalization laws ought to he
totally repealed or materially altered, and the term of
residence before admission to the rights of citizen
ship be extended to the period of twenty-one years.
^UfTAIlT<E for Pr**ii??.-At Lammond's,
Seventh street, can be found a large collection of
Fancy Notions and Toys I
nov 18?cost
WHO Wants a cheap IiOtt?For tale for I
$250, a lot containing 1,178 souare fret, situ
ated on New York avenue, between 4th and fth sts.
J. F. HODGSON,
No. 405, 7th street, bet. H snd L
tm.
PROSPECTUS
ortu
"AMERICAN OBOAM,"
A Daily and Weekly Paper, to be published in Wash
ington City, 1). O., by
AN ASSOCIATION OF NATIVE AMERICANS.
WE bare reached an important crisis in our po
litical history. The two leading parties in our
country, hitherto separated by broad lines, either of
priuoiple or of policy, differ now scarcely in any thing
but in names. . .....
A National Bank, formerly an essential point ot ail
ference between rival parties, has now no advocator.
A Protective Tariff for tlie take of protection, which
ouce divided parties and distracted our National Coun
cils, has become obsolete, as a question of party policy.
simply bucautm ? " revenue tariff" affords incidental
protection to American Manufactures. A modifica
tion of the details of our present taritt system is ail
that is demanded by the most strenuous advocates ot
protection to American Industry. , ? .
The distributum of the proceeds of the pubho lands
among the several States, as formerly claimedyo'
party, and tho application of those Pro?f^il "
aid of tho national Treasury, as earned by the
party, have both yielded to a compromise
uicting opinions, so far, at leasts as tc. ?in* t cw q
44 muduation ana ol ft Burreuuer r . u
wEi they lie, seems likely to withdraw the public
lands from tlie arena of future party contests.
The improvement of harbors andncert by oonRrc^
sional ai<? on whioli political parties have hitherto
differed at different times, has now become less ? ques
tion of principle than of local and ?e'ctio.iel -conjwt,
and it will doubtless be adjusted by the next^ Con
gress upon that basis of liberality and justice de
!!5mndod by the spirit of tho age and the true interests
0l Otherquestions, of minor importance, on which, at
different times, the two prominent parties ofthecoun
trv disagreed, have now, by a change of circumstanccs,
become obsolete. What, then, remain as issues of
any theoretical or practical importance between W lugs
and Democrats* We know of none; and if theso
hitherto rival parties shall maintain their respective
} organizations, they will do so for the mere sake ol the
^uttiw ilsues have arisen, having no reference to
the party organizations of M higs and Democrats
issues which are vastly important in their bt'unnc
upon the ftiture welfare of the country?and which
issues must, in their discussion, proRr?Handtermi
nation, annihilate these two parties, which, far years
past, have battled, with alternate success, for political
HUA?eT?ra is at liand-an era which wUl be char
acterized, in the future history of these States, as the
KIIA Of patriotism I Throughout the length and
breadth of this great and glorious Union, the masses ot
.1 i . . (Kuiutiinonnulv ana HllXlUltft* I
I ur . . I
quiry is as universal as it is natural "d raiment.
The response is being given in tlie thousands of^asso
ciations springing up in all portions ('f ll'V l' . -
States, and restinir on the single basis, that tin
bom citizens of this Union luive the capaeity and the
mill, to administer their oton OoverniiKid, topMet* me
right.* which they have inherited, and to perpetuate the
f'reeilom and independence of their naltrt land / I
Slmll we trace the ca tiers of this spontaneous and
universal uprising of the masses of our countrymenr
The evils incident to the indiscriminate immigration
of foreigners into our country?the consequences ot
permitting such immigrants to enjoy the right of
suffrage?and the degrading effect of elevating for
eigners to posts of honor and trust under our gov
ernment; all these liavo been aoen and known to our
people for vears past, and yet until now, with few
exceptions/the American people have seemed to be
blinil to the progress of foreigmsm in the land, we
need not, on the occasion of presenting this
prospectus to the country, assign the caw f?rth|B
sudden and general manifestation of the pur}*** of
the American people to take the reins of govern
ment into their own hands; it u sufficient for the
object we liave now in view to state tho undeniable
and obvious fact that mwh purpose exists.
We now come forward to present to our feltow
citixens the mode and means of concentrating tlie
opinions and of harmonizing the action of those who
are disposed to unite in the formation of an Amer
imnixirty," whose purpose shall bo to 6nd a remedy
for the manifold evil* which hat* come upon ye, and
which are yearly increasing under the <Um*troue ope
ration of our laws of naturalization! We propose to
establish, in conformity with the wishes of thousands
of the citizens of this District, and of a large number
of our friends in the different States, a dally and
weekly paper, to be called
THE AMERICAN ORGAN.
