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Mr. Lloyd moved that the Hoard recede (rum Mid amendment. Mr. Clarke ottered the folk'wing imrBdmioi: "Ptriko out, ' five dart,' wherever it occurs in the tilth section, and insert it the tnd tkei< of: fro/ id*U, That L?ek>r< n??kiag mXtj such truuafer the said Register or the Coimnissieners of Fixation on the day of election shall require the person whose name is to be transferred to make affidavit before a justice of the peace that he is a resident in good faith of the ward or precinct of the ward to which he wish es his name transferred, which affidavit shall be cor roborated bj the affidavit of another citizen that he believes the facte staled in the iirst affidavit to be true; and that said affidavits shall be filed with and pvewrved by the Itegiater." Ob the adoption of thin amendment the yeas and nays were demanded, and, being taken, it was disa greed to br the following vote: Yeas?Meson*. Abert, Clarke, Edinuuatuu, Fisher, Jefferson, Kennedy, Loe, McCutchen, Orme, and Tui ton?10. j Nays?Messrs. Baldwin, Bayiw, B<?h Layer, ilutch maou, Kuight, Lloyd, Towles,' Walker, Watterston, and the President?