Daily American organ. [volume], December 07, 1854, Image 2

About Daily American organ. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1856

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WASHINGTON, D C.
THURSDAY, PECEMBKRlTr86l
VESPASIAN ELLJ8, Editor.
R. M. HEATH, Assi*Uu>t.
" Agsmat the insidious wiles of foreign luttusuoe
I oonjure vou to belipv* lue, fellow-oitisens?the jeal
oaay of ? free people ou^bt to bit constantly awake;
?iace history and e*|H>nenoe prove, that foreign in
fluence in one of the most baneful foot of a republican
government."? HiuAinytun.
" I hope we may And aoine moans, in future, of j
shielding ourselves from foreign influence, political, '
commercial, or in whatever form it mar be attempted.
1 can soaroelv withhold myself from'joining in the
" ish of Silas Dean?' that there were an ocean of fire
between tliia and the old world.' "?Jrjfrrton.
Agents for the " American Organ."
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cinnati and other cities in the west.
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Mary's, aud Calvert counties.
1ST" All advertisements for the " Organ"
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w Subscribers who do not receive their
paper* will plenso leave their names and address
at the office.
The American Organ Association will
meet to-night at half pant six o'clock.
Know-Nothingism in Congress.
Under this head the Washington Union of
yesterday makes mention of the fact, that " a
movement wax made in the House of Repre
sentatives on yesterday, which indicates the
early introduction into the disoussions of that
body of the doctrines of Know-Nothingism."
After this introduction of the subject, the
Union takes occasion to say, that the mover in
this matter voted against the Kansas and Ne
braska bill, and is a Whig, and a Methodist
preacher! And pray, what has the Kansas
and Nebraska bill to do with the question of j
changing the laws of naturalization ? Nothing
except perhaps that the incorporation into that |
bill of a provision allowing unnaturalized for
eigners to vote in those territories, has opened
the eyes of the people to the dangers arising
from immigration! That such a provision
should be condemned by every truo American
is not a matter of surprise.
And what if Mr. Taylor, the mover, bo a
Whig? lie is the representative of an enlight
ened constituency, and doubtless faitlifully rep
rosants their wishes and opinions. Has no
man but a Democrat a right to introduce bills
into Congress ? But hold on, Messrs. Editors
of the Union I Is Mr. Taylor, of Tennessee, the
only member of Congress who has given no
tice of the introduction of a bill on this sub
ject? Has no Democrat moved in this matter?
PerhapB you are not acquainted with the Hon.
Sonator Adams, of Mississippi ? We beg leave
to introduce him to your acquaintance as a
Democrat of the * tripe of Jefferson and Jack
son ! We have but a slight acquaintance our
?olves with Senator Adams, but wo know
enough of him to say that he is a sound na
tional Democrat.
Suppose you denounce him, too! Suppose
you tell his constituents that he is going against
your instructions? Suppose you stigmatize
him as au advocate of the " intolerant, \i\fa
mout, deceitful, fraudulent, audatiout and ;
trtach&rout" doctrines of the American party ?
Suppose you attempt to ostracise him ? Sup
pose you "read him out" of the Democratic
party ? Suppose you ransack your vocabulary
of epithets to heap upon him? Vou dare not
do it! You know too well his position
and the sentiments of his constituents. Nay,
more, you w ill soon find that your rccent anath
emas upon the American party will recoil with
terrible vengeance upon yourselves.
The whole country is aroused to the dangers
of foreignUm, and as surely as tho sun shall
continue its revolutions, so sure^p will the year
1856 apply au appropriate remedy for the evils
which overhang our institutions.
The closing paragraphs of the Union'# article
above referred to, aro worthy of their Jesuitical
paternity. Hear them:
"We are far from regretting his movement; w*
care not how soon or now thoroughly the objects
and doctrines of the new party of proscription are
discussed. Nothing short of discussion will eipoeo
the dangers of its principle*. For the time being
the public mind may become agitated, and religion
iUelf may suffer temporary injury, but neither civil
nor religious freedom will suffer permanent damage.
The popular judgment will decide now, aa it has
done before, tbat a complete separation of Church
and State is essential to the purity and prosperity
of both."
Why does not the Union discuss tho objects
and doctrines of our party? Never yet has a !
word of argument on the question been seen in
tho columns of that paper!
Billingagatc abuse?denunciations and reck
less assertions, have been substituted for argu
ment "But neither civil nor religious freedom
will suffer permanent damago !" No, indeed!
not if the American party can arrest the giant
strides of the Roman hierarchy! " The popu
lar judgment will decide now, as it has done
before, that a complete separation of Church
and State is essential to the purity and pros
perity of both." Most unquestionably it will,
or the efTorts of the American party to stay
ths march of Romanism will be thwarted!
Union of Church and State, indeed! Who
*?*ki such union ?
If there be any party or any power on earth,
which assumes the right to wield both swords,
temporal and spiritual, and to control, as well
the political as the religious action ef its sub
jects, all over the world, it is that power against
whose despotism the American party would
rebel, and from whose yoke we would have I
?very American citizen released I
Can ths Union point to even one American
born citizen, out of tho ranks' of its own Ca
rum Saloon party, who would, for a moment,
tolerat* the idea of a uniotl of Church and
Stats? Not one.
