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1 PS \ ="? * ... ?? ; r- 1 ...,?1 T- ?? , ... H-, ???,??? ? , "Tfc? PwretuUM of AjM?ric?a Freedom Is oar oltfect; Amtriemm Rigkia omi jmUo| mmi Ibm Amotion* Party our cofaawA." WASHINGTON, D. C., SATURDAY AFTERNOON, DECEMBER 23.18wT NUMBER as." VOLUME I. .W81 aij to t ?!U)i ? BijDtrj >miK V* thb daily american organ Is publiebod e'try afternoon, (except Suudav,) at the ouruer of Louiauuia avouue und Tenth street, and in delivered to citjr subscribers (usyablo U> the cur Hem) at 10 ccnU per week. Single copies, 2 cents. Mail subscribers, $5 00 per annum, or 60 for aiz moutha, always in advance. KATK3 OF ADVMTMINtl. Five linaa or lean, one insertion, 25 oeuU; each ad ditional Hoe, 6 cants. Each additional insertion, half of the above rate*. Displayed advertisements charged by solid mea sure. THE WEEKLY AMERICAN ORGAN la published every Monday morning, on the following Term*. 1 copy, one year.. |2 00 I 1 copy, 8 months .91 00 8 copies, dm year. 5 00 b copies, 6 months. .6 00 10 copies, one year.15 00 | 10 copies, C moutlia. .8 00 JStT Paymunta always in advance. HATU or APTERTISIKU. Ten cants per line for each insertion. XV All communications on business connected with this paper must be directed to the " America* Orytui," Washington city, and ha post-paid. HT All advertise roan ta for the " Oroan" should be handed intu the office before twelve o clock, II., of the day of publication. The following preamble and resolutions, adopted at a mass meeting of the citi??? of Washington, on the 27th day of September last, present the general sentiment* of the " American party" in this city, and will doubt leas bo read with Interest by the friends of American principle* throughout the country, to wit r _ Whereas, a pubUc meeting oT citisens ^Washing ton was held at Oarusi a Saloon, on ?? unon a oall made in and approved by the lkxecutivo S, ftTwoceedings of Which, In the resolutions to hAvs been adopted at that meeting, amechea of certain selected orators at a subsequent adjourned meeting, are now spread before Ae ^ublic eye in the colnmna of said organ, and Ha kindwd cnisttssw irtjapsags CSHS-iSirA'JZftol"..ass from public employment such officeholders as e?<*r tain those principles. thereby to perpetrate a ruthless proacription of lloti Whigs and Democrats for an honest difference of opinion: therefore That mere professions of loreto ?*<*? atitution and to civil and religious fr**d0?- J*}"? contradicted by actions, cannot deceive the sensible und vigilant guardians of American liberty, whoae apprehensions Ihave been excited at bebo ding the strides that have been made toward a complete con trol of our government by the subjects of a fewiga I>otcntate -well-known aa the avowed whole American system, to whoae overthrew they are solemnly devoted. , ??S&!?3 assaagcsaE I'd to us by the fathers of the republic, it la our duty to meat and repel all insidious attacks upon our lib ertiea aa well as all open aaaaultaj and that we view with indicnation and alarm the aaaertiou of princi ISST subversive of our republican institutions, which constitute aggressions of soeh a character that, if not now restated, will lead, at no duitaut day, to the overthrow of the American Constitution and the complete establishment of despotism. RrtolveJ, That while, in the past political divisions of the country, us Whigs aud Democrat#, we have strutted in honest conflict over contested principles und measure*, all of which are now settled, yet,1? ! the present crisis of danger to all that both parties bold dear we will bury every remembranoe ef peat opposition, and " pledge to each other our Uvea, oar fortunes, and our aacrwl bouor" uet to cease our ? ertions until our country shall bo freed from the din vers that new menace it. . ? KnoUtd, That we proclaim, as the cardinal prino Slea of our political and moral creed, a sacred regard >r the constitution in all its provisions, upou which are based our glorious American principles- freedom of speech, freedom of opinion, freedom i^tiscicnee. freedom of the press, together s scbool system for the diffusion of intelTigeoee, sanctified by an open Bible aa the rule of fcith and practice, holding as an establiahed principle that intelligence and virtue are useential to the suooeas of a free government. JbsaJssd, That while we welcome to our country the vietima of tyranny from foreign lands, and oSir them a place by our side under tie shield of our con stitution, wa claim for Americans the rightJ?T)T*r" their own country; and these who do nOt tfke our iroverniMBt have our hearty txmaeai to go elsewhere 11 tha uurasut of happiness. .. AWsU That the fourth rewhilleo oilhe m^Ung at Qvttal'l Saloon, recommending to the iTvaidwnt ot the United Statea nroacription of all offiosr? of the federal government who may have thought Bt to be come members at the aaeMiatura of Chow Kooth ings-e recommendation whkh before lta adoptKm, had been recognised and acted upon by the Bieeu tive of the UnRed Statea proooass an alarming and dangerous inftaetioe of the pnncipUs of seM-gu isW "Ita&iCssssit I' the Doited Statea maintelns the constitutional prin ciple of a separation of Church and State-to w%ich principle many American Catholics slno?rely oww whiU oo the other hand, the fapal ChurA