The publication will ooinmenoe on the 18th day o!
November daily, and on the 20th weekly.
\ ca*h capital, amply sufficient to commence and
to oontinue the enterprise, has been subscribed ana
socured to be advanced by a number of wealthy and
influential gentlemen; and we arc insured a daily
circulation surpassing that of any p*pern?w pub
lished in Washington city. The number of our
weekly subscribers wilt depend upon the enthusiasm
of our friend, in the several States, but we have such
assurances that we Cannot doubt we shall ooinmenoe
with many thousand ? and that a year willnot <trans
pire before our weekly list will be swelled to more
than one hundred thousand. .
Our position at the seat of the federal goTenunent,
the centre of our political system where all the rep
resentatives of the States, and of the people annually
assemble, and where prominent men of all parties
periodically sojourn for many months, is considered
bv us, and by our friends, as the most favorable one
for the publication of the organ of tbi Ambeican
party; and if the most untiring devotion to the ad
vocacy of the doctrines and policy of this party shall
give us a claim to ita support, we know we shall de
serve, and we trust we sliall receive ll
We cannot perhaps more distinctly and concisely
define the basis on which the American Organ is es
tablished than by presenting the following cxtract,
which we copy and adopt from an address of a former
President of Ithe Missouri Native American AtsocUi
tion, and published at St. I-ouis in February, 1841, to
wit:
"T?? pssprrratiow or Ammucak rmKDO* is oca
oajarr, Amrricaw rioiit* otr? motto, ajvp tm Amsr
ICAX PARTY OCR COOKOMW."
Our poaition ia thus defined. We ftball adrooate
mtcA vutuntrt* aa will in our Judgment, if earned out,
perpetuate our freedom and protect our native right*:
!ior shall we at any time deviite from theMUi of
duty as the organ of the American party, and the ad
vocate of American rights.
We shall neither sustain nor oppose any political
! measures on the ground that they emanate from a
' Democratic or from a Whig administration; but we
shall discuss all political questions with the most
perfect freedom from favor or prejudice, toward the
present or any future administration. Keeping al
ways in view the principles and purposes or the
American party, we shall battle for those principles
and purposes, while as an independent journal, wi
shall approve what we think is right and
what we think is wrong in the prineiploa of all pjibhc
men snd of sll political j*rties. The editor of the
American Orgsn will be a Democrat of the school of
Jefferson and Madison progressive in his notions or
public policy, yet consistent in his advocacj of the
rights of the State*. ' * , .
T*o essay or editorial shall ever appear hi the
American Organ, the tendency of which would be to
prejudice the rights or wound the feelings of the citi
zens of any of the States. So far as the influence of
this |taper shall extend, the constitutional nrtts, of
each, and of all the States sliall be maintained He
hold that the institution of slavery belong) exchistvHy
to those States in which it exist*. Each of the States, for
itself, has the sole and exclusive right to determine
whrtker or not slavery shall exist trUMn Us borders.
H'e thaU therefore oppose all agitation of the question
of slavery, either in (imgrsss or out qfil.
Tlie " American Organ" will advocate the free and
untrammelled exercise of the rights of conscience, on
all questions connected with religious faith ; but it
will, by all fair and respectful srgumenta, oppose for
eign domination over Amerioan citizens, from whatever
quarter it may approach, and as well in matters eccle
siastical as in matters political.
A synopsis of the proceedings of Congress during
each session will be from day to day presented.
General and local news will be gathered and pub
lished, in order that our patrons may have a general
knowledge of passing events.
The duly paper will be published every afternoon,
(except Sundays,) and delivered to subscribers at 10
ccnts par week, or mailed to subscribers at $.'> per
year, mysble in advanoe.
The weekly paper will be pqbhshed every Monday
morning, at *2 per year to single subscribers, pay
able in advanoe. Clubs of ten or more will be fur
nished at |1 50 each per year, (if sent to any one post
office,) payable in advance.
I Advertising is solicited, at the nsual rates; and, M
the Organ will have an extensive circulation, it will
afford the most desirable medinm in this respect.
Subscribers will please remit their subscriptions oo
or before the 20th iloy of November directed to
| " American Organ/* Waahington City, D. C.
DOT 1*?
A General Agency.
WILLIAM T. NMITHSON At CO.,
WILL give particular aud prompt attention to
claims ajruiust the Department* of the Gov
ernment aud Congress.