UP Ths engraving on our first page has been
constructed in conformity to the precise statement
of ths accurate correspondent of the London
Times, relative to the positions of the allied army
when the liege commenced. Our readers will do
well to preserve It, as It will greatly aid them in
forming a correct understanding of the future ope- j
ration* of ths belligerent armies.
Mr. WIn'i Acceptance.
Mr. Wine has addreased a letter to the com
mittee appointed by the Staunton Convention,
accepting tho nomination bestowed on him by
that body. After returning his grateful ac
knowledgments for the honor conferred, he
goes on to say:
" I hare such abiding confidence in the demo
cratic principles and the democratic people of Vir
ginia, that 1 fear not defeat of either on the sacred
noil of " the glorious Old Dominiou." But the
friends of our faith must remember that, whilst they
hare conferred honor upon their noniiuee, they
have imposed a task upon hini iu the performance
of which they must atutUt with their united strength.
I promise to devote my beat energies to uphold the
hopes of our ancient faith. And 1 will spare no
honorable efforts to defend the Virginia citadel of
republicanism, which was never so assailed from
without, and from within, as at present, and which,
we must all bear in mind, has never yet surrender
ed. That memory will Insure victory, or we will
prove recreant to the past."
To those who arc familiar with the promi
nent incidents of Mr. Wise's public life, it
must sound really funny to hear him now
speak of devoting his best energies to uphold
the hopes of bis " ancient faith." Already
have the opposition batteries opened upon him,
and the main ground of assault is the inconsis
tency of his political course, fcfays the Alex
andria Gazette:
" Mr. Wise, during the canvass which is to en
sue, must expect to fiud turned against him, and
probably with effect, his former actings and doings
when he was a Whig, and contending with all his
might against the party whose chosen candidate
he now i*, for the office of governor of the State.
And, what is more, the ammunition has already
been collected and prepared by Mr. Wise's Demo
cratic friends, to present his nomination originally,
but on the part of some of them, nothing loth that
it should be used to prevent his election. In
truth, nothing shows more distinctly the strange
mutations of party in this country, and how varia
ble are men's opinions and feelings on political
wuhjects than this very nomination, and its reluc
tant acceptation by many of those who have al
ways railed themselves Democrats.
"If Mr. Wise himself had been told, when he
offered his famous sentiment, ' the union of the
Whigs for the sake of the Union,' that he would,
one day, have been the Democratic nominee of a
Democratic Convention, calling for the union of
the Democrats to save their candidate and their
party, he would have looked wild with astonish
ment, and refused to believe the annunciation.
And yet he and we have lived to seo it fulfilled !
lie to go on his way seeking victory in his new
career; we, personally, oven attached to him, won
dering that we should have to oppose one, whose
white plume we used to follow in old political bat
tlos, confident that where it was, there were the
hardest blows, and there was the champion worthy
of our admiration."
We learn from the Richmond papers that
Mr. Wise addressed, on Tuostlay night, a meet
ing of the Democracy iu that city, which had
been called to ratify the nominations. In the
course of his remarks ho expressed his con
tempt for the Know-Nothings, and declare^
that he would not take his scat as governor if
he were to receive tho nomination of that party
and were elected by their votes. This is bold
talk, and characteristic of the man. But for
His own peace of mind, he had better surrender
at onc? all ambitious aspirations.
Mr. Bright?President of the Senate.
The election of Mr. Bright as President of the
Senate will be regarded by the democracy of the
whole country as a compliment richly earned by
his long and faithful public service. Ilis large ex
perience in tho business of legislation, together
with his promptness of decision and his uniform
urbanity of manners, renders his selection as the
Presiding Officer peculiarly proper. He will pre
eido over the deliberations of the Senate with
marked dignity and ability, and will add largely to
his present high reputation as a HtatesinMi.
[ U'athingtoii Union.
Tho above is a just compliment to Vice Pre
sident Bright, which that gentleman, we doubt
not, will properly appreciate, as he probably
understands tho hone*t motive which prompted
it. As the administration were not powerful
enough to break Senator Bright down, it is of
course good policy now to congratulate him
upon his present elevation. We very much
mistake the character of this gentleman, if his
face was not lighted up with the smile of inef
fable contempt, when hit eyes first rested upon
the above characteristic specimen of sycophan
tic toadyism.
0T We call tho attention of ouf friends to
the Trans-Alleghany Bank notice, and hope
that holders of the notes will not submit to
any exorbitant shaves. Country papers in
Virginia would benefit their friends by noticing
this matter.
The Washington correspondent of the New
York Advertiser states that Mr. Benton is san
guine of re-election to the Senate in opposition
to his competitor, Mr. Atchison What a
blessed thing is hope.
or Dr. Thompson, lately acquitted for the mur
der of Miss Pharr, has been hung in effigy by the
residents of his town. The effigy bore the inscrip
tion, " Thompson, the quack, ttducer, and mur
derer."
A convention of the Presidents and Directors of
the various lines of internal improvement in Vir
ginia, is now in session iu Richmond. It was call
ed at the request of the Board of Public Works;
and the object had in view is to establish a fixed
tariff of charges for freight and passengers.
Clark Mills, Esq., who erected the bronze eques
trian statue of Jackson, (it Is said) has been treated
very singularly by the Secretary of the Interior,
Mr. M. has a contract with the city of New Orleans
to furnish a duplicate of the sta'uie for $80,000.