abroad openly, and always, and everywfiwe matotaiiia the obedienos of the civil to the egaaiaaticd autherity, both in Europe and America; tha aad and ruiaeas effrcU ef which, in the one, sjre eeeni in countless emigrants Bying ftwn its tyrannyanfl miaerv to our own happy land, and in the other, m the ignorance and povartr of the masses, in the wealth and vioea of the clergv, and va (he ceaeelew insurrections, maaaacrea, and proverbial instability from tha opialena, whew prejamatKekee eattgd this uissHag. to the people of the United Statea ; aud sJtbonun) we ?uarutittfta* tiny m m of eaecutive feehnga. from tha^oieiel^poaittoBS Jn Ihoaa who eositrollad the proceedings. *ejnll'ttll hope that The PreaWent. who atone baa wj^wer, to entertain American and IVrteatent switomenta. and will reject the mil masrv i?nt? "T" ^ hi in br the fourth reaoluboe of tlw meeting la^t week, aa a ciivert -heme to ?rat,fy tha ?p^U,?t o?e^ seekeft at the espanaa ef many who t?ah>nely and efficiently aided in his elevstion to power. Ml SSSSI removal under eaiating eireumatenoea will fir an in delible stain upon him aa a man aad M the rmeiasnt of the United ntstoe. ... ... Ktsoirtd, That haetag seen the denunciations that almost daily U*ao from eertain presses against the fn.iauisu ef the North, who are denouneed as ab anrbed in "the traitorous factions' which distract those Statea, by whieta they are one after ?>otl>ar be inr placed in oppnaitioa to the administration, w? were astonished te hear the pweaing invition m the aeeond reaolnttea of o?r opponent* to men of all po litical opinion*, without regard te thair political antecedente," ts form a "ftawm" wiAthemln thefr future actioo ax. invitation broad enongh to include (Mrrieen, Abby Krily, and fni IWte^, beeidee their ooadjntor* in the two h _?*fle nf umgl ?a> ^ wJ Thd* we, too *rr* S"2 who lore Ae Union, which "must he preeerred, and the constitution, which established and maintaMa it. and the rights of the States whleh especially to the rellgvms, the moral, yd fce ordsr. lovin* -'mi", to unite with us in effeW* the re S-rm* neceseary to the *^v aud p^pentv ./ .mr country, believing, as we do, that it is hiah time the cireer of interested snd unscnipiilous demsgogjies should be checked, snd the government he pteoed in the hands of men acquainted with its character and spirit, and who duly value Its eountleea Weeeinp And whereas we Believe In the competency, ability, and right of American-bom dtiseus to govern their own country: therefore That we will not vote for nor assist in elevsting foreigner* by birth to offices of trust, eaiol- ; ument, or bouor under our goTeniment ? nor will we j vote for or ssaist ia elevating to such offlcea aay ' American-born citixen* who recogniae or hold them selvM under any allegiance whatever to any foreign "nih totalle revealed or materially altered, aad the tern ef i siilsBns tll?-* admieeioe to the righte ef eltiw ahip be sxtsnded to ' of his frieddj. J wrociln repoul of the naturalisation, or ifthat cannot be ao compliahod, then such a modiflcntfon of thoee laws, as will prevent future Immigrants from becoming citiiens, short of ? residence of twenty-one years, after taldog the oath of alle giance to the United States, and of abjuration of all other powers, potentates, and princes. Second. We shall advocate the passage of a stringent law by Congress to prevent the im migration hither of foreigners, who are either pauper, or ariminah, aad to send back to the 00untries from which they some, all tuoA for ?ftadmmZZTi* such law, hereafter reach our peats; and to require the President of the United Stat* to demand from any government, wttsh may wnd hither such dassea of Its sutyecta, imme dxate and ample eat inaction for ouch outrage, and a proper indemnity against the repetition thereof Third. We eliall oppose the election or ap pointment of any foreign-lorn citizen to any office of trust, honor or emolument, under the Federal or State governments, or the employ ment or enlistment of such persons in the army or navy in time of icar; maintaining, as we do the opinion, that the native-lorn citiaens of the United States have the right to govern the l*nd of their birth; and that all immigrants from abroad should be content with the eniov nuiut nflif* likw J . ^ ' - Hurt A. We shall advocate and urge the | adoption of such an amended form of an oath I to mipport the Constitution of the United Statu, and to be administered to all persons elected or appointed to any office of trust, honor or emolument, under the Federal or State gov ernmfnts, as will effectually exclude from such offices all pertont, who shall not directly and expHcithj recognise the obligations and bind ing force of the Constitution of the United 1 States, as paramount to all obligations of adhe sion or allegiance to any foreign prince, peirer potentate, or authority whatever, under any and all circumstances. Fifth. Wa shall maintain the doctrine that no one of the States of this Union has the right to admit to the eiyoyment of free tuffrage any person offoreign birth, who has not been tfrtt made a citizen of the Unitod States, according to the " uniform rule" of naturalization pre scribed by Congress, under the provisions of the constitution. Sixth. We shall oppose, *ow and hereafter, any " union