We will also attend to the purchase aud Bale of
Keal Estate, the renting of House*. aud the collection
of rent*, the location of Land Warrants and Scrip,
and all other buaiues* appertaining to that of General
Agents.
We have obtained the services of French 8. Evans,
as adviser, who was many years a clerk iu the Pen
sion Office, and who lias also boeu connected, with
other branches of the government.
Wc will give the highest ctiah prices for Land War
rants and Virginia Scrip.
We have for sale, on liberal termB, 25 building lots,
each 126 fort deep, and 80 feet front, situated on
li and C streets, between Ninth and Tenth streets, oast
of the Capitol.
These lots are verv valuable, and, from tho rapid
improvements going forward on Capitol Hill, and the
incrcuse of population just in this neighborhood, they
must become more aud more valuable every year.
Youug meu with small means would do well to Invest
their money in tho purchase of these lots.
Wc also have for side some very valuable property.
building lots in Chicago, Illinois, which we will sell
to great advantage to the purchaser.
This property will doubtless inako to (he purchaser
one hundred per cent, upon the amount invested, in
the courso of two years.
Also, 1,000 acre's of Hue land in Illinois, lying with
in 88 miles of St. Louis.
WILLIAM T. SMITHSON A Co.
RKFKIl TO?
A 8 Ixo ]
William Bell, \ Richmond, Fit.
Tiusley, Tardy, A Co. )
Mosby A Speed, 1
William 1). Koaue,
Major James Garland, > Lynchburg, Pif.
ED. Christian,
Rev. John Early. J
j. j
Hon. Paulus Powell, Hon. W. L. Goggin,
Hon. Tlios. S. Bocoek.
not 18?lm
AGENCY AT WASHINGTON.
TO CLAIMANTS FRANCIS A. D1CKINS
continues to undertake the agency of claims be
fore Congress and other branches of the government,
including commissioners under treaties, and the va
rious public offices. He will attend to pre-emption
and other laud claims, the procuring of patents for
the public lands, and the confirmation by Congress
of grunts aud claims to lands; claims lor property
lost iu or taken for the service of the United States;
property destroyed by the Indians, or while in the
possession of tne United States ? inuuli-l ?
, ..... ..low, ui Virginia as against the United
States ; all claims growing out of contracts with the
government, for damages sustained in consequence
of the action or conduct of the government; aud, in
deed, anv business before Congress or the public offi
ces which may rcauire tho aid of an agent or attorney.
His charges will be moderate, aud depending upon
the amount of the claim and the extent of the service.
Mr. F. A. Dickinm is known to most of those who
liave been in Congress within the last few years, or |
who have occupied any public attention at Washing- i
ton.
His office is on Fifteenth street, opposite to the
Treasury Department, and next to the iiauk of the
Metropolis.
All letters must be post paid. nov 18?y
LAND and General Agency Office, "Co
lumbia Place," Seventh street, Washington,
1>, C.?Claims for Bounty Land, applications for
I'snsion by the widows and minor heirs of sol
di?rs killed (or who died) in the United States
servioe lu ujajy war since 171)0, (including the Florida
and other Indian wars, the War of 1812, and the late
war with Mexico;) applications for Pension by the
widows slid heirs of all Revolutionary soldiers;
Money Claims against the various Departments of
the Government and before Congress; and claims
for extra pay for Army and Navy in California and
Oregon from 1840 to 1862, prosecuted by
F. E. HASSLER, General Agent.
N. B.?Land Warrants and Lund Scrip boaglit and
sold. nov 18?tf
GILMAN8' Ilair Dye ban made its ap
pearance in our city, very much to the gratifi
cation of our young beaux who wear red whiskers or
musuchios. Gentlemen are now seen going into our
hair-drsssing saloons with hair, whiskers, niuatachioa,
and n*brows of all imaginable colors, and in five
minutss they will appear on the street having them
entire1* changed, aud decidedly improved by a lus
trous alack, obtained by usiDg Gilman's Dye.?-Vor
folk HraLi
For >ale by Z. D. OILMAN, Chemist,
nor 8 Washington city.
?\O YOi; wish a fine suit of Ilair t?Try
WW MpORF.'H Improved Tricopherous?it is the
only aricle that will produce a growth of Hair, as a
numbcrpf persons can testify. As a toilet article it
has no superior; it renders the hair soft and glossy,
re moves (land ruff and scruff, Ac. Price 25 cents per
bottle, or five for (1.
