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WASHINGTON, D. C.
SATURDAY, DECEMBER 1?. 1?M. V ESPASI A N EI-LIS, Editor. R. M. HKATH, AwiMuit. _ " Agaiust lb* insidious wilas of forsigu influence? J eoujuru \ ou to believe u?e, fellow -dttxeus?the Jeal ousy of a free people ougkt to be constantly awake ; fciooe history and tripsnenoe prors, that foreign iu tluence ia out) of the must baneful fciea of a republican pjveruniout."? H'cuAui/foH. " I hope we may find some means, in future, ot ahislding ourselves from foreign influence, political, oiminercutl, or in whatever form it tuay be attempted. I (An scarcely withhold uivaalf from joining in the <viill of Silos Deuu?'that there were un oceun of Are I Iwtween this and the old world.'"?Jtff<rmjn. Ageuts lor the " American Organ." Jomk T. Acdlst, 8l Asuph street, two doori from King street, Alexandria, Virginia. Arrasn Liwilum, Richmeod, > iigtula. W. 8. CaoWLir, 144 Baltimore atreet, Baltimore, Marrland. John P. Uiltok (aswsted br D. W. and fll Walnut atreet, Cincinnati,) ia our agent for Cin cinnati and other citiee In the weat V. B. 1'almss, the Americau Newspaper Agent, Is IK, only authorLi-ft Agent for this paper m tbe cities of Boston, New Vork, and Philadelphia, and is duly empowered to take ndrertiaemente and aubacnptiou. at the ratee required br us. Hia receipt* will be re L'nrdod aa payments. Hia ottces are?Boaton, Sool lay's Building; New York, Tribune Buildings; Phil adelphia, northweat corner Third and Cbeatnut sts. Tue " Amkkicam Oman " will be found for Rale at Ami II Yatss', No. W Beekman atreet. New Tort A. D. Chalokbb, Burlington, (N. J..j ia agent for the " American Organ" for the State of New Jersey. M. J. Busks, Portsmouth, Virgiuia. Osobob H. Pbtton, Fredericksburg, Va. J. 0. Moboak. New Orleaua. Hamlat U. Klaoo, State of Massachusetts. H. Clofus, State of Rhode Island. D. B. Yocnu, Stauntoii, Va. J. A. DrNMiNOTOK, for Prince Goergr, Charles, 8t. Majrv'a, and Calvert oountics, Marvlsnd. P." B. Vbitcb, Esq., of Maryland, Is general agent to got subscribers on any route be may trsvol. To Advertisers. Wo take occasion to warn our advertisers that uo receipts w ill discharge them from pay ment for advertising, but those of our book keeper. All bills sent out for collcctiou will have the signature of our bookkeeper attached, (lo wit: F. S. Kvans,) without which, pay ments should not be made. We give this cau tion to avoid all possible difficulty with our friends. Mr. Evans is at present the only per son authorized to receipt bills for advertising in the American Organ. jy We would like to converse with our correspondent "E Pluribus Unum" before we publish his communication. w In answer to our correspondent "Co 1 jnibuf," wo have to say that we presume the general remarks of an auoujynous correspond ent will not, as they ought not to, affect inju riously any monetary or insurance institutions. The Union Tl. Senator Adams. After some dayH of consideration and reflec tion, the Washington Union has at last pro mulgated its views upon the proi>osition of Senator Adams, but in very different language from that usod towards the Hon. Mr. Taylor, of Tennessee, when he presented a similar proposition in the House of Representatives. The Union had no hesitation in assailing Mr. Taylor, and in seeking to connect his proposi tion with religious intoleration, because for iooth Mr. Taylor is a Whig and a Methodist minister; but this same Jesuitical press is now as mild as a summer's morning, in its milk and water comments upon the same proposition, when presented by a Democratic Senator! Mr. Adams is treated very 44 gingerly" in the a-tide referred to, as we supposed he would bs. The Union says: " We think Mr. Adams labors under a miatake at to the efficacy of tbc remedy by which he pro poses to correct what he regards a* a great evil? the great influx of foreigner* into our country. We a-e unable to ?ee how the influx of foreigners would be materially affected by lengthening the term of roideuce prior to uaturalixation. The danger to oar institutions from the political influence of for eign citizens is neither Increased nor diminished by increasing or diminishing the term. It is mainly through the ballot-box that foreigners can exert a political influence ; and yet the elective franchise is bestowed upon theni by several of the States without regard to the fact whether they have been naturalised or not. Congress is authorised to enact uniform laws for conferring upon foreigners the rights of citiscnship, and the right to vote is the m >st prominent franchise thus bestowed. But the right to vote is grsnted by the Ststes regardless of I te question of naturalization. If it could be shown that the large emigration was attracted to our coun try by the desire to exercise the elective franchise, 1. is evident that no diminution would Ukc plaoe because the term for naturalisation was extended. " If our republican institutions were really in daoger from the political Influence of foreigners, it It apparent that Mr. Adams's remedy would be 1 lefflcicnt, unless he could show that the several Slates will abandon ths right which they now c'aim, to confer the elective franchise upon natu ralized foreigners. We should doubt even then whether the tide of emigration would be materi ally diminished. We incline to the opinion that the great mass of immigrants come to oar country more for bread than to obtain the elective fran chise. As high a boon as American citiiensblp Is admitted to be, we cannot but regard the ouostlon of naturalisation as deprived of verv much of U? importance by the powers and rights conferred upou unnaturallsed foreigners by the States. It now confers but few franchises and rights which are not conferred by the States upon those who aro not citizens. Beyond the naked title to citi scnship, naturalization is but little more than a formal proceeding." But we copy the above for another purpose than to Bhow how tenderly the Union treats Senator Adams. The Union pratouU aa an obstacle to the success of our party, by the proposed change or repeal of the