of Church euul fate," no matter what class of religionists stall sack to bring about such union. Seventh. We shall vigorously maintain the **ted rights of all persona, of native or foreign birth, and shall at all times oppose the slightest interference with such vested rights. Eighth. We shall oppose and protest against all abridgment of religion* liberty, holding It as a cardinal maxim, thatrstyuw, faith is a question between each Individual and his God, and over which no political government, or other human poorer, can rightfully etxrrtae any an pervislon or control, at any time, in any place, or in any form. Ninth. Wa shall oppose aP " higher law" doctrines, by which the oonatttotkn is to be set at nought, violated, or disregarded, whether by politiciane, by religionuU, or by the adherents or follower* ef either, or by ny other clasa o1 Perwwa. ^ Tenth. We shalf maintain and u,e oonetitution as it atanda, the Union as k ex ists, and the right* of the Slate*, wtfcout di minution as guaranteed thereby: ojmting at *11 times, and to the extent of our >fljj and Muenoe, all who may eMail w ^ 0( Eleventh. We ahaD oppose no man, and soa toin no aaan, on the ground of his opposition to, or his mipport of, Democratic rneamrea, or them. ? raws vvt/u5TI71 ^ ?lt. pajJUu ^ I'ROSPECTUa or TM* A Daily aeui WsSty Paper, publUhed in fTtuhing to'atTr*. v.,i>y AN ASSOCIATION OF NATIVE AMERICANS. principle or of poticyjaiffar now sauoely iu *u> tiling out in A National JUiJt, formerly sa esseuti*' point of dif ference between rival parties, Uss now no advocate#. A Protective Tm iff for tUu sake of proteqtiun, wlileh ouee divided parties and distracted our Rational Coun oils, baa beooine obsolete, aa a quvstton ofjparty policy. simply beoautt a " revtnm tariff" affords incidental protection to Aueriaan Manufactures. A modiflca tion of tlia details of our preeeut tariff systemU all that is demanded by the moat strenuous advocate* of protection to American Industry. lie distribution of the proceed* of the public la&d* amour the several States, aa formerly olsuncd bv one party, and the appUcaiioa of tfcotw prooeeda solely in aid of the national Treasury, as cluimed bv the other party, have both yielded to a oowproiwae of theae con Rictmg opinions, so for, at least, iu to tuii- theae ques tions at mutt between Whigs and Denoenfo. A plan formed of a compound of ^squatter sovereignty, of " graduation," and of t "surrender to the States a which they lie, seems likely to withdraw the public lands from the arena of foture party contest*. The Unprmvment of httrborv and ricers by oonrres sional aid, on which political parties have hitherto differed at different time*, has nbw become leas a ques tion of principle tlian of local and sectional oontest; and it will doubtless be adjusted by the next Con gress, upon that basil of liberality end justice de manded by the spirit ef the age and the true interests of the country. Other questions, of minor hnp?rt4ne*, on which, at different timet, the two prominent parties of the coun try disagreed, have no*, by ? change of circumstances, become <obsolete. What, then, remain as issues of any theoretical or praetuni importance between W higs and Democrats? We know of none; and ?f these hitherto rival parties shall maintain their respective] | organizations, they will do so for the mere sake of the \^But new lssnes have arisen, having no reference to the partv organizations of Whigs and Democrat*? issues which are vastly inywirtant in their bearing 1 upon the foture welfare or the country-nnd which issues mast, in their discussion, progress, and Wrrol | nation, annihilate these two parties, which, for years past, hare battled, with alternate success, for political supremacy. ,,, . A uew era is at hand?an era which urill be char acterised, in the future history of these States, as the KSA OF rATRjom*! Throughout the length and I breadth of this great *nd glorious Union, the masses of ( the American people have spontaneously and simulta neously started the inquiry?44 At* *or Ahwicaw# 1 capablb or oovbehinq theih t'orwtRT 1" This in quiry Is as uuivcrsal as it is natural and pertinent. The rteponsc Is being given In the thousands of asso ciations springing up in all portions of the United States, and resting ou the single basis, that the born ctlitftu of this Union lure* the capacity and the will to administer their men Government, to prctect tAs rights which thru have inherited, and to perpetuate U* freedom and independence of their nai-im land1 Shall we trace the ?iwi of this spontaneous and universal uprising of the maaaes of our countrymen ? The evils incident to the indiscriminate immigration ef foreigners into our oountory?the consequences ot permitting such immigrants to eqjoy the right of suffrage?and the degrading effect of elevating tor eiguers to posts of honor and trust under our gov ernment; all the? have been seen and known to our people for years past, and yet until now, with few exceptions, the American people have seemed to be blind to the progress of foni'jnimn In the land, We need not, ou the occasion of presenting this ckreuUr proeptctui to the country, assign tlie cover* for this sudden and general manifestation of the fntryem of the American people to lake the reinsof weern ?