Moore | Exoelaior Soap Deutifrioc is warranted to
be the b?t preparation for clesnsing the teeth and
mouth, f<4 purifying the breath, hardening the gums,
and prevailing decay, now extant. It contains no
acid or gjitty substances, nor is in any way injuri
ous. PriM 26 cents per tar.
For sal. ?t J. B. MOORE'S, Chemist,
Venn, avenue, opposite Seven Buildings,
nov 18?Ateo
yTOVW,TIN^WA RE7 JAPAN.WAR E,
^9 No. OS, Seventh street, between H and I.?
The public tre respectfully informed that the subscri
ber has on land a full assortment of Stovea, Tin-wars,
Japan-ware, Mid fancy articles pertaining to bis line
of business. lie requests the citizens of tne Northern
Liberties to five him a call, and to examine his atock,
believing thit, if they shall do so, tbey will not go
elsewhere to make their purchases.
Repairing, In his branch of business, neatly and
promptly atuvded to.
nov 18?lm J. F. HODGSON.
To Furnish a House Complete,
CALL at DONN, liKO. A Co.'i Ninth
street, lie doors north of Clagett A Co., Nos.
482, 494, and 49(1, where will be found in our Ibur
large sales rtssns, the most various anc complete
stock af Housekeeping Goods in the United States, in
one store, to which additions arc constantly made of
everything that Is new and convenient Housekeep
ers and those who are about commencing may rest as
snred oC finding the goods as cheap ss elsewhere,
with a great saviig of time, trouble, and vexation of
dealing in many stores.
All goods warranted as represented, and delivered
to any part of tho District free of expense.
We note the heading of what we keep:
FOR PARLORS.
Sofas, Divans, Lounges, arm Rockers, Gothic Par
lor Chairs, of roM, walnut, and mahogany, covered
with hair, plush, brocatelle, damask, or cliintx, or in
white, for those ftimishing their own covers.
Tables of every kind and description. Piano Stools,
Whst ot. Mirror* of the largest site to tbc smallest,
Bracket Tables, Ar.
DINING ROOM
Extension and pliin Tables, Sideboards, Chairs, Ac.
CHAMBER SETS.
Painted or imitatioi, of the variona woods?walnut,
mahogany, and chctry. in sets or detached pieces,
j Beds: Mattresses, of hair, cotton, snd shuck; Pillows
I and Bolsters; FeathAn in sacks.
PLATED GOODS ON ALBATA.
Spoons, Forks, I*<(los, Baskets, Castors, Waiters,
Tea Sets, Ac.
FRENCH AND ENGLISH CHINA,
In dinner, tes, and chamber sets, or in detached
pieces hi fsncy G. B. nr white.
Edwards's white Stone Ware, In sets or detached.
(Jlsss Ware, pressed and cut, a full assortment.
? Cutlery, from the be?t manufacturers.
I/amps. Fsncv (?'? " ? ~
v?tj, irum tne oeH manufacturers.
I?mps, Fsncy Goods, Wood Ware, Baskets, Brush
Chicks, Japanned tkods, Klock Tin, common Tin
ire, Children's Toys, snd everything appertaining
t well furnished kitchen (the"foundation of good
isekeeping) may be found in onr store, Ac.
'all snd see our stock, and get a catalogue, and
it will aaahit new bouse housekeepers in selecting
w*i?t is necessary for making their homes comfort
able. Remember the stores No. 402, 494, and 490
Ninth street, five doors north of Pennsylvsnia ave
nue
nov 18?Imeodif DONN, BRO. A CO.
HB1GGM. HALL At CO., Kaciaeers and
Gsneral MschinisUjCorner of Virginia avenue
and Ninth street west, Washington, District of Co
lumbia. nov 18?ly
an address
To the Cititent of the United States by the
Missouri Native American Association, pre
sented by Vespasian Ellis, Esq., President
of the Association, and Chairman of the
hpecial Committee appointed to prepare
the n(ttn?) and adopted in (i gentvul meet
iitg of said Association, Ecbniary 5, 1841.
[continued.]
First: It is maintained by some, that tho Dec
laration of American Independence was not only
a general invitation to the people of the world
at largo, to emigrate hither, and bccome Amer
ican citizens, but that this instrument guaran
tees tho right of so doing, to all the sons and
daughters of men, throughout all time.
Second: It is maintained by _ others, that it
is man's natural right to expatriate himself, at
his pleasure, and adopt another country than
that of his birth, for the future home of himself
and his children.
? Third: It is held by othors, that if Congress
should repeal tho present laws on tho subject,
each Stato might for itself allow foreigners all
the rights and privileges of citizens and voters
within its limits, and in its own sovereign discre
tion, and thus our purposes might bo thwarted.