laws of naturalisation, the/ar t that several of the State* confer the right of suffrage upon unnaturalized foreigner?, and argue*, therefrom, that no change in tlie laws of naturalization would prevent the States from continuing this practice, and therefore, the right of suffrage would continue to be con ferred upon foreigners, regardless of the ques tion of naturalisation. We do not deny the f<*t that some of the States admit foreigners to the polls before they have been naturalised; but we do emphatical ly deny the right or authority of any State to confer such right upon them. We liave met this question before, and we sliall meet it now, as upon its right decision depends, to a great extent, the practicability of ?Electing our objects in the mode proposed. We may however hero say, that wliatever may be the constitutional rights of the tteveral States, on tlio point we are discussing, it is manifest that a general preralenre of our American dor,trim* would correct the evils complained of, even though the States should be permitted to uxercise the right of conferring free suffrage upon aliens. Tho States them sehts could apply tlie corrective. But the States have no such power as has been claim ed and exercised by them on this subject Instead of repeating in different language our views on this matter, ws here copy an ex tract from an address, prepared and published by the editor of this paper, in 1841, ss Presi dent of the Missouri Native American Associ ation. We trust that the length of the extract will not prevent its perusal, as the questions involved should be thoroughly examined Ex tract as follows, to wit: " Wo cuuiu no* to the ibird olfaction; that if Congress should repotl Uie present U? ot nstU'sli nation, esi h Rule, might W allow forei^ eni ''** 'tfi'11* *"d privileges of cituuna, .wifbin its limit,*. Tnio question Is one vt th? liiKneot impor tance. Prior to the adoption of the Federal Con stitution, this power wss possessed and exercised by the several .States. The cousequence of it wss, that there were various and discordant rules adopt ed. Mr. Madison, In page 202, of the Federalist, advocating the sdoptiou of the. Federal Constitu tion, says: I "'In one Stato, residence for a short time con fers all the rights of citizenship; in another, quali fications of greater importance are required. An shen, therefore, legally incapacitated for certain rights in the latter, may, by previous residence only w the for war, elude bin incapacity ; and thus the law of one State be preposterously rendered paramount to the law of another, within the juris diction of the other." , " TU" the condition of things whilst the different States exercised the power of naturaliza tion. The evils of it are mauifest. Another writer. (Kawle on the Constitution, page 85,) after describing the evils of these conflicting provisions, " ' The evil could not b? better remedied than by vesting the exclusive power in Congress.' "The provisions of the constitution on this sub ject are in the following words: In article I. sec i tion 0, it readfl? " ' Congress shall have power to establish a uni form rule of naturalization.' In article I, section 9, it reads? ( "'Tb? ""K^t'on or importation of such persons | ?s any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the year 1808. " In article IV, section 2, it reads "' The citizens of eat* State shall ho entitled to the privileges sud immunities of citizens in the several States.' " These are all the provisions of the constitution affecting; this question. By the first clause cited above, the general power is granted to establish a uniform rule. By the second clause cited, the power of prohibiting immigration is conferred. The suppression of the slave trade was no doubt particularly aimed at iu this clause; but the term migration or Importation of such persons,' ko. cannot be confined to any specific class of persons! i fr<i Ke,,eral and comprehensive terms; and ' there being uo ambiguity of expression, they must ?L<S2ir?d 10 "'T w,mt t"ey P^nly import. The third clause cited makes the citizens of each State citizens of the whole United States. Un der those three clauses, it seems plain that the 1 most ample authority is conferred upon Congress to regulate the whole question of immigration ex clusively. Congress may establish the rule, change the rule, abrogate the rule, and prohibit foreign immigration entirely The power, while exercised by the States, produced the evils of conflicting legislation, and contradictory rules. That evil was to bo remedied. It was remedied by transferrin* the power to the National Legislature; where It most properly belongs. Is not, then, this power iu Congress exclusive ? Itawle so considers it, in his treatise before cited, page 86. Bayard so considers it, in his new of the constitution, page 71. He 8a VB This power is, from its nature, exclusive; for if the several States could legislate on this subject! they might require very different qualifications for citizens, and aliens would become citizens of the lotted States upon very unequal terms, according to the laws of the particular Stales in which they imght be naturalized/ w " It was held in the circuit court of the United States, at ItiUadelphia, in 1792, in the case of Collet vs. Collet 2 Dallas, 294, that the State govern ments had concurrent authority with Congress, upon the subject of naturalization. But this dc b.T0ni beenovernded. In the circuit court in 1814, Judge Washington decided in the case of Golden m Prince, 8 Washington's Circuit Keporto, 814 that this power was exclusive in Congress And at a later period in the case of Chirac ??. ( hirac, 2 Wheaton, page 269, Chief Justice Mar shall said that, ' it certainly ought not to be con troverted, that the power of naturalization was vested exclusively in Congress.' In the case of Houston ?. Moore, 6 Wheaton, page 49, Justice Story, alluding to this power, considers it exclu sive, on the ground of there being a direct repug nancy or incompatibility in the exercise of it bv the States. J " In the very able commentaries of this same judge, upon