Some few day* ago his establishment near Wash
ington, caught fire, and was consumed, including
the model of the statue. Mr. M. set about taking
a cast of the statue itself to repair his loss, and to
enable him to carry out bin contract with the city
of New Orleans. Judge of his surprise, and the
surprise of everybody, when Secretary McClelland
issued an order prohibiting Mr. Mills from taking
the cast. It Is considered an outrage. Congress
will hasten to repair by placing it at Mr. Mills's
disposal.?A'. Y. Krjrrent.
OrraAor ix ScwwacTAor? "Aa* roc an
Akhricas?"?On Saturday night, while a respecta
ble, quiet citizen of Schenectady was passing to
his home, he was suddenly accosted by two Irish
men, who demanded " if he wis an American?"
lie replied he wan, whereupon they immediately
fell u|>on him, beating him ig a shocking, brutal
manner. The next day, the two scoundrels fled
from Schenectady, but were, however, traced to
Albany, and there arrested.
Democratic papers complain that it is hard that
the Know-Nothings should want to restrict the
foreigners in the privilege of voting, whil<*p?me
three thousand negroes are entitled to vote in the
city of New York under the provisions of the State
convention. So it is. But will the^r tell us how
it is that the Pierce Democracy of New Hampshire
allowed Cuffee to voU and hold office, while both
of those privileges were expressly denied to for
eigners.?Halexgh Star.
1'aiTTT SraoNu Paoor.?The Know-Nothing* of
Boston have nominated Mayor Smith as their can
didate for that office, which will doubtless secure
his re-election by a large majority. Mayor Smith,
it will be remembered, took an active part in main
taining the law* in the case of Burns, the fugitive
slave, and has been marked by the anti-slavery so
cieties of Ilostou for inevitable ezecution. His
nomination by the Know-Nothings is pretty strong
proof of the soundness and the moral roarage of
this new party on the alaverv question. Pretty
strong proof. What say the Seward and the cab
inet organs*?N. F. Herald,
Where did it cobm from I.
We found amongst our letters, this morning,
j carefully enveloped and directed to us, a docu
mqpt headed " Ban* Principle, of the Ameri
can Party of Virginia" printed neatly, with
a handsome border, and other evidences that
the document came from somewhere, and meant
Homething, but of its origin or paternity we
know nothing I We " don't know" who wrote
it, or who printed it; nor did we ever see the
individual who "showered it down" upon ua!
1 heso arc strange times, when we are permit
ted to " know nothing" about such manifestly
important matters.
The result of our cogitations over tlus docu
ment is, that somebody must have concocted
it?written it out?had it printed, and sent to
us. Tfiis is our sage conclusion! But, cui
bono f For what purpose was it manufactured ?
Why sent to our address* We would'nt be
surprised if the thing was intended for publi
cation! Let us road it again. Well, as we
can't exactly comprehend the purposes of the
document, we will givo it "verbatim, punctua
tim, et literatimto our readers, and let them
find out what it means. Certain it is, it came
from the "Old Dominion," for it was post
marked "Virginia," and therefore we don't
believe there is any treason in the document!
" Basis Punoiplu or tu* Ajubican j-abtt or
\ ikoinia.?Determined to preserve our political
institutions in their original purity and vigor, and
to keep them unadulterated and unimpuiro'd by
foreign influence, either civil or religious, as well
as by home faction and home deniagoguisui; and
believing that an American policy, religious, politi
cal and commercial, necessary for the attainment
of these ends, we shall observe and carry out in
practice, the following principles:
" 1. That the suifragos of the American people I
for political offices, should not be given Co any
others than those born on our soil, and reared and
matured under the influence of our institutions.
" 2. That no foreigner ought to be allowed to
exercise the elective franchise, till ho shall have
resided within the United States a sufficient length
of time to euablo him to become acquainted with
the principles and Imbued with tho spirit of our
institutions, und until he shall have become thor
oughly identified with the great interests of our
country.
" X That whilst no obstacle should be interposed
to the immigration of all foreigners of honest and
industrious habits, and all privileges and immuni
ties enjoyed by any native-born citizen of our
country should be extended to all such immigrants,
except that of participating in any of our political
administrations; yet all legal means should be
adopted to obstruct and prevent the immigration of
the vicious and worthless, the criminal and
pauper.
" i. That the American doctrine of religious
toleration, and entire absence of all proscription for
opinions sako, should be cherished as ono of the
very fundamental principles of our civil freedom
and that any sect or party which believes and
iiiHintains that any foreign power, religious or po
litical, has the right to control the conscience or di
rect tho conduct of a freeman, occupies a position
which is totally at war with the principle of free
dom of opinion, and which is mischievous in its
tendency, and which principle if carried into prac
tice would prove wholly destructive of our reli
gious and civil liberty.
"5. That the Biblo in the hands of every free
citizen, is tho only permanent basis of all true lib
erty and genuine equality.
"6. That the intelligence of the people Is ne
cessary to the right use and the continuance of our
liberties, civil and religious, hence the propriety
and importance of the promotion and fostering of
all means of moral and intellectual culture, by
sonic adequate and permanent provision for gene
ral education.
"7. That the doctrine of availability, now so
prevalent and controlling, in the nomination of
candidates for office, in total disregard of all prin
ciples of right, of truth, and of justice, is esscn
tially wrong, and should be by all good men con
demned.