^^^UKinto their own hands; it is suiBoent far the we have now In view to etate the undeniable and obvious fact that eueh murpvt SJXet*. We now come forward to present to our fellow cttiseus the mode and means of concentrating the opinions and of harmonising the action of those who are disposed to unite in the fonnatiou of an Amer ?osn partv," whose purpoee shall he to fllid a remedy far fk* manifold edit which have come uym us, and which art yearly increasing under the dttatlrove ope ration of our low rf naturalization 1 We propose to eatftblisb, to conformity with the wishes of thousands of the ciusess of this District, and of a large number of ?w friends in the different States, a daily and weakly paper, to be called THE AMERICAN ORUAN. The publication will aommence on the l#th day of November daily, and m the Wft weeHy. A tmltaL amply ancient to commence sad to continue the enterprise, hss been subscribed and ?seared to be advanced by a number of wealthy and influential gentlemen; aad we are Insured a dally eiroulaikm surpassing that of any paper now pub lished in Washington city. Tbe number of our weekly eafcMriber* will depend upon the enthusiasm of our friasds In the several States, but we have aueh assurances that we cannot doubt we shall commence with many thou*: nde: and that a year will not trans ^before our weekly list will be swelled to more one hundred thousand. ... . Our position at the seat of the federal government, the centre ofow political system, where aU the rep resentatives of the States, and of the people annually aaaemtne, and where prominent men of all parties pm xlieally sefiim far msuiy nwmtha, to ooosiden-d (7 hi ana bj oar friendk, ah the rnoit fiTonbU one (Kr the puhHoattoQ of the oauAX or r? Ammcaw rxvrr , and if the most nntiring devotion to the ad vocacy of tbe doctriaea and policy of this party shall gtrr us a claim to its tupport, we know we shall de terr?, and we tru? we shall reeeive It. Wfe anmai perhap* more distinctly and cooaielj the baalsonwhlcb the American Oryan is es , tahilkherl than fc|r preiitrting the Wlowmg extract, i which w%0ofj and adopt from an address of a former l'remdemi of the Mifmri SaUve Amenean Hon, and p.iMtohw! at Ht touis in February. 1M1, to Wt(: ? * " T?a rcarsTi'ATiex or Awucm vans no* n oca owner, AaxBtCAS aiorrs oua motto, **? tub Ama teur rsBTT ora ooo*osbk." Our postttoa to thus daflned We shall tdrnnUe tuch meaturm as will in our judgment, if perpetuate our freedom and protect our native rlgftts: ?or |hall We at any Mm dSvtote from the paih ot duty M organ of tha American party, and the ad vocate of American rifhte. WW shall neither sustain nor oppose any political measures on the ground that they emanate from e Democratic or from a Whig administration: but we shall discos* all political questions with the most perfect freedom from fsror or pre|mlire. toward the nenaent or any future administration, keeping al ways in view the principles and purposes of the AtiierUmrn party, we shall battle for those priitoiplee and purpoeea, while as an Independent journal, we ahall approve what we think Is right and condemn what we think in wrong in the priD(^?l?i of all jwWw | men snd of all political parties. The Hitnr of the American Organ will he aTVmowsrt of the school of Jefferson and Madiaon.Jimgreeeive in his notions of puhhc policy, yet consistent in his sdrocacy of the rights of the Wete*. Ne essaT or editorial shall ever sn*sr m 0u American 'hyan. the tendency of which would be to nreiadice the rights or wound the feelings of the ctn sens of any of the States. Ho for aa tha ?"??e?<" this paper shall extend, the constitutional rights^f each, and of all the Htates, shsll be maintained. W' MA thai the institution <tf slavery beUmas ,sriut?eeiy to (W States in which U enete. Each of the State*, for itself hat the tale and riyU to detemiine whether or not slavery shall exist within its ^rdfr*^ We shall therefor* oppoee all x^inubn of the que*eon of slavery, either in < hmtfrf or out of 4. Tbe *' American Organ" will advocate the /'? and untrammelled exercise of the right* of roptrtenar. on an questions connected wrth rehtpous Jmth ; but It will, by nil fair and respectful srgnnienU, ttu/n domination orer American rilttens, from wtistever quarter H may approach, snd ss well in matters ecc e stastical as in mstters political. A synopsis of the proceedings of Congress during each session will be from day to day presented. General and local news Will be gathered and pnb liehed in order that oar patrons may have a general knowledge of passing events. The dally paper will be published every afternoon, (except Snnoays,) and delivered to subscribers st 10 mats per week, or mailed to subscribers at $.*> per year, p?yaMS hi tfvnw. Tbe wnekly paper will b?< publiabod evsij Monday morning, at 1* per year to single subscribers, pay able in sdvmnea frrubs of tew or more wtll he fnr nut bed sS eiMelch par year, (if asot to any oas post '^AdVVSising,|sB^'HcttSS^"st (lis usnsl falcs; and, ss tb? (tyan will haV? Ml srtemrive o?estrtatkm, it. sHW afford tha most daainMa melmm us tl?s reaped. FMibecribrrs wiU pl?ase rsmit Umir subacriuUcHMj on or before tha W?wnber, toectad to '? American Ot*an. Wsghingtot) City, D. O. nov II? j Ch*'?tUAH nouturs?We republish, with ad ditions, ? iu,t of the priucipal place. In our city, appropriate and excellent article* war be Obtained tor prtmnU and otbar purpo*,., and .tale " 0,0 pUw8 <""*?