the Constitution of the United States, vol. 8, chap. 16, sec. fi88, he uses the following language: ' It follows from the very nature of tins power, that to be useful, it must be exclusive ? for a concurrent power in the States would brini back all the evils and embarrassments which the uniform rule of the constitution was deaigned to remedy. And, accordingly, though there was a momentary hesitation when the constitution first W?n ''ut0 0P*r*ti?n, whether the power might not still be exercised by the 8tates, subjeet only to the control of Congress, so flu- as the legislation of the utter extended, as the supreme law, yet it is now finnl.v established to be exclusive in Congress.' " Chancellor Kent, in commenting upon this -nibject, and reviewing the authorities, doe* not hee tate to say, that ' tho Weight of authority, as well as of reason, may therefore be considered hi ^COl,l<tn,Ction-' If, then, the opinions of Bayard, Rawle Story, and Kent, sanctioned by the decisions of the circuit and Supreme Oourta of the Inited States, are to be regarded as authority toe position is impregnable, and the question clear bevoad all controversy, that Congress has the e* elusive power of legislation on the important sub ject of naturalization. Indeed, if it were other wise, what would prevent New York, or any other Stair, from naturalizing a million of Af ricans, who ipto facto, would be ' entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens In the levend Stat**,' under the 2d section of the 4th article of the con stitution ? Justice, reason, and authority forbid such a construction as this. But, connected with ths question now under conad era tion, we will advert to tho recentlv *T?WWJ eoustitotional power of a State to coufor the right of suffrage upon unnaturalized foreigner*. ,* f* * ,0" *? imagine the gromds upon which the assumed power rest*. We have din cussed the point, and we hope ptaeed it be rood *11 cavil, that the power to naturalise foreigners dwoll. only In Congress. " The right of free suffrage is the most exalted privilege of citizenship. In almost all civilised countries alien friends are permitted to hold property. In some countries this permission or allowance "is othen' limited. In most of the Statee of this Union, properly may be held and transmitted by aliens. This permimiuii by a State to aliens does not affect the right* or interests of other States. >o objection can with propriety be made by my State, or by Congress, to whstever previsions the legislatures of other Statee may enact on this sub ject. Free negroes and mulattoes, transient per sons, ferns les, criminals, all are allowed the privi ledge of holding and enjoying property in erery State in the Imon; nor can Congress abridge this right, for it baa no jurisdiction over such internal regulstions of any State as do not interfere with P0*"1* ff*ntod to Congress. W bilst, therefore, by naturalising foreign.,?, Con gress (if no conditions are annexed) places tb^in on a fooling with native citisens, it cannot control the exercise of privileges granted by a State to for eigners, not naturalized, which do not fall within the scope of its delegated powers. " ?!,VWC ,iaT* a,re*dT th?t the main reas on which operated to induce the grant of exclusive pownr to (V>ngress over the question of naturaliza tion was, that each State had the power to trans form aliens into citizens of sll the States, without tho consent of those States, and thns give them po litical power in anv State wherein they might choose to resido. This evil was intended to be remedied by conferring this excluiiive power of naturalization upon Congress. But, if the right to make voters of those foreigner* who have not been msde citizens be allowed to an individual State, of wl*t use is this congressional power of naturalize Hon, to what purpose* can it be applied, and how .'i' tho "V"* e,r"f T"* moat import - ant right of citizenship, snd one whose exerckie affect* the whole Union, would be conferred by one Congressional legislation would be of no Ulw th? PoWoal In ffuenee of ^ifneea The original ev|l, then, would ^ h *?>?* int *dmit ? ^g" montWre^de-^ wlTh U^ XVi^m:OnfST0,ul ? "tureliM tl<m, whilst the other States eonflmy) the riirht of suffrags to naOvs and naturalized dtisens? If the electoral rote of all the other Rtat?, fcr President and Vice President should be squally divided be I wean two rival candidate., would uot the alien votes of Illinois elect thoss officers ? Suppose the voles of the native and naturalized citizens of that Bute to be e<jatlly divided betw*?i rival dates for CougfSSS, Would MH the send member* to Congress to to' *?? United States! S?ppo*e the >??>? division of the votes of nati*# and naturalised dtizeus to exist t? the different nountie. of that State, m of members to the Bute Legislature, would not the Legislature be composed of the representatives ol aliens ? And would not Senators to Congress from Illinois bo indirectly elected by aliens T Have not all the States of this Union a direct Interest In this question? Is not this, in substance, the 1 evil intended to be remedied by conferring on Con gress the exclusive power of naturalizing foreign L'B" Will any man, who U not utterly re0^*^ ^ his reputation as a constitutional lawyer, pre e for oue moment to sauotiouao propojrt^rou*?a daii u as that of a State to make voters of uhonaT Who are citizeus, and who are voters* CitUeus arc all freemen twin in the United Stated, and all for eigners naturalized by our congrcsekmsl taws ,? voters are those portions of citlzeus w^?.