"8. That as a general rule, the same reatrictlons
should be prescribed to tho exercise of the power
of removal from office, as are made necessary to
be observed in the power of appointment thereto ;
and that executive influence and patronage, should
be scrupulously conferred and jealously guarded.
" 0. That the sovereignty of the States should be
supreme in the exercise of all powers not cxpresslv
delegated to the Federal Government, aud which
may not be necessary and proper to carry out the
powers so delegated, and tliat this principle should
be observed aud held sacred in all organizations of
the American party.
" 10. That all sectarian intermeddling with poli
tics or political institutions, coming from whatever
source it may, should be promptly resisted by all
such means as seem to be necessarv and proper for
this end.
"11. That, whilst the perpetuity of the present
form of the Federal Government'of tho United
States, is actually necessary for the proper devel
opment of all the resources of this country, yet tho
principle of non-intervention, both on the part of
the Federal Government aud of the Several States
of the Union, in the muuicipal affairs of each other,
is essential to the peace and prosperity of our coun
try, and to the well-being and permanence of our
Institutions, and, at the same time, the only reliable
bond of brotherhood and union.
"12. That Red Republicanism and licentious in
dulgence in the enjoyment of civil privileges, are
as much to be feared and deprecated, by all friends
to well-regulated government and true liberty, as
any of the forms of monarchy and despotism.'
" 13. That the true interests and welfare of this
country, the honor of this nation, the individual
and private rights of its citizens, conspire to de
mand that all other questions arising from party
organizations, or from any other source, should be
held subordinate to, and in practice made to yield
to, tho great principles herein promulgated."
BY THIS MORNING'S MAILS.
iKncrKNDENCc, Mo. Dec. 5.?The Salt Lake mail
han arrived with reports that on the 18th ult., th*
Mail Party, under charge of John Jamison, whilst
coming to the States, was attacked, as is supposed,
by a party of Sioux Indians, near Dripp'a Trading
Fost, six miles this side of Fort Laramie, and all
the men killed, as follows: Jamison, Jas. Wheeler,
Thomas Hackett, and a passenger from Salt Lake,
named Charles A. Kincard, who was pierced by
several arrows and left for dead.
The mail bags were robbed of their contents and
all torn open. Kincard was robbed of $10,500 in
gold. The mules were also aD driven off. A mail
party outward bound passed by the spot on
the 17th, and fbund some soldiers', who took care
of the ladies. No escort could bo granted at the
fort, and the mails of November could go no far
ther than Fort Laramie, aud tliat of December had
returned to Independence.
N*w Oslkasb, Dec. 4?The steamer Cahawba
arrived here to-day with dates from Havana to the
1st instant
The Mexican war steamer Iturbide, from New
York, arrived at Havana on the 2#th ult. There
is no new* of importance.
Col. John E. Gaines, a prominent lawyer of this
citv, is dead.
Senator Douglas, who arrived here a few days
since en route for Washington, declined a pubUc
reception which was tendered to him.
BrrrALO, Doc. 6.?A fire occurred at Green Bay
on Tuesday, which destroyed tho factory of Mr.
Tavlor, Morris A Browrdey's hardware store, Mr.
Call's clothing store, and Marshall's provision store.
Loss about (120,000?insured for $6,000.
Naw Voaa, Dec. 6.?The barge Seneca, with a
full cargo of merchandise, whilst being towed to
the Erie railroad, Piermont, on the Hudson river,
was destroyed by Are. She is a total loss. The
cargo was valued at $40,000.
New York, Dee. The bills of the Brunswick
Bank of Maine are discredited by the brokers here
to-day. There has been a considerable run on the
Central Bank.
Boston, Dec. 8.?The steamer Canada sailed
hence to-day for Liverpool, with 79 passengers and
$ld2,000 in specie.
Fibe.?On the 81st ult., Mr. John C. Graham's
barn, near WytheviUe, Va.. was destroyed by Are,
together with three valuable horses, ten sets oi
harness, a quantity of oats, farming utensils, Ac.
His loss Is estimated at from $2,000 to 13,000.
The (Joule Adair.?The Official C'vrre
?poadeace.
The following it the official (onmpoodencr
which ill occasioned by the supposed reAund of
the French government to let Mr. Soule pass
through franco on hi* way to Madrid s
Miniltcr Ma ton to Drouyn dt Mluyt.
I.KUATION 1>KH ETATS UliU,
Paris, 27th Oct. 1864.
tin: I have received iuforiuatiou that on the
24th instant Mr. Soule, on hi* arrival at Calais from
the shores of England, was notified by a police of
ficer that order* Tiad been given by the imperial
government that he should not lie permitted to
enter France, and that by these orders he was
compelled to return to England, where he now re
mains. Mr. Soule is a citizen of the United States,
accredited as an envoy extraordinary and minister
plenipotentiary from his country to the court of
Spaiu. He had, in executing the orders of his
government, visited Paris and London, and was
returning to his poet at Madrid by the most usual
and convenient route through the territories of
France, when he was thus arrested in his journey,
lie had received no notice of the determination of
the Emperor's government to deny him a privilege
awarded by all nations to .citizens or subjects of
friendly powers travelling under their protection ;
and especially those who are clothed with the sa
crcd character of public ministers; for he was actu
ally arrested in his journey some hours before I
received the intimations in regard to him, which
you did me the honor to give me in the afternoon
of the 24th Instant. If authorized by the Empe
ror's government, it cannot be regarded by the
government and people of the United States, not
only as a most unusual and humiliating act towards
the minister personally, but as a national indignity
of very grave character, only to be extenuated by
tact-t established by conclusive proofs.