<* will be mire to be well pleased with their bargain.. IlooJu, Anntm/i, Ac. W i' f.^7' *" khMto 01 B??k* W. C. Zanteinger, near the Klrkwood House. Jevtlry, Ar. tftfand fflWUa^ SEttS* BlSkf*C- and Job^T ST^^fnTBri1ge "-trcct' ?e^tow?, Lve of Jewelry, rings, and diamonds, vases STto^fcL Seta U *" Und8' w?d ??? de.fi i suited. y Pre8ent cannot f*H to bo Clothing. ^SSSSmilSA &??? Pennsylvania avenue, W H Stanfonl iss^> s"?', u <88 Skrwtk Sit III 5 wTom li/. in? nrt",ent<u0f Cloths- Cwatm^s, and Vert mm, and manufacture to order the moBt perfect Wetoh &UrAnffe'?7wrfen/dg ',houU roco,lcct weion & Wilson, and Wm. C. Magee, both of whom are to be found on Bridge street, and who SrVuS. My thing in the Merchant Furnithiug QvmU. W Tr?Ti,Who de8ir? " shirt #lon? ?*n call oti Win. two^Un^?^hCv?Uth ?f the ?veuue & ^SLI -?*!?**".<* .gQW-and-a-half streets, who i^U^i A, * !. T- Jr?,r*B "ortH Eurnish fid? hISj .T d?p ,n *1 Blrge'n, under Wil Sm kee,^? ? '? 424 Pw???rlvania avenue, keep every garment a gentleman need wear. Cap*, and Fur*. Every gentleman wants a new hat, everv bov a cap, and every ladv a set of fbrs j wd where in mLF&iSt*fife ^tter,th?? ?t Todd & Co.'*, under Browns Hotel, Lane's, 424 Pennsylvania 4,4 l""" PcrfttmerU*, Ac. John B. Gibbs, at Willard's Hotel, Sylvester cor j?rte P='ra vVCnUe *nd Seventh street; HtTLX'm/ SSS 2E?ta5?7:**4s Miuir, Pianot, dc. liilbuii k Hit*, at the corner of Pennsylvania avenue and Eleventh street, have IdS.? ?ng Songs the sweetest, purest-toned Pianos, and the largest assortment of aU this line to be fmZ Oroctrut. JKS SSVS&, Thirteenth and U btrectu ? J W n.ri' oornor ?J and E a;s?er^d found*n our^r^ES" of Groceries that can be wdBto go *Bd Wbere 0ur Mil do c^n?r P?- "venoe and Thir teenA *reft; K 1r. White 4 Co., 63 Louisiana CW and Wood. waiLTifJ* lh? ^ CODdJtk,n i" regard to n<^M ^ ?w friends will jettbe ne?4ft! to inaie tbem warm, In the wav 0/Co. I and W ood, at W. E Wau? * rv ? y , Twelfth streets; ner of Fourteenth and C streets ? 1* J wiJi ? J*hn?P fifteenth atreet, between I and K street?' S Bu^ r 'I?' "tr"ct' CaplM; T! a. Uutlar, on Canal utreet; and William WiM? corner of TwaHlh aud C streets, w ho have g?ert,ualy *? ?"in ~i "" Hommkfffing ArtieUt, <frc. J. O. Hodgson, 408 Seventh street, has stovea. Rrtthwlii r o *C?THor< 080 Kerenth street; ^ th* B,nk "f Washing: 1^1 l l f" ^ household ftnrfture; Jam? 1 i^eTcnth ?^t, between I street and Mum 2tT.\ ",r*nU'L *"d 8 WWtUesev 5*4 Her on I; crockery and gJaaswai*?*.* P?ms, o?1 Heventh street, oppowte tb? market, wUl do all manner of plumbing; J. W. Thompson and Bro *re"uc. between TenUi and Ekventh su a. hp ffw-fitttng; and David A. Baifd, 491 Elirhth jgssaaataeaasafa In tlN-ir resnocUve liiM of business. Robert Wael, iwuth side Pa. avenue, betwe-n Four-and-s-half and Hiith streets, and Ed. Oreen between 8evenU>enth and Eighteenth streets. CimfvcUttHmry. EverytlAy in the w.y Md ma\ be obtained J. U. Wearer, 847 Pennsyl vama avenue or of Tlwrnas Eckhardt, at the cor *T <** Ninth streets. Ruoh piles" cSke and candies make one s mouth water to go by, and we all like something sweet for Ckristma* r^n'iT '? Georgetown will go to Eor iflk""' ?nd m our own d,y ^ Hint's Hotel or if they want a very large quantity leave *;i:! *,?Ri,,h wh,<-h ? >* p^. At. V ^ ^ s? ^at Wm. Wi Ueventli street, Mr*. Bannenuan romer of Eighth street, and Mrs. 1L A Peaco N'o' 17, opposite the Centre market, have a very iarite !!2V2 ^h.r"n*'r' 04,1 nts as goo,l ? now, as regards spp?anmre. Mrs. 0. V. Johns thT tM,d *W fr"? Tenth I jTliU' "?kee dseaa..s and cloaks tor the laduwi, and thare is alao a dreaa, talma, ami rlnak - ^ the avenue; so the ladirs cannot bnt t**aks and dresres if Dry Good*. tha?wl"dM"il'0T' "2^ m,r '"forming them, 1 Za IL^T * Co- h"<- t>? where embroideries, moslins, cashmeres, milts shswl* and satins can be obUin?l at tlie lowest rates sn.l' where the beet bargains oau be hail. KW#, Ac. J. T. Neal, on Seventh street, opposite the mar ZJ^t?3r ^ ^ ",'uo?- ?nJ upiini. Call *nd bpc hfmf of ooiifsp. T)<y**rr*otypri. Thoae who like to see thems. h rh indelibly hn prfwwod on a copperplate, will st. p Into V.nr.er son s rooms, 4a* Pennsyhraaia *v. nue, C. 1) Ktew arts on tta avenue, bMween Ninth and Tentk streets, or at PJumb ? over Todd it Co 'a hat store, each of whom take " counterfrit prtsentments," with sll grwe and rapMHy. ' na h- "***?? h'?^1' Isst, and tells wwi. aL^l "* ** taterprelar. He w*nt? on ?n 1 on Seventh s Perm?ylvaaia .mow, n?tveen four sd(1s Half h streats his agents for the distribution on Revenlh street, and DoaTM * MotcfUan, Pennayl?aala arenas, between Pour and-a-Half of hla annual quantum of toya and fcnov notion*, halloomj aiKl Jul la, Ac., which bova and girl*. If Ii,U*t K?10 bU pUco ,br Tb? '?u.t not Cforget to take aowe money with th?m, which U to y Mr. Laiiimond merely for hia trouble in dUtH B&ftSJ*>*?