^h.e c^" stitutions of tlie respective States participate In the exercise of sovereignty. A citizen of State is entitled to the light* of a citizen ui all the United States; but a voter in one State U not .p~ facto entitled to be a voter in another State. AU voters must necessarily be citizens, b?ca<M? right of suffrage is the highest right of a citiwn , but all citixens are not therefore are voters, h? cause particular qualifications are required In ciU zeus for the exercise of thisi exalted privilege " The ordinary rights of dtixenslup donot, therefore, necessarily include therightof suffr^e, though the exercise of the right of suffragt. im plies unqualified citizenship. If * Virginian Kentuiikian removes to Missouri, lie becomes ? citizen of Missouri the first moment he wjttles him self on our soil; but he is not a voter till after one year's residence. If a Georgun orosses the line and ?ettl?? himself in South ??! becomes a citizen of that State, but he M ? voter till he has residad there, two years. Yet ??r all other purposes he has all the nght* of citizen ship He can hold and transmit property, sue awl be sued, and Is protected by the laws m his person and libortv. The difference between ffMM and voters is made atill more manifest, and the proprie ty of the distinctions wc have stated more apptftnt, by reference to the different qualifications required in the different States, to constitute voters. An examination of the several State constituttous will exhibit this question in its propor light. In some of the States the citizen must have resided withw their limits one year, and In others two year* to be a voter. In some of them he must possess a spe cified amount of property, and in others he must have paid a tax, and in some few' States he must hare all these qualifications to entitle him to vote. "If it should be pretended that bocause the terms 'inhabitants' and 'persons' are sometimes used in the State constitutions, instead of citizens there is an argument dinducible from this tact in fnvor of the power wc are combatting, we answer, that no matter which of these terms is used, it is perfectly clear and incontestable tliat no persons whatever, save natives, can chum or etyoy any po litical power in any of these States, without natu ralization, under the laws of Congress. The prin ciples which wo discussed In another part of this address, touching this position, establish it beyond the possibility of refutation. No State, then can constitutionally transform aliens into voters. They must first be made citizens by naturalization. Our purposes cannot be thwarted by such means. But it mav be asked, what remedy exists for this vio lation of the rules of naturalization ? The answer is easy. The remedy is in the hands of Congress. ' Fr"'*' house shall be the judge of the elections, returns and qualifications of its own members. A contested election in either house ol Congress, if a proper ease is made, wiU probably put on end to so outrageous and palpable a violation of the constitution.' Having thus, as wo think, disposed of the question now raised by the Union, and here tofore mooted by others who have assailed our principle**, on the point involving the right of a State to make voters of aliens, we defer to another occasion the consideration of the opin ions of Mr. Jefferson on the policy of our laws of naturalization, and we think we shall show that Mr. Jefferson's deliberate judgment was in opposition to the encouragement of immi gration to our country, of the general mass of European population. Oar Party in Virginia. We are glad to learn from our correspond ent* in various sections of Virginia, that a gen eral as well as fixed purpose exists, amongst our friends, to make independent nomination* for State officers at the approaching election, to be held next May. This is unquestion ably the only proper and safe course. There should be no amalgamation with any other party. Let our friends select competent, able, and experienced men for office?men of high and honorable character?men who love their country, ami who are devoted to the American cause, and to the union of these States, and -vote for them, irrespective of the course and policy pursued by the Whig and Democratic partiea. In no other way can the "American party" become the ml nig power in tho Old Dominion. In no other mode can they secure the confldcnce of the masses of the people but by thus convincing them that they stand aloof from all other parties. Spirit In Virginia. The following extract from a letter written by a gentleman in Botetourt county, Virginia, to a friend in this city, has been kindly handed t? us for publication : ?? I am mart happy to learn thai you have an able and spirited paper In your city?' The American Organ,'?brought Into existence expressly for the advocacy of American principle* The day Is rapid ly approaching when wc shall see every true-heart ed American advocating the doctrine, that Amcri cans alone shoukl govern America. We have a few of tho eld spirit* of Seventy-six amongst us, and we also have a large number of young arid spirited boy* of the right stripe coming on. The American |.*rty through out this entire section of country is aroused, and the spirit of victory bums fervently upon the altar of every heart This spi rit office may be attributed mainly to the nomina tion of Henry A. Wise, for the gubernatorial offlcc. No man that has ever abused the American party as Mr. Wise has done, can ever be elected to the gubernatorial chair of this good old Commonwealth of Virginia. My word for H, we shall l>eat Mr. Wise fifteen thousand votes. Sueoess to the 'American Organ' and native American prindplcs. The fire of "J fl Is burning throughout the State, and there *? nothing that can impede it* rapid progress." From the Sandwich Island*. Dates from Sandwich Hand, to the #th of Oeto her. stated that the treaty of annexation had not been consummated. _ ? ? Tho correnpoudent of the Herald nay*, that Mr. Gregg had addressed a letter to the Minister of Foreign Affair*, insisting upon the immediate con^ elusion of the treaty, else all negotiations should terminate forthwith. In oonseqnence of this, it was said that an urgent message was sent for the Prince Lipoliohae, whose signatur, only was want inc The treatv was looked for at Ran Francisco ?lH)ui a fortnight. The United States ships St. Mary's and Portsmouth were still st Honolulu. Cesfitw. Neither House is in session to-day. Yester day after we went to press, a bill for the relief of the heirs of Baron de Kalb, of revolutionary Jams, was passed by the House of Representa tives. Nothing else of importance