Fourth: It is urged that if resident foreigners
were denied a voice in our government, while
their property would bo subject to taxation, it
would violate tho assumed principle, that taxa
tion and representation aro inseparable.
Fifth: It is orguod that for as much as some
foreigners aided us in acquiring American In
dependence, therefore, all foreigners are enti
tled to enjoy tho privileges which were thus
Sixth: It is objected, that it would be harsh
and illiberal to withdraw a permission so long
enjoyed. . , ,
Seventh: It is alleged, that our principles arc
the samo as tlioso contained in tho odious alien
laws of the elder Adams. , .
These, and probably many othor objections,
have been made to our principles and objects
while our doctrines have been misrepresented,
our motives assailed, and ourselves abused and
villified by the partisan demagogues of tho day.
Wo will briefly examine these objections. Iho
assaults upon our motives, and tho personal
abuse which has been showered upon us, we
shall treat with silent scorn.
First, thon, as to tho argument drawn from
our I H i U-ation of Independence, that " all men j
arc created equal"-?and tho supposed guaranj ,
tee contained in that instrument We do not ,
deny, but wo re-affirm, that " all men aro crea
ted equal?that they aro endowed by their ,
Creator with certain inalienable rights; that
among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of
happiness; that to secure these rights govcrn
1 inents are instituted amongst men,^ deriving
I their just powers from tho governed." These
principles are all true, as general propositions
I and yet, in all civilized countries, and under all
j regular governments, this natural equality is
lost, and these inalienable rights aro controlled
by conventional regulations. The husband con
trols the wife; the officer commands the sol
dier; majorities coerce minorities; "life is j
taken away for crime; " liberty " is restrained
to prevent or atono for offences; "tho pursuit
of happiness is arrested, when it interferes with
social obligations; and even " tho consent of
the governed " is not obtained, so far as regards
minorities. But, why all this prating about nat
ural equality t Who denies its existence in a
state of nature f Who maintains the applies,- j
tion of its principles in civil society ? Is not the (
nogro by nature equal in his natural rights with
the white man ? Surely. But one of our learned ,
opponents says, he. is excluded from particqiating
in the exercise of sovereignty upon the principles
of44 expediency!" Indeed! Is not this the true
foundation of all similar exclusions? It is in
expedient to admit free negroes into the coun
try, or to allow them to vote! This single ad
mission of our opponents prostrates them.
" Expediency " decides upon all exceptions to
the general principles upon which free govern
erniaents are based. Females, minors, tran
sieVt persons, criminals, lunatics, negroes, and
others, are excluded from the enjoyment of the
rights of sovereignty upon grounds of " expe
diency." Citizens of other States are excluded
from this right for one year in Missouri, on the
ground of " expediency." Foreigners arc al
owod to emigrate hither, or not, as Congress
may deem "expedient." And foreigners are
excluded for five years from the polls, on the
ground of " expediency." They aro forever
excluded from holding the office of President of
the United States, or Governor of Missouri, on
the ground of " expediency." They are ex
cluded from the Senate of the United States for
nine years, on the same ground of " expedien
cy." And we would exclude all ftiture immi
grants from the polls forever, upon this well
settled principle of " expediency.' Surely our
opponents will not object to our actine upon
this ground of " expediency," which they are
compelled to recognise. We respectfully sub
mit that this admitted doctrine of " expedien
cy " destroys their beautiful theory of natural
rights as the foundation of government
In all free governments general principles are
established, and exceptions allowed, in pursu
ance of this undeniably just doctrine of " ex
pediency !" But what" guaranty" is contained
in the Declaration of Independence in favor of
foreigners? Wo know of none. That instru
ment sets forth the natural equality of man by
birth?the principle that government ought to
l?e based upon the consent of the governed?
the authority of the people to alter their form
of government, when it fails to protect their
|K>litical rights?and after portraying the evils
under which they labored?the tyranny
of their prince, and the repeated efforts they
had made to obtain redress, announces to the
world, that from that time forth these then col
I onies were free and independent States 1 Not
j one word of invitation to foreigners, nor a sin
gle sentence proposing their future admission
into the country, can be found in that instru
ment They complain, indeed, that their King
had prevented the population of the colonies,
by obstructing the laws of naturalization, but i
do they assert that the law of natural equality j
was thus violated? or, do they say to the world, I
ichen independent, come and enjoy the rights
for which we have fought and bled ? They do j
not say so. On the contrary, when their inde ,
pendence had been achieved, each State, as an .
independent sovereignty, regulated the question j
of immigration, each for itself, while the Arti- |
cles of Confederation were in force I ?> hat
rights, then, did the Declaration of Imlepen- j
dence confer upon foreigners, when each State
exercised the privilege of naturalizing foreigners
on its own terms, down to tho time of the adop
tion of the Federal Constitution, in 1787, a pe- ^
riod of cloven years? Nay, if the Declaration
of Independence confers citizenship, in Ameri
ca, upon the natives of Europe, Asia and Africa
wherefore was this power conferred upon t on
gress ? Why are any naturalization laws passed
by Congress? . . , .