*? | rou run AUkiHWAn oaoA?. | IUlkiuh, N. C., Dec. 13, 18M. ' ? Mr Dkar 8ir: I received jour very kind and welcome letter nearly two weeks ago, aud should have answered it long aiuce, but tJbat contijiued iu diapoaition baa prevented my doing so till the pres ent time. * ? ? ? ? ? You aak me if I have yet read the letter of Mr. Wiae in reference to the " Know-Nothing " movc meutT I have read it. My respect for Mr. Wise personally, growing out of the kind relations of the past, together with my appreciation of his talouta, his reputation, ami Ida manliness of character, In duced mc to read his letter carefully and delibe rately. And I have riseu IVom a second perusal of it with the conviction that he has entirely failed to hit the target at which he haa Iran firing. His letter, written on the eve of his nomination for Governor of Virginia, and addressed to the editors of a public journal of extensive circulation, evi dently for publication, can be vk-wed in no other light than as a pronunciamento against the so called order of ? Know-Nothings," not onlv In Vir ginia, but throughout the Union. As such, It comes within the scope of every one 8 right of animadversion who believes that the principles of that order, as far ns they arc under stood Rre In accordance with the free and conser vative tendencies of our Institutions. The letter is written in Mr. Wise's usually fbrdble and ener getic style many portions of it are not onlv strong but clonuent and beautiful?but yet the premises I on which he attempts to build his arguments arc for the most part, mere truisms which no one'will ' controvert; and which have about as little connex ion with his conclusions, ns has "the Sermon on the Mount." Mr. Wise commences with a long quotation from King John, descriptive of the blessings secured to Englishmen by Magna Charta; and by way of showing that onr institutions have conferred on ? ,C0U"tr-V HtiU Kreater blessings, he goes on to speak of the nuict and undisturbed crjjoyment of all the privileges of freemen, of which we arc in possession. Tf.is is his premi^? ana lie will find no ono to controvert the truth t>f hw p<isitIon. But his oonclusion !s ?that therr fort there is no necessity for any'secrct organiza tion for political ends. Now, if there Is any legitimate connexion be tween his premise and his conclusion, his objec tion would equally apply to an open as well to a P?r tho 8i81 of his P??i?on la, that there being no evil to remedy, any such organization, with a view to political results is fac J^8jt0 ,whctht'r we wc in the quiet and undisturbed enjovmeut of all our rights and priv ileges as American citizens?whether these rights are menaced by any impending danger-is a mat ?,??" ?" *hich honest and patriotic men [' 80 hM o-vmnt the.negative, and thus begs the question, which, even if it were yielded, docs not warrant his conclusion. So far from It, It militates against it. Suppose we rfo en joy all those blessing*?freedom of speech, free dom of person, freedom of conscience, Ac. is that a reanon why we should rest securely, without alarm or apprehension for the foture ? If Our free institutions secure to us such price lass blessings, is not that a reason why we 1 should bo more vigilant in guarding them, more sensitive at even the remotest prospect of danger ? Does not Mr. Wise know, does not every reader of history, every observer of the tendencies of human nature, and the bias of human government know, that the liberties of man cannot be so guarded by oonstitution*, or hedged around bj human de vice, but that they arc sutyect to the lusidious ap pro^ohes of despotic power* Docs he not know that the Ubertfe* of overy free people have been undermined by slow and gradual approaches, by a ^rc on their part to g^rd against the first Incipient assault* upon their rights? Else, what meaning is there In that oft-quoted maxim attributed to Mr Jefferson, that " the price of liberty is eternal vi gilance V Many years of Mr. Wise's past life afford au illustration of the truth of that maxim. For years liis eloquent and warning voice was heard in the national Capitol, calling upon his coun trymen to come to the rescue of a violated Con stitution ; appealing to them, in language to which I have often listened In rapt admiration, to assert their violated rights I %rAU*' *r Whe is so fortunate as to have had all hi* fears of danger to our freedom removed?He cause he no longer sees the need of meeting in nocturnal council for the purpose of devising the means of combatting miccesaftillv those whom he dean ted to be the enemies of constitutional liberty? is that any reaaon why he should And fault with those who still continue to think there is cause to appre hend danger from other quarters? Let Mr. Wise re collect that, amohg the other blessings secured to us in this land of freedom, it the right peaceably to aseenible together to consult upon grievance#? whether real or Imaginary, Is a matter of opinion which every one must and haa a right to decide for himseif-and to devfse the method of redress, pro vided that method of redress contemplates nothing forbidden by the constitution and the laws. But Mr. Wise objects to this organization, be cause it is a secret one. I I do not understand his objection in this regard to ajiply to the right??s the privilege of freemen under the constitution and the law?to meet and deliberate in secret. Upon what ground, then, can he base his otyection. except as a matter of ta$(e? Tt id true, a moral! at might argue this que* lion, and ol>ject to secret organization* as of evil exainpfc., and of improper tendency; in.t I presume Mr. V> ise will readily admit that great fundamental principles of government, and questions of high national policy, are the only legitimate sutyects of controversy brtwrn portirt; and that when states man or politician turns moral lecturer, he Is likely to ba laughed at, as having mistaken his railing. I repeat, that as to whether the members of a v<3 untary association shall meet in public or private whether for moral, social, or political ends, is a mere matter of taste, of poller, of consideration for themselves alone. Suppose, in times of ex citement they choo*e to meet in secret, in order to prevent tuimihs, riots, violence?then It Is the part of wisdom to do so. Suppose tbev have to cotm teract the schcm.