was done. Bxmtv?Revitsl.?To-morrow (Sunday) quite a htrffe number of ladles and gentlemen are to ee oelv?the ordinance of baptism, at the lSth street Baptist Church, and as this new tempi" of ?OHU is always filled too-?rflow%, we advise our friends to go early The revival ofreligion Is expanding in interest and wooes*. Increase of Pajr of Member*.i. The proposition introduced by Mr. Badgat, jn the Senate, to incrtihse the pay of the iu?x*Jmm begins to attract attention. About the pjNpri ety of the step, there seems to be much diCer ence of opinion. A i>art uf the newspaper press advocate the ineusuru, while another por tioa oppose it bituriy. Tlte following sketch | of the legislation which lias taken place on the subject of congressional compensation, will be fouud interesting: By the act of the 2iid September, 1789, the pay of a member of Congress was fixed at six dollars a day, and six dollars lor every twenty miles of travel, the act to continue in force till the 4th of March, 1796, after which the oouipensation was to be seven doliara a day, and seven for every twenty miles. The latter rate was limited to the 4th ofMarch, 179fiv On the 10th of the mine month a reduction was made to the rate flxed in 1789. By the act of the lUtli of March, 1816, a change was effected from a daily to an annual compensation, the pieaiding offi cer of each branch reociving $3,000, and each mem ber $1,#00, the mileage system remaining as before. The unpopularity ol this measure Becured its re peal on the 6th February, 1817, the act of repeal 1 to take place after the close of that seeaion of Congress. By the act of the 22d ?f Januai7,1818, the rate now observed was established, of eight j dollars a day mtd eight doliara for every twenty miles of travel between tho members' residence and the capital; the Presideutpro tern, of the Sen ate, and the Speaker of the House, receiving eight dollars a day additional. 1 The Central American Republic. The subjoined article wo clip from tha Na tional Democrat, on the subject of the proposed new Republic, and in connexion with Central American affairs. It will be read with much interest by every true American. It is the Monroe doctrine of non-interfercnce in Ameri can affairs by European Powers. Tho article contains some home-thrusts, and asserts some palpable truths about British aggression and the complete folly of that or any other Power attempting to arrest tho destiny of our people. Wo cordially commend it to our readers: "Tii Ckstbal Anxaic.*.* Question.?A. morn ing paper of this city says: ' The government of Nicaragua does not acqui esce in the proposed colonization of the Mosquito territory by the company under Colonel Kinney, and will probably Interpose a most energetic re monstrance, not only with our own government, but with tho representatives of the foreign powers generally.' " The goverumeut of Nicaraugua has no right to meddle in the matter, and its acquiescence or non acquiescence will not, we apprehend, for a single moment influence the action of the new colonists. It is not the intention of Colonel Kinney to do anything which should justly excite tho jealousy of the government of Nicaragua: so far from it that the property holders in that 8tate will quickly perceive that they are to be immeasurably euriched by tho enterprise, industry, and commerce of their new neighbors. " It will at once be seen the intentions of the co onists are not beUigerant; they go there to de velop the resources of the country, and to enrich themselves by the peaceable and legitimate pur suits of industry and commerce. So far from being enemies of the Central AmeHcan States, they will seek, br every honorable means, to cultivate the most friendly intercourse with them, and to estab lish commercial relations, which will be the strong est guaranties of perpetual peace. There can he no motive to make war upon such an enterprise, and if any State were rash enough to do it, it would not be the colonists who would Buffer. " Now, as for the interference of any foreign government in the matter, it is not to be talked o? England can have no motive, and she certain ly has no right to interfere. By a solemn treaty with Spain in 1786, Great Britain withdrew all its pretended claims upon tho Mosquito coast, when it formally withdrew its troops and dismantled the fortifications which it had built at Bleek river. From that time England preferred no claim upon that coast until 1841, when it enacted a cowardly farce, by pretending to revive the claim on behalf of the Mosquito Indians to the port of Han Juan, and Mr. Alexander Macdonald, superintendent of the British settlement of Belize, proceeded thither in the frigate Tweed; and on Colonel Quijano ap peartng, and, as governor of the port, objecting to some of his proceedings, he was seized and carried on board the Tweed, where they shaved his fcce, and afterwards landed him on a desert part of the coast. " This singular farce Is t^e only demonstration which hngland has made upon that territory since it formally withdrew all claims upon it by the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, solemnlv signed sixty-cieht fears ago. * ? "And England knows very well that It could not interfere in centre-American politics in any shape without incurring the displeasure and opposition of the United flutes. "The European governments were long ago definitely Instructed in relation to the sentiments of our government on this subject During the war between flpaiu and her American colonies, the ted flutes government declared that h should consider any attempt on the part of the .m~i powers of Europe to interfere with the political affairs of Spanish America as dangeroua to the peace and safety of the United State* "toting colonies of any Europen power they had not interfcrred ; but, with respect to any other governmeuta, they could not view the Inter ference of the European State*?for the purpoaeoC in any manner, controlling their desUuv?in any other light than as a manifestation of an unfriend ly disposition towards tho United flutes. The de clared policy of our