Without waiting for special instructions to that
effect, I regard it as my imperative duty to hasten
to ask for what reason* one of my fellow-citizons,
chosen by my country as a representative to a
Foreign Power, has been so treated, while relations
of aunty and peace exist and are cherished by the
United States with France. My government will
tie filled with painful anxiety until satisfactory in
formation in reply to this inquiry can be commu
nicated. I cannot but hope that your Excellency
will furnish me with such explanations as may re
lieve the minister from the position in which he
has thus been placed, and which will enable me to
allay tho unpleasant feelings which the intelligence
of this occurrence will occasion in the United States.
I avail myself of this opportunity to renew to
your Excellency the assurances of the high consi
deration with which I am your humble and obedi
ent servant, J. Y. MASON.
Mr. Dboctn dk l'IIuyh, Minitter of Foreign Af
fairi.
M. Drouyn De THuyt to Mr. Maton,
[Translation.]
Paris, Nov. 1,1854.
Sir: I have received tho letter you did me the
honor to write me, under date of the 27 th of the
last month, in which you ask ine for some expla
nations as to the motives of the determination
taken with regard to Mr. Soule. 1 must, in the
first place, state the manner in which things have
occurred.
The Minister of the Interior bad to give direc
tions that Mr. Soule should not be allowed to pen
etrate into France without tho knowledge of the
?>vernment of the Emperor. The instructions of
r. Billant were strictly followed, and carriod out
with the utmost propriety by the commissary of
the police at Calais. Accordingly, that functionary
did not invite Mr. Soule to embark again for Eng
land?he left him perfectly free to remain at Calais
until he should receive orders from Paris, which
he was about to request. It was simply a question
of waiting patiently for one day at the most; but
Mr. Soule, after saying that he did not expect any
regard on the part of the French government, and
that bosides he did not care for it, preferred to go
back to England immediately. The Minister of tlie
Interior did, nevertheless, forward his definitive
instructions to Calais by telegraph, and I can do
nothing better than to transcribe them here.
"If Mr. Soule presents himself for the purpose
of entering France, you will give him to understand
that the Emperor's government does not authorize
him to sojourn there, but that it makes no opposi
tion to his passing through in order to go to Spain;
and you will offer him to vite liis passport for that
destination."
You perceive, sir, that the Government of the
Emperor has not sought, as you seem to believe,
to prevent an Envoy of the United States from
traversing French territory in order to repair to his
post and acquit himself of the commission with
which he was charged by his government; but be
tween tliat simple passage and the stay of a foreigner
whose antecedents (I regret to say it) have awa
kened the attention of the authorities whose duty
it is to preserve public order among us, there is a
difference which the Minister of the Interior was
bound to appreciate. If Mr. Soule had been going
directly to Madrid, the route by France was open
to him. If it was his intention to come to Paris,
with a view to remaining here, that privilege was
not accorded him. It was, therefore, necessary to
consult him as to his intentions, and it was himself
who would not allow time to do so. Our laws are
strict with reference to foreigners. The Minister
of the Interior causes their rigorous provisions to
be executed, when it is shown him that there is any
necessity fbr such action?and even then he makes
use of discretionary power which the Government
of the Emperor has never allowed to be discussed.
The quality of foreigner on tho part of Mr. Soule
placed him within the scope of the measure of
which he was the object; all that remained was to
reconcile this measure with the public character
with which he was invested.
You will acknowledge, sir, that this is what we
have done, and that the government of the United
States, with which government His Miyeoty the
Emperor has at heart to cultivate the relations of
friendship and esteem, has in nowise been assailed
in the person of one of its representatives.
The Minister of the United States in Spain is
free, I repeat it, to pass through Francc. Mr.
Soule, who has no mission to fulfil near the Em
peror, and who conformably with the doctrine
sanctioned by the law of nations, would need, on
account of his origin, a special agreement to ena
ble him to represent, in his native land, tho country
of his adoption?Mr. Soule, as a simple private in
dividual, comes within the pale of the common
law which has been applied to him, and be cannot
lay claim to any privilege.
Accept, sir, the assurance of high consideration
with which I have the honor to remain your very
humble and obedient servant,
DROUYN DE L'HUYS.
Mr. Masok, United States Minister,
Mr. Mnton to M. Drouyn d* nitty.
Lcoation Unitkt) Statzs,
Parts, Nor. 8, 1854.
Sir : I have the honor to acknowledge the re
ceipt of your excellency's letter of the 1st of No
vember, in reply to mine of the 27th of Octol>er
ultimo. I have carefully examined your narrative
of circumstances which led to the event and gave
occasion for this correspondence.
It is qnite manifest that the order under which
the commissary of police at Calais acted, when he
interdicted Mr. Soule's entrance iuto France, did
not present to the American Minister any alterna
tive but to return to England, or remain in Calais,
virtually under duress, until the further orders of
the Emperor's government could be received. I
think your excellency will concur in the opinion
that he could not, consistently with the dignity of
his government, remain on the frontier of France,
there situated, awaiting orders which he had no
reason to believe would be more favorable than the
one which denied him entrance upon French ter
ritory. I cannot, therefore, but deeply regret that
the precise telegraphic order which your excellen
cy has Incorporated in your letter to me, did not
precede Mr. Soule's arrival at Calais.