-s and design* of a wily and in sidious foe, then It Is the part of poHcv to meet in secret. Suppose tbe timid and the dependant, who ap prove of the principles of an association, are over awed by throata of vengeance under exposure then to meet In secret is the part of safety. Coo cert snd combination arc the great element* of human strength. To make that concert and com hination effective, il may be necessary that men should know each other?earl, other's feelings, purposes, determinations?if that knowledge can be liest attained by secret association, who can right/ullv complain, provided hia privileges as a citizen are not thereby molested ? The eariv Chris tians met In secret, for the purpose of oelebrating their observsnee* and of administering their sacra ments. This was through fear of i>eing thrown to the lions In the circus, or consigned to the stake. Mr. Wise need not laugh at the alluvion?for if he will take tha tmable to inquire, he will And out that men have bee* removed from office in Wwh Inglon, tlie very I weed of whoa* children depended en their salaries, far merely ba to the order of " Know.HatMBga." ' The Sena* of tha Unitad Rtafcsa performs Its aaenitlve duties i. ???, beow.a th#,r W1? rtom, they HeKeva that poliay requires their action : , * k#pt mem r,nm ton>i*n ^owwns ! and individual Independence e,n ha best maintain. ed by acting on nominstioos for attce in secret. Mesons, and Odd Fellows, and Son* of Tempr raucc, and other order*, whone purposes are mo ral and social, meet in secret, because, in ths tu r eiae of a privilege secured to freeman, they tkoct* to do so?and becaueo they believe that their ob jecta cau be beat promoted by harmony and una nimity of sentiment, undisturbed by the presence uf interlopers, or the prying interference of the cu rious. Then, in the name of common sense, why may not " Know-Nothings " meet iu aecret, if they are peaceable, orderly, inoffensive ? Mr. Wise him self yields the whole argument in one abort asii tence. He says, " a caucus may sit ia secret, to consult on the general policy of a great public partv." Then, if a caucutt, composed of delegates or representatives, may do it, why may not the peo ple, the source uf delegated power, do the sanxi thing? Have the representatives of the people, in order to carry out mere partisan schemes, a right to do that which the people themselves have not a right to do, in order to protect their rights and privileges as freemen t The exception made by Mr. Wise is a mere arbitrary on*?which yields the principle?and for which he does not attempt to adduce a reason. He say* in the nest sentence, " that (a secret caucus) may be neces sary and con voidest; but that even is reprehensi ble, If carried too fur." Why necessary and con venient ? As a matter of poller, to prevent your enemies from knowing your plan of operations. Thou why not " necessary and convenient " for the manses, in organizing to defeud their threat ened liberties, as for their representatives, in or* gauixiDg for a partisan struggle T But, say* Mr. Wise, " that is reprehensible, when canted tco far." Really, this looso and indefinite way-of limiting the application of a broad principle, asserted with such apparent solemnity, is below the standard of Mr. Wise's intellect. It completely emasculate* the entire proposition of ail force or definite mean ing. And ho I say "Kiiow-Nothingisrn" is "rep rehensible, when carried too far." In the next plucc, Mr. Wise attutnet that oppo sition to foreigners and to Roman Catholics ia tfce only clement hi the organization of the " Know Nothing*." How docs he arrive at this conclu sion T He has just before complained of their *e crecy, and the entire uncertainty in which the world at large is left as to their principles. And now he proceeds to speak of their purposes with as much confidence as if they had published a "platform" of organization. He says, "all we kuow is, that persons of foreign birth and of Cath olic faith ore proscribed, and so aro all other* wl.o do not proscribe them at the polls." What does he mean by j>ro*erij>tion t Without admitting Mr. Wise's suspicions, or the opinions he may have im bibed from the surmises and pretended exposure* cf the newspaper press, I will admit, for the sake of the argument, that opposition to foreign and Roman Ca tholic influence iu the administration of the govern ment is one of the principal otyects of this movement. Yet what evidence is there that there is any disposi tion to protrib* foreigner* or Roman Catholic* ? Has Mr. Wise seen, or