government has been, in rela tion to Europe, to consider the government de fac to, as a legitimate government, and that European governments should do the same in relation to the American continent. This, iu fact, is the general principle of international law. Whatever new k esUbHshed in Central America, is justly liable to no Interruption from the trorern menu of Europe, nor will the fixed policy of the United flutes allow of such an InteWerence. i *?r j* principle of international law, wnicn will permit any foreign government to interfere with the business of a colony peacefully entering upon its own purchased territory. ' "?J ' c"' on foreign governments,' j until doomsday, to interfere, but they wiU not hear it. Nor is there any power that can prevent the colony and the people acting with It, from acquiring internal ?.overeigntv In their own time and in their I own way. On their own soft they mar declare them selves a government, or a republic, whenever thev please. It is true that their external sovereignty may be a question of longer time. Foreign flutes may or may not Immediately recognise them as an inde pendent Power. Though in a ease like that of the proposed new republic m Central America, neither i the l nlted flutes, nor any of the governments of Europe, can offer any valid objection to Its recog nition. "The existence of a flute He facto, is sufficient I in this respect, to esUMish its sovereignty He jure It is a State beeanse it exists?* fe-t which neither hngland nor the L nlted States could sensibly re- i fose to admit. It is true that the government of Nicaragua may be guilty of the farre of offering ob joctions on Oie ground of claiming the Mosquito territory as her own. But it would be only a farce for them to pretend to have derived, from their ancestors, or otherwise, any well-founded claim to the Indian lands of the Moaquito kingdom, over which they have never exercised jurisdiction. " But we have no apprehension that the Nica ragua government win seriously prosecute any such absurd and useless claim. And if she should , we have no doubts as to the result. We will trust any emergency which can arrive, to the hands of Colonel Kinney, who has not, we are confident, entered upon this great enterprise without a foil I knowledge of his position, and of all the assistance which any exigency may require for the successful termination of his undertaking." Craam Oria*Troi*s or th* Tmssist.?The following Treasury warrants were entered yesUr day, December 16, upon the books of the First Comptroller's office: For the redemption of stock - - -$07,08a 11 For paying other Treasury debts . - 60,ISO 86 For the CQfttoma ?*...*? g,i10 $7 For covering into the Treastuy from customs 4,4*3 J0 For the War Department .... XA,3M 69 For the repaying in the War Depart ? 31,988 66 For the Navy Department .... 10,000 00 For the Interior Department - - . to,976 42 Pictorial Inscription of R???U ? 1 tyobort Scant, the well-known publinher of ' illustrated works, has recently issued a large and elegant octavo volume, of fitK> pagea, euti tied "An Illustrated Description of the Rosuian Empire." This work i? < arefolly compiled from the best modern upihorttiua?from the Wrings of Leitch Ritchie, Oliphant, Kohl, and other celebrated travellers, and contains, in a condensed form, a vast aamunt of the most valuable historical, geographical, statistical and miscellaneous information in regard to Russia, its institutions, its government, and its inhab itants. The engravings are in the first style of art and very numerous, and are executed by William Roberts, an artist of tho highest repu tation. We have exuuiued this volumo thor oughly and take great ploaaure in commending it to the public as in every respect deserving of patronage. It is in fact a mine of great value? 'a treasury of knowledge in regard to that co lossal power, which now attracts the attention | of the whole civilized world. It can be obtained from Mr. B. W. Bates, who acts as agent for this paper. Duelling ia Arkansas?The Prentice and Hew*oa Difficulty. The following correspondence appears in the Little Sock papers: Little Rock, Nov. 22, 1854. Bin.: My attention has been directed to a publi cation in the True Democrat, over the signature of " Arkansas," and as, on Inquiry of Mr. R. H. Jobn Kon, the editor of that journal, I learn that you are the author of the publication In question, I hereby request the immediate withdrawal, over your own signature, of all the personalities directed in that article against me. This note will be handed you by my friend, M^jor Thompson. Fending your reply to this communication, I have the honor to be your obedient servant, M. BUTT HEWSON. To Gnoaoi D. Panrricc, Esq. Truo copy of a note handed to 0. D. Prentice on the '22d day of November, 1864. P. P. REDMOND. Little Rock, November 28, 1864. Mr. Uewson: You request me to withdraw what Kcall the personalities of my article in the True aocrat of yesterday. Sir, I have no knowledge whatever of you, except from your published wri tings. In tho article you speak of, I had and could have had no intention to apply to you any phrase ology not predicated wholly and avowedly on such portions or your writings as I cited. It was not in my thought to pursue outside of your publications ail your private character and conduct. If my language seems to you to bear a contra ustruotfajn, I disclaim such construction as un worthy of myself, and, so Ar as I know, ui\juat to you. I think this explanation, if any was needed, should be satisfactory to you, and it is all I have to give. Yours, Ax., GEO. D. PRENTICE. M. Bctt Hewson, Esq. Little Rock, November 24, 1854. Snt: Your note of this day has been handed me by my Mend, Major Thompson. In reply, I take leave to remark, that as my letter requested a simple withdrawal of the personalities of your pub lication, I must take leave to add, that nothing in the case will meet my wishes short or a plain, di rect, and unconditional withdrawal of the same. My friend, Major Thompson, will hand you this communication. I have the honor to be, sir, your obe't