Fellow-citizens, u it true, that any shadow
of claim to citizenship in this country can be
mado by foreigners, in virtue of any provision
or principle contained in the Defloration of In
dependence? It it not true, and no man who
| has any pretensions to common information on
I political questions, will maintain ?o absurd a
Kfi'tv TKrnr"1
dependent. I hat independence was defended
byarmg, and finally recognised by treaties.
out, secondly, it is maintained that it is
man s natural right to expatriate himself at his
pleasure, and adopt another country than that
of his birth. Whatever may be our opinion of
what ouyht to be the rights of mankind, it will
be found that this opinion, so fin- as regards
the laws of most civilized nations, is erroneous
And even were the right of throwing off one's
allegiance to his native country unquestioned,
there never was, and there never can, bo a
doubt of the right of any nation to forbid tho
entrance of ioreigners into its country. That
allegianco to one's native country is perpetual,
and cannot be thrown off at pleasure, may
however, bo considered settled law. On this
point a very able American jurist holds tho fol
lowing language:
, TIJC 0,%i" of allegiance in England has
been already described. Tts former extension
through almost every part of (his country is
unquestionable, and in many States it contin
ues unimpaired in its qualities and nature. It
is??"'directly recognised in the Constitution of
?l?; hi uMc*' ?nnd hy ,hc ,iCtH of Congress
?j i ,'"ve bec" since passed. Tho indefeasi
ble quality conceived to bo incident to it, has
lot been decided on by the Supreme Court of
tho United States; but in the circuit courts
Ellsworth, chief justice, declared that a mom
tier ol the community cannot dissolve tho so
cial compact so as to free himself from our
laws, without the consent or the default of the
community And, in another case, Wasliing
(rV" m?' ',cclttred tl>at no citizen can throw
oil his allegiance to his country without >ome
law authorizing him to do so.*?(See Rawleo
on the Constitution, page !?7.)
The principle has subsequently been settled I
as above.?(hee 2d vol. Kent, p. 48.) I
In some of the United States "expatriation is
permitted by legislative enactment; and in
some of them the right Is secured by their
constitutions. J
We do not mean-to discuss the justice of the
principle recognised by nearly all civilized na
tions on this subject, and settled by decisions
m our own courts. We refer to it only to es
a dish the position that the natural rights con
e ded for by some of our adversaries docs not
exist; conventional law restrains it. Govern
ments may indeed release their claim, as they
often do, to the perpetual allegianco of their
subjects who wish to emigrate ; but, then the
government of the country which they dc.K
to adopt.may, if it chooses, refuse to receive
riXfi.il ?-C^r '"^Pendent nation may
ghtftilly exercise its discretion in the admis
Xhrrt,810n of Signers, is a position
which no lawyer or judge will deny. This
P?ZCr national independ
ce. Itvj^distinctly recognised by all the
mTJv018 np0n eJaws of n?t'onH, nnd" has been
universally regarded as an unquestioned right
ever since the dawn of civilization. The ablest
American jurist in this country, Chancellor
niiflT,'ju I M ? rV?, of ,lis Commentaries,
page 84, holds the following explicit language :
" Every nation is bound, in time of peace, to
grant a passage for lawful purposes, over their
lands, rivers, and seas, to the people of other
states, whenever it can bo permitted without
inconvenience; and burdensome conditions
ought not to be annexed to the transit of per
sons and property. If, however, anV govern
ment deems the introduction of foreigners, or
their merchandise, injurious to the interests of
their own neoplo, which they are bound to
- ? "Mr
This doctrine covers tho whole ground, and
Jt fli ? c?nfon?'ty w'th tho uniform prac
tice of all independent nations. See also Ser
J.f*nt" Cons- page 818, to the .same effect
How thon can it be maintained, that any man
Was a natural right, not only to leave his own
country but to thrust himLlf u?n .noC"
The position is untenable. It has neither law
nor justice to sustain it Indeed it is only
urgod to bewilder the minds of tho people, who
are known to be sensitive when rights are sup
posed to be threatened, and whose sympathies
are qUICkly aroused in behalf of the persecuted.