authoritatively hoard of, any purpose to alter the constitution so a* to deprivo them of uny of the privilege* of the citizen ; to de prive them of their equality under the law; of the trial by jury; of eligibility to official station by the people, if the people see fit to elect them T Has he ever seen or heard of any disposition to pro scribe them tucialljf?to deprive them of the rites of hospitality in private life ? Doe* the Constitu tion of the United State* proscribe foreigners, where it provides that none but a native-born citi ten shall be President of the United 8tat*a ? Doe* the Constitution of Virginia proscribe them, In pro viding that none but a native-born shall be Gover nor of that State t Did Mr. W. Intond to proscribe them, when bo voted for that provision? When Mr. Wise meets his brother Democrat* In secret caucus, and unites with them iu measure* to prevent any Whig being elected to any political office, docs he thereby intend to protcribe a man becautt he is a Whig* If he answers in the negative, of course, then, tne Know-Vothings cannot be charged with proscrip tion?because they choose to resort to concert and comMnatlon in the exercise of an unquestioned right to vote for whom they please; to defeat at the polls a *ct of men, whose elevation they belie vo to be as injurious to the country a* Mr. Wise do<n that of the Whigs I If he answers in the affinna live, then he convict* himself of the aame proscrip tion towards his own fellow-countrymen, protesting the, same fcith, which be charges others with exer cising towards those not united to then by the ssmc tie*. In attempting to show that opposition to the ele vation of foreigner* and Roman Catholics, Is per secution, not founded on any reasonable fear of danger from their increasing numbers, Mr. Wise proceeds to state the comparative number of na tives and foreigners, and of Protestants and Roman Catholics, in tne country at this time. He puts down the number of native whites at 17,117,fi7?, and of foreigners at 2,310,889, the proportion being shouV*elght natives to one foreigner; and that, for the last thirty-two years, the average rate of foreign Immigrant* coming In the eouatry, has been 100,151 a year. With all due deference to Mr. Wise, I think this simple statement exhibits a state of things calculated to excite miagivings with those who are at all sensitive in regard to the pride of " native land." Even now, the foreign popula tion almost equals that of our ancestors in the war of the Revolutioe. But lbs cause of apprehen sion does not Tie in the mere amount of the num ber It Is m the progressive increase of that num ber from veer to year. Causes are In operation Is the Old World, grow ing out of the political and social state of the coun tries then-, that hsve given an additional impetus to emigration for the last tew or twelve yesrs. And, from the present condition of Europe, we may rea sonably suppoee that these cause* will not only continue, but increase in inU-usitv. The average annual rate of increase in the number of foreign immigrants, exceeds by tor that of the native pop ulation, and this excess is'increasing every year. Krom 1840 to 18Wi, the rate of inereas* in the at tire population was 3.58 per cent, per annum? whilst tne rate of increase of foreign immigrants from 1M0 to 18BO, was ?8.#0 per cant, per sn num, compared with the previous decede. How, according to the principles of progresrton, how long will It lake the foreign element in our popula tion to liecome a rival power?eye, will It not by the end of the century acrpilre the ascendant' Although the overage annual rate of Immigration for thrf last thirty-two years has bees 100,1M ? yet in 18.Ml the number amounted to MS.64S. The same rule applies to the Roman Catholic population. Although the five Protestant seeta mentioned by Mr. Wise exceed the Roman Cetfcollc* fifteen to one, and the value of Pretcstaat elmrrh property eiceeds that of the Roman Catholic nine to one, vet an examination of the relative increase, (br the fast twenty years, will show that the tatter have increased in a much greate%proportion than the former. Rut It is with the Roman Catholic, as with the foreign population. The ilanger does not lis so msr.h iu their mere numbers, ss in the Influ ence they exercise in our nlections, and in lite ad ministration of the government, by their elanish association, tbelr Istndcd organisation, their ton cent rated action, aa a unit. Coming here without any knowledge, or the abilty to appreciate the valo of our inatitutions; with preconceived notions thai a " land of liberty" means a land of unrestrained li centiousness?many of them refugees from justice .or lately released from tho prison-houses Slid chain gangs of Europe, thsy arc ready to sell their politi cal influence to which ever party or looal Station that will pander most aty'Ctiy to their passions, flatter their prejudices, and barter awey the conn try's honor for selfish suds Henes It is, that ia many of the Northern and Northwestern States, where parties hove brsu nearly balanced, tiiey have been Ss potest hi the control of the elections ss If they had a decided mtnif rical majority over all others. The asms Is the esse with the Korean Catholic* The hierar cby of that church controls the rotes of its roeui