That order I am pleased to find, removes all im
pediment to the free passage of the American Min
ister accredited to the Court of Spain, through the
territory of France. I have not failed to observe
the declaration that Mr. Soule's residence in Francc
will not bo authorized by the Emperor's govern
ment. As his public duties requlro him to reside
in Spain, he has no Intention, as far as I am inform
ed, of remaining or residing in France. I there
fore forbear entering into any examination of the
reasons suggested for the determination to deny
him the privilege, or of the manner In which he
has been notified of the purpose of the Imperial
government.
I hare observed also the distinction which your
Excellency makes between individual* and mln
toters.
Without undertaking to inquire how far such
distinction can be maintained?for It is not neces
8?rjr to th* occasion to guard myself against be
ing misunderstood if I psaait in silence?I must
**? tlu,t>iu my opinion, one who is a public minis
eges under the solemn sanction of the laws of na
I boas, about which, if it shall become necesaarv to
discuss them, I feel assured that I will not liave the
misfortune to find conflicting views held by one so
tnhghteued >s your eieelkxiey. 1 havo much satis
faction in receiving the assurance, given in the
emphatic declaration of your excellency, that the
;r^'h0 to Spain isat liberty
^r*nce. i?war<U ** l*at- ?>d obeying
the commission w,th which he is clia?*ed by h*
government. B -
aJtf Z?r'i0" ?f ,hia ri?bt * ^ thttt 1 *>?ve to j
ask of the Emperors government in the premises
and on this, as on all other occasions, 1 receive
with pleasure the assumnce that the government of
His Imperial Majesty has at heart relations of
friendship and esteem with the government of th?
l ulled States. Feeling which, it is my constant
desire and effort to cherish and strengthen them.
I will hasten to communicate this correspond
ence to mv government, and will also inform the
American Minister to Spain, who is still in Loudon
of tue result which had been arrived at. '
I avail myself of the opportunity to renew to
your excellency assurance of the very high con
sideration with which I am your obedient, humble
J. Y. Misoh. '
Postmaster General's Report.
From this voluminous document wo select j
tereat 41,(1 su^tionti "?? of general in- j
It sets out with stating that the whole number
of post offices in the United States on the 80th
June, 1884, was 28,648. Of this number 267 are
offices the annual commissions from which amount
to one thousand dollars or upwards. The number
of offices established during the last fiscal year was
1,842, and the number discontinued 614, showinc
21ST !? 0ne y.ear of 1.228- The number
of which the sites and names have been changed
In the course of the year was 499. The number of
postmasters appointed during the year was 8,#18.
? ? ?*' .were ?PPototed to fill vacancies oc
casioned by resignations; 1,077 by removals : 820
by deaths, 294 by change of names and rites;
and 1,842 ?n establishment of new offices. The
""
I -
! i??riiWrcd Wlth tl,e wrrices of the 80th June
1868, there is an increase of 1,494,468 miles of
a*?1 2 1-2 per cent., and of
1134,708 cost, being about throe percent. The
increase of railroad service is 2,440,684 miles, and
the expense #167,281, being 19 per cent, in trans
portation, and not quite 1 per cent, in cost.
rtransportation by modes not spe
cified, Is 877,167 miles, or about 1 per cent., at a
cost of |37,620, or 8 86-100 per cent.
The transportation by coaches is less by 489 796
miles, or about 2 per cent., though at an increased
188,187, or ? 88-100 per cent.
, The steamboat transportation during the past
ve?r was reduced 889,682 miles, or 16 8-8 per
| cent., at a reduced cost of $143,280. or 29 7-10
per cent.
A comparison of the service under the new con
l8tJ"l?'?8t. Min "Potion on
the 30th September, with that under the expired
contracts in the northwestern and southwestern
sections of the Union, shows that the annual trans
portation of mails has been increased 2,990 860 !
divided1 increft8ed COflt ofts^S73 per annum,
Tlie total annual transportation under the new '
contracts, as adjusted for the quarter ending 30th I
Sebtember, is 29,047,060 miles, and the total an
nual cost |2,376,789.
There were in service on the 80th June last 236
route agents, at a compensation of $181 600 per
21 local agents, at $16,490 per annum;
and 968 mail messengers, at $92,131 80 per annum ?
making a total cost of $289,221 80 per annum to I
be added to tho Other cost of transportation stated
abovo at $4,680,676.
i ?hoCn WT in operation on the 30th September
last 232 railroad routes; their aggregate lenirth
was 16,621 1-2 miles, and the c^t of m^il tmns
portation thereon was $1,923,747 89. Add to
this the sums paid mail messengers, route and local
agents, and the whole cost of this service will be
$2,196,249 89.
The report refers to the difficulties existing be
tween the Department and the various railroad
companies in regard to the price paid for the trans
portation of the mails, and suggests that tliev
could best be settled by a committee of Congress
Of the sum of $8,677,424 12 expended l.y the
department for the last fiscal year, there was paid
as compensation to postmasters $1,707,708 29
Mtra compensation to postmasters, by tho act of
March 3, 1861, $84,799 97 ; ship, steamboat and
way letters, $19,649 67 ; transportation of the mails,
including the mails to Bremen, Havre, and Hava
na, and the mails acrons the Isthmus of Panama
$6,401,382 60, and the balance for various specified'
purposes.