1 hose who maintain this supposed natural |
right, laugh in their sleeves at the credulity of I
such as swallow the preposterous doctrine. J '
We como now to tho third objection ; that
if ( ongress should repeal the present law of
naturalization, each State might for itself, allow
foreigners the rights and privileges of citizens,
within its limits. This question is one of the
highest importance. Prior to tho adoption of
j he f ederal constitution, this power was pos
. ?*<od and exercised by the several States
. conscience of it was, that there were va
[ nous and discordant rules adopted Mr. Mad
ison, in pago 202 of the Federalist, advocating
the adoption of tho Federal constitution, says:
" In one State, residence for a short time
confers all the nghts of citizenship; in anothor.
qualifications of greater importance are re
quired. An alien, therefore, legally incapaci
tated for certain rights in the Tatter, may, by
previous residence only in the firmer, elude
bis incapacity; and thus tho law of one State j
be preposterously rendered paramount to the 1
law of another, within tho jurisdiction of the I
other.
?thc con,,'tion of tilings whilst the :
fhftercnt SUU-s exercised thc power of natural
iration. The evils of it are manifest. Another
w nter, (Rawlo on the Constitution, page W> )
after describing the evils of these conflicting
provisions, adds:
" The evil could not be better remedied than
ny vesting the exclusive power in Congress."
The provisions of thc constitution on this
subject are in the following words: In article
I, section 9, it reads?
"Congress shall have power to establish a '
uniform rule of naturalization." %
In article I, section 9, it reads?
" The migration or importation of such per
sons as any of thc States now existing shall
think proper to admit, shall not Is. prohibited
hy tho Congress prior to tho year 1808."
In article IV, section 2, it reads
. " Thc ri{jzens of {'ach State shall bo entitled
to thc privileges and immunities of citizens in
thc sovcral States.
These are all the provisions 0f the constitu-1
t.on affecting this question. By the first clause
rC ,Kwcr ig Kr*nted to
csUbhsh a unifonn rule. By thc second clause
cited, the power of prohibiting immigration is
conferred. The suppression of the slave trade
was no doubt particularly aimed at in this
tinn'of' Kl term ''migration or importa
tion of such oersons, Ac., cannot lie confined
to any specific class of persons. They are gen
eral and comprehensive terms; and, there beimr
iw ambipnty of expression, they must 1* con
i moan w1hat they plainly import. The1
?2 C1,r , ,nakw< tho ntizens of each
iw tho whol? Un't?l States. Un
dcr those three clauses, it seems plain that the
most ample authority is conferred upon Con
grew to regulate the whole question of immi
g ation exclusively. Congress may establish
the rule, change tho rule, abrogate the rule, aud
prohibit foreign immigration entirely. The
power, whilst exercised by the Stated, pro
duced tho evils of conflicting legislation, and
contradictory rules. That evil was to he reme
died. It was remedied by transferring tho
power to the national legislature, where it most
properly belongs. Is not, then, this power in
Conp-ess exclusive? Ilawle so considers it,
in his treatise before cited, page 85. Bayard
so considers it, in his view of the constitution,
page 71. lie says:
" This power is, from its naturo, exclusive;
for, if the several States could legislate on this
subject, they might require very different qual
ifications for citizens, and aliens would become
citizcns of the United States upon very unoqua]
terms, according to the laws of the particular
States in which they might bo naturalized."
It was hold in tho circuit court of tho Uni
ted States, at Philadelphia, in 1702, In the ease
of Collet r*. Collet, 2 Dallas, 204, that tho State
governments had concurrent authority with
Congress, upon tho subjcct of naturalization.
But this decision has been overruled. In tho
circuit court in 1814, Judge Washington de
cided in tho caso of Golden m. Prince, 3 Wash
ington's Circuit Report*, 814, that this power
was exclusive in Congress. And at a later pe
riod in tho case of Chirac m. Chirac, 2 Whoa
ton, page 200, Chief Justice Marshall said, that
" it certainly ought not to be controverted, that
the power of naturalization was vested exclu
sively in Congress." In tho caso of Houston
tx. Moore, 5 Wheaton, page 40, Justice Story, -
alluding to this power, considers it exclusive,
on the ground of their being a direct repugnan
cy or incompatibility in the exerciso of it by
tiic States.