serv't, M. BUTT UEWSON. To Geo. D. Phestice, Esq. November 23d, 1864. This is Mr. Prentice's note, as modified in ac cordance with our decision. PUILIP H. BAIFORD, ALBERT PIKE, ' C. M. NOMAND. Little Rock, November 24, 1864. Sir : Your note, dated yesterday, was handed to me this morning. I have no other reply to make to it than that which I made to you at first. I cannot properly say to you that I rrtraet the personalities of my article In the True Democrat, for I do not think it contain* any. I have distinct ly disclaimed any such construction of the lan guage of that article as would imply an impntation upon your personal character or conduct, and I 'do not recognise any right or reason on your part to ask or expect more of me. This I deem quite as much due to myself as to you. Presuming that your notes are written to me with view to a duel, I may as well say here, that I have not the least thought of accepting a challenge from you. I consider my strictures upon your writings entirely legitimate, and, at any rate, the disclaimer that I have made ought to satisfy you. I came here from a distant State because many believed I could do something to promote a great and important enterprise; ana, as 1 have no reason to think that my labors are not altogether in vain, I do not Intend to let myself be diverted from tbera. There are some persons, and perhaps ma ny, to whom my lifts is valuable, and, however lit tle or much value I may attach to it my own ac count, I do net see fit at preseut to put it up voluntary against yours. I am no bubever in the duelling code. I would not call a man to the field unless be had douc me such a deadly wrong that I desired to km him, and I would not obey bis raO to tbe field unless I had done him ao mortal an Injury as to entitle him, in my opinion, to demand an opportunity of taking my life. I have not the least aesire to' kill you or to harm a hair on your head, and I am not conscious of having done anything to entitle you to kill me. I do not want your blood upon my hands, and I do not want my own upon anybody's. I might yield much to the demand* of a strong public sen timent, but there la no public sentiment, nor even any disinterested Individual sentiment, that either requires me fo meet you, or would justify me in tlftijif *0. I look upon the miserable code that is said to require two men to go out and shoot at each other for what one of them may consider a violation of ptiqeetts or punctilio in the use of language, with a scorn equal to that which in getting to be felt for it by the whole civiliaad world of mankind. I am not afraid to express such views in the enlightened capital of Arkansas, or anywhere else. I am not so eowardly as to stand in dread of any Imputation on my courage. I have always had courage enough to defend my honor and myself, and I presume I always shall fiavo. Your very obedient servant, GEO. D. PRENTICE. M. Bctt Hewson, Esq. Little Rock. Nov. 26, 1854. The undersigned, to whom the matters of differ ence between George D. Prentiee, Esq., and M. Butt Hewson, Esq., have been submitted by their mutual friends for final decision, have examined all the papers connected with the controversy, and, upon fall consideration, we decide that Mr. Hewson shall withdraw his communication of the 22d in stant to Mr. Prentice, for the purpoee of allowing Mr. Prentice to modify, in accordance with our judgment, his communication to Mr. Hewson, and that, upon a communication thus modified, being made by Mr. Prentice to Mr. Hewson, as may hon orably be done, the same taken in connexion with the communication of Mr. Prentice to him, dated November USd, and marked, ought to be, and must In oar judgment, entirely satisnctory to Mr. Hew son, as a man of honor, and after that there will be no farther cause of difficult v between the par ties, but tbe matter w(D be adjusted honorably to both. C. F. N. Noi-AHn, Pmu.tr H. Rairoao, Albert Pike. Sapreaae Cent United Htates. Frioat, December 16, 1864. No. 7 of original actions. The State of Pennsyl vania, oompbinant, vs. the Wheeling and Belmont Bridge Company. Tbe argument of the motions in tbU esee for a writ Of sequestration against the corporation, and for an attachment against its offi cer*, was argaed by Mr. Edwin M. Stanton, la sup port thereof, asd by Mr. Reverdy Johnson, in op position thereto. No. 7. Robert Wlckliffe, appellant, ??. Thos. D. Owing*. Thh case was argued by Mr. Preston for the appellant. A foamed till Monday, 11 o'clock. The Oytmg Gladiator. We are glad to citixea* of \\ ashington 1i*t? display*] their appreciative taste for work$ W real art, by visiting iu large uuiulNTH this beautiful piece cf statuary. Every one should aee'lt, Aid uo stranger in the city should allow the opportunity to escape him. It jxx>s?mck one charm?a real tewt of exccHenco?that the oftcnar it is seen, the more it is admired. A single visit is insufficient to disclose its numerous beauties. The arrangements made by Mr. llollinghcad for the exhibition of the statue are very per fect The room is comfortably furnished, and the disjKMsition of light and shade properly at tended to. We published not long since a fine descrip tion of the statue from the pen of Mr. Hillard, an American writer. -The following extract from a work of Mrs. Ellis, the distinguished English authoress, is equally descriptive: "I have siuce beheld the Dying Gladiator?a wonderful production of art! Like moot of tho fluent specimens of sculpture, its simplicity is such that it does not striko at first; at least only so Jar as to make you pause to observe, not to ad mire ; the admiration comes afterward, and in a tide sufficiently deep and strong. I had been pre disposed, by the criticisms of Bell on the works of art in Itoinu, to lean rather to the opinion of tlic anatomist than the poet, and to think that liyrou had only dreamed when he fancied so much ex pression in the countenance of a dying slave. But, after looking for some time at this figure, I detect ed mvself imagining what must have beeu bis thoughts, rather than bis bodily sensations, in that last moment of existence, llis