The gross revenue of the fiscal year
A * * ? ? $0,265,686 22
Annual appropriation . . . 7oo ooo w
T. . , ... $6,966,686 22
This leaves a deficiency of $1,621,887 90 to
which must be added another balance, making a
total deficiency of $1,766,321 28, which is $3?1,
year deficiency of the previous
The report recommends that the clause in the
law authorizing a reduction of one-half of the post
age cWged on newspapers, and periodicals, where
the postage is paid in advance, shall be repealed.
It also recommends the adoption of a plan of letris
Thr^t^l^n81 ^ 0f XthubUs Otters.
The cost of the service for the last fiscal T.ar on
?k ill6 . ? mwl steamship lines, and' across
the Isthmus of Panama, is as follows :
New York to Liverpool, Collins line, twentv-six
round trips - . . k,?
New York, via Southampton, to Brc- '
U "
m'MC00
in wall, twenty-four round trips, in
eluding same number of trips be
tween New York and New Orleans
via Havana - . - lao ?*\ no
Astoria, via San Francisco, to Pana- '
ma, twenty-four round trips - 343 260 00
Charleston, via Savannah and Key
West, to Havana, twenty-four
four round trips, omitting Taiu
Aspinwall to Panama . 110*7*7 01
approved the third of
'^7> the 1 ?*?ident was authorized to con
tract for the construction and equipment of four
first class sea going steamships, to be attached to
the navv of the United States
?*ncr,J think? the priors now
paid to these lines are entirely too high, and re
commends that the prescribed notice for the ter
mination of the contract should now be riven
No progress has been made in the pending ue
gotiations with Great Britain relative to thf Hd
mission of France Into the arrangement as con
templated by the provisionjn the 12th article of
our postal convention. Xor has a satisfactory
??!irTCntk,n tK,"n concl,,ded w'th France and
Home steps have been taken with reference to a
postal convention with Mexico. A mutual ex
change of dead letters has already been agreed
upon and carried into effect. ?g'wed
the PKIU ?7 ?ODVontlon *'th Great Britain,
of ths S?PrV?ffir- With lh" incurrence
f that government, has been constituted an office
A Z 2 L nuit,Vl 8Ut<* *nd Briti,,h m*il"
1 reposition for the reduction of pamphlet and
magaxme postage between the two countries to one
cent an ounce on either side, has been positively
declined by the British Post Department The
combined rate is at present altogether too high,
being eight cents an ounce for all works of this
kind above the weight of two ounces.
A statement of arrangements, concluded lit March
last, for the transportation of mail matter between
the tnlted States and Australia, is given, with the
rates of postage, as follows: Five cents a letter
two cents each for newspapers, and one cent an
ounce or fraction of an ounce for pamphlets and
Kl^k .W^cnt required. iW rates em
^ United States inland and sea postage.
of Qeortf*< married, at
WmlSms' TennwM<*( ? fcw to Mrs. K. M.
Secretary of War'* Report.
The annual report of Col Jefferson Davia, Sec
retary of War, ia an interesting, business-like doc
ument, and make# uumy important recommenda
tion*, in order to give increased efficiency to the
important branch of the public service over which
he preside*. We annex a brief extract:
The sctual strength of the army is ouly teu
thousand auveu hundred and forty-five. The
whole authorixed strength is fourteen thousand two
hundred and sixteen. The deficiency is fast de
creasing by more rapid enlistments. A statement
of the changes made in the distribution of the ar
my during last year is given.
The removal from Florida of the remnant of tho
Seminole* has received the atteutiou of the depart
ment, but its efforts have not been very successful.
Better fortune is expected next year, through the
instrumentulity of tlie now plan of operations.
The Indian difficulties elsewhere are alluded to.
The massacre of Lieutenaut Glutton and men by
the Hioux is narrated, and the fact stated that the
army force is quite inadequate to the protection of
our frontier)! and to punish Indian aggressions.
Our entire loess in Indian actions, during the year,
is four officers and sixty-three men killed, and four
officers and forty-two men wounded. The occur
rences on the frontier furnish deplorable proofs of
the insufficiency of our military force, and of the
absolute necessity for its increase, which was urged
by the Secretary last year.
Our effective force does not exceed eleven thou
sand men, which is entirely inadequate for the
purposes for which we maintain a standing army.
Its immediate increase is urged, at a cost sufficient
to give some degree of security to tho Iiidian fron
tiers, for which services tho regular forcc is tho
most efficient, cheap, proper, and constitutional
means. The increased pay to enlisted men induced
the enlistment of 1,006 men in October and Sep
tember last, against 80tf men during the corre
sponding months last year. The number of recruits
required for the service of the ensuing year will
probaUv not be less than 6,000. He recommends
the use of camels and dromedaries for military pur
poses again, and asks an appropriation to test their
usefulness. An increased pay for officers is urged
as an act of justice and neccxaity. Additional le
gislation is asked to place the widows and orphans
of the officers and soldiers of the army on an
equality with the widows and orphans of the offi
cers and soldier* of the navy.