Tn the very able commentaries of this same
judge, upon tho Constitution of tho United
Statos, vol. a, chap. l(i, sec. 638, ho uses tho
following language: "It follows from the very
nature of this power, that to bo useful, it must
be exclusive: for a concurrent power in tho
States would bring back all tho evils and om
barrassmerits which tho uniform rule of the
Constitution was designed to remedy. And
accordingly, though there was a momentary
hesitation when tho constitution first went into
operation, whether the power must not still bo
exercised^, by the States, subjcct only to the
control of Congress, so far as the legislation of
the latter extended, as the supreme law, yet it
is now firmly established to bo exclusivo in
Congress."
Chancellor Kent, in commenting upon this
subject, and reviewing the authorities, does not
hesitate to say, that " tho weight of authority,
as well as of reason, may therefore be consid
ered in favor of this construction.'" If, then,
tho opinions of Bayard, Itawle, Story, and
Kent, sanctioned by tho decisions ?f the cir
cuit and Supreme Courts of tho United States,
are to be regarded as authority, tho position is
impregnable, and the question clear beyond all
controversy, that Congress has the exclusive
power of legislation on the important subject
of naturalization. Indeed, if it were other
wise, what would prevent New York, or any
other State, from naturalizing a million of Af
ricans, who, ijtuo facto, would bo " entitled to
all the privileges and immunities of citizcns in
the several States," under the 2d section of the
4th article of the constitution ? Justice, rea
son, and authority, forbid such a construction
as this. If it should still besinsisted, however,
that because tho Suprmne Court has decided
that tho power of Ccuk'W^ t? Pasy * uniform
bankrupt law is not exclusive, but that, in the
absencc of a law of Congress, a State may pass
insolvent or bankrupt laws, and that for as
much as the power of Congress over this sub
ject is conferred in tho same clause with the
power to establish a uniform rule of naturaliza
tion, therefore the same principle of construc
tion should apply; it may be answered, that
the effect of the exercise of tho two pow era by
individual States, would be totally different.
We have seen that if the several States could
naturalize foreigners whilst the clause of the
constitution conferring upon the citizens of
each State all the immunities of citizens of the
several States, is unrepealed, it would bo in tho
power of any one State to confer upon foreign
ers the right to be citizens of all the other
States. But the insolvent or bankrupt laws of
an individual State could only operate within
its limits. It has been decided repeatedly, that
" the discharge of an insolvent under a State
law will not discharge a debt due to a citizen
of another State who does not make himself a
party to the proceeding under the law." See
2d vol. Kent's Com., page 892, and the cases
there cited. It may also be observed, that
whilst the power over the subject of naturaliza
tion was conferred upon Congress to remedy
an evil would again prevail under the construc
tion that this power in Congress is not exclu
sive, tho power to establish an uniform bank
rupt law was not conferred to remedy any
particular existing evil, but granted to enable
Congress to effect a positive good, whilst the
failure of Congress to exercise the latter power
would not result in any immediate general mis
chief. For these ftasons, doubtless, the samo
courts and the same jurists have held the one
power to be exclusive and the -other not go.
We repeat, then, that the power of Congress
over the subject of naturalizing foreigners id
general, comprehensive, and exclusive. Tho
individual States, therefore, cannot pass laws
of naturalization, for they have surrendered
this power to Congress, and it may be exer
cised or not, in the discretion of that body. If
exorcised, therefore, it would seem also to be
indisputable, that Congress may impose what
ever conditions, limitations, and restrictions
It may please in reference to the time, mode,
and tenns of naturalization.
We have thus, fellow-citizens, presented our
views on this question, in ordor to meet fully
this objection made to our action. But it
must not be forgotten that we do not propose
that Congress shall repeal the present laws of
naturalization, without, at the same time, ex
ercising their clear and unquestioned powers
in the enactment of other provisions upon the
subject
So far, therefore, as we may at any timo in
fluence tho legislation of Congress, there will
be no failure on the part of that body so to ex
ercise the power granted that there may be no
pretext on the part of the several States to at
tempt to resume its exercise ; nor do we think
it indispensable to effect our objects, that the
right of Congress to impose conditions upon
the recipients of naturalization, excluding them
from the polls, should l?e recognised. Clear
and undoubted as it would seem, this power of
; prescribing the mode, time and terms of natu
ralization should be considered, since tho gen
eral power is surrendered by tho States and
conferred upon Congress, in language and
under circumstances making it the exclusivo
right of that liody to naturalize foreigners and
to regulate this whole subject, yet we are under
no necessity of adopting this construction of
I the grant. If Congress, therefore, must adopt
a uniform rule of naturalization, and without
, conditions or restrictions, to prevent the States
from legislating upon this subject, still our pur
poses can l>v effected under this limited and
j restricted construction of the constitution.
I If Congress may, (as it will not surely t*

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