utter abstraction from the present scene, the shutting out, us it were, from his mind of the thousands iiround-him, is very evident on his depressed and fading coun tenance, fbr such one aiay surely call it, when al most every one is deceived into the imagination of an extraordinary and livid paleness diffused over the sinking features. " I had expected to see more of muscular dis tortion, at least more swelling of the mnscles, and perhaps some heaving of the chest; but, at tho moment we behold the dying gladiator, his agony is past. It is the moment of exhaustion, of iaiut neas, of death 1 So powerfully is this impression produced upon the beholders, that one scarcely dares to leavo hint thus, and might easily be be guiled into waiting and waiting, until one had just seen him fall. You will think me absunl when I say that, for many days after I had seen the dying gladiator, I was haunted by a wish to know that he had actually Allien down upon that bleeding Bide, and was reposing in the stillness of eternal reat" Kossuth. Tho New York Times, of yesterday, contains, in advance of its publication in* England, a speech of Kossuth's on the European war. It was to have been delivered on the day the Pa cific Bailed, at a meeting held in commemora tion of the Polish revolution of 1830. Like most of this gentleman's effusions, it is rather verbose, and not free from egotism. As a mat ter of course, he condemns the policy of Eng land in seeking an alliai>co with tlirones, in stead of unfUrling the banner of popular rights; and criticises with severity the manner in which the war has been conducted. Accord ing to his idea, the war cannot be successful until England makes it a war of liberty, and re pudiating the support of kings, seeks assistance from the oppressed people of Europe. This is his old song, again rcsunp, v ith few or no va riations. The following tribute \ ' he pays to tho valor of the English trooj in the Crimea, iu not without some of his characteristic elo quence?though blurred with his customary egotism and conceit: " First and before all, I desire to pay the modest tribute of my highest admiration to the Heroic ar my in the East, and with no much glory walks the path of honor of (Linger, and of death, nothing daunted by the reflection which could not have escaped the mind of many of them, that tho post of honor to which they have been sent is oertain ly not tho best which might have been chosen to begin a war against Ruwiia with, and that a wiser poncv, by not fettering those auxiliary elements which circumstances imperatively advised to recur to, might have spared much of their heroic Wood, all In promising richer results. Fir, I can tell something of what is heroism. The unnamed demigods of Hungary, who fought the gigantic struggle of 1849, may well claim a place of iuunor tal renown in the ranks of the bravest of the brave. And I who have witnessed this, I say history must go back for ccnturies to find out a battl* like that of Inkermann, where M,000 men resisted victori ously the valorous attack of 60,000 well-disciplined troops, and whore almost every man who fought on your side laid low one of the enemy. "The battle of Alma, defective as it was in dis positions and therefore barren in its results, has been glorious iu execution and covered with a lus tre of immortality the renown of the British and French soldiery, but the battle of Inkermann, from the first in rank to the last, was a prodigy of valor, scarcely Inferior to the miracle of Agiuoodrt The history of 18M, whatever may be its records abocl the States-wisdom of thoao who rule, will hand down with Imperishable renown to the admiration of ooeterity, the impetuous ardor of the French and the stern and impassible courage of the Brit tona, who fought in ths Crimea. However, thev fight on a battle-field richer in glory than iu possi ble results, and richest hi death. Oue more such victory as that of Inkermann, and the army is lost. It is a sad consolation to know that the tombs of the glorious dead around Sehaotopol can say, Hko thoac of Thermopylae, " Wanderer, tell England thou hast seen us lain obedient to our country's laws." New Publication*. OaooaArrtv os th? I'aooccTtvr Srrrm, for schools, academies, and families. By Roswall C. Smith, A. 1. This seems to be a very well-arranged book, comprising a great deal of elementary knowledge, compressed In a small compass. The atlas which accompanies it is really a most excellent one?_em bracing all of the recent territorial changes which have taken place in this and other countries. It contains, also, many valuable statistical tables, and lias attached to It?-what Is not very common?a map of ancient Europe. Iwrn-CTIVB AaiTHMITIO AMD FlDERAL (J ALCCLATO*. By tire some author. A little work designed for children. It is em bellished with pictorial cuts ; rather a novel inno vation in bonks of this character. Gkadcal Lkssokh u <<bammar ; or, guide to the construction of the English language, by the anal vsis and composition of sentences. By David B. Tower, A. M. Thla title-page indicates the peculiarity of this work. The plan is a novel one, and appears to be based upon Just and philosophical principles. How far the employment of this analytical method of teaching grammar has proved successful, we sre unable to say ; but, judging from the testimonial*, borne in its favor l>y competent men, we should presnmc that it will soon supersede the old svstem of instruction. In this progressive age, not even our " parts of speech " as Mrs. Malaprop would say, arc exempt from the operation of the univer sal law of change. The foregoing hooks are from the press of Dan - iel Burgess k Co., New York, and can be obtained AHEAD OP ALL COMPKTITOR.M. ITHT received one *f Nell I, Puross, A ?P Oo.'s flvst premium Pianoa, a splendid instru ment In tone ana beauty of wortrmenship Call and ? xamine fbr yourselves Ifeill, Domes, A Oo.'s Pi anoes received the first prvaninm at the late exhibi tion of th?Maryland Institute overall competitors. HTLBUB A HlTZ, decl?--eo8t Agents. CAKKM! OAKWI? J. 0. WEAVER dee 16?-dt Jan 1