Tho necessity of a revision of our military legis
lation in some important particulars is pointed out,
in order to prevent conflicting claims in regard to
rank and command, which now give rise to much
inconvenience and trouble. One great source of
difficulty in the double rank recognised by our
laws ; to remedy this it is proposed to give effect
to brevet rank only when the President may see
fit, and forbid the exercise of brevet commissions
in the regiment troop, or company where officers
are mustered. Elaborate suggestions for reorgan
ization of the staff corps are presented, and com
pared with European systems. It is proposed that
there be nine brigadier generals ; one for each de
partment ; one for quartermaster general, ono for
adjutant general, and two for inspectors general;
being an addition of three to those who now, by
brevet or otherwise, have rank and command as
brigadier generals. Other marked changes in staff
appointments, rank and duty are proposed.
Reforms in the organization of regiments aro
also suggested. The expediency of general pro
motions by seniority, instead of merit, is doubted
by the Secretary ; and the establishment of a re
tired list agaiu urged. Professorships of ethics,
and of English studies, at the military academy, are
recommended.
Many other subjects are treated of at consider
i able length.
FOR TltS AMERICAN ORGAN.
Parties.
The free and liberal institutions of our govern
ment, the bold and daring spirit of our people,
their lofty independence of thought, and feeling,
and devoted love of country, necessarily invite
free, full, and enlightened discussion of all public
matters, and free discussion scarcely ever fails to
elicit divers or multiform views and opinions,
hence will account for the former distinction or
appellation of Whig and Democrat, originally Fed
eralist and Republican. These contending parties
I occupied different platforms?contended for great
national principles and jMjlicy, while both ardently
desired the good and glory of the country, as evi
denced in the last war with England. Their differ
ences, however, involved no grave or vital conse
quences to the growth and prosperity of the coun
try ; they were honest differences, and now no
longer exist; and, in the language of Mr. Jeffer
son, we are " all federalists?all republicans,"
neither is every " difference of opinion a differ
ence of principle."
Heretofore the pride of opinion and party tac
tic* did not fail to make desperate efforts for suc
cess ; and, in many instances, the " end sanctified
the means."
In the midst and heat of these conflicts, a faction,
heretofore utterly insignificant in numbers, charac
ter, or patriotism, but now much more formidable,
have held in some portions of the country the bal
ance of power, and that power has been invoked,
from time to time, by the two great parties, in order to
subserve the corrupt purposes of corrupt politicians,
uutil it has become a moct dangerous and formida
ble one. " Rule or ruin" is their motto, the " higher
law" their boa?ted authority; vested rights disre
garded : the peace of the country threatened ; the
whole South reviled and grossly outraged; the con
stitution of the country put at defiance ; the Union
to be dissolved; and, to cap the climax, gory war
to desolate the sunny plains of the sunny South!
So long, therefore, as the two great national par
ties of Whig and Democrat occupied antagonistic
positions, so long the horror* here depicted and
fairly apprehended, would not only continue, but
rapidly increase, if we estimate the future by the
past.
What man can effectually and promptly check
this detestable heresy ? The answer is obvious:
The amalgamation of the two great parties of Whig
and Democrat, and they have (If the expression be
proper) amalgamated, in order to put down the
most dangerous cut-throat faction that ever men
aced any nation or people. Is this not the great
and glorious triumph of liberty, the love of coun
try, law, justice, and equal rights, over all personal
honor* and personal distinctions? I* it not in
strict accordance with the magnanimous sentiment,
" My country first, my friends and countrymen
next?" Who, then, has effected this great politi
cal revolution, without the shedding of a single drop
of human blood?this glorious revolution, this
peaceful operation f The answer is, the despised
Know-Nothings I *
Are they then traitors to their country * Do
they seek it* ruin, or desire to aatatrinat* thhr
frllote-citizmt, whether natim or forrignrrt t If
they are justly obnoxious to these imputations, or
either of them. Instead of their almost counties*
number* throughout this wide-spread land, their
paucity of follower* would be a fit subject for the
contempt and scorn of every virtuous citizen. The
"Know-Nothing*" not oniy desire but they can
and they mil perpetuate the Union?perpetuate
the institutions of the conntry?the preservation of
the Constitution of the United States?the preser
vation of all legitimate and vested rights?the lib
erty of speech, tho freedom of the pre**, (when not
licentious,) a sacred regard to religions scruples,
it* rights and dutie* on the part of every hum*n
belnff; and, finally, the selection of the wisest,
purest, and noblest patriots of our great and pow
erful country to guide its councils, aitd to uphold
its lofty dignity. Fight on, "Know-Nothings!"
God is with you, who then can arrc*t your rapid
progress ? Bnt let your weapons of warfare ba the
light of reason, and tho force of trnth, and let yonr
motto ever be ln*cril>ed in letter* of gold upon
your banner, whoti floating on the breeze, " Our
country first, our friends noxt." Behold the glori
ous tpectacle of a great nation spontaneously up
rising to defend their legitimate rights, to stifle cor
ruption?to put down selfish and faithless poli
tician*?to *trangle foreign influence, and to bring
l>aek the general government to its original purity.
Like the mighty ocean wave, it will submerge evtry
littU mmtlT found floating on it* mrfae*. " Vox
populi vox Dei." If the above principles, views,
and object* of the "Know-Nothing*" are traitorovi,
we pray God to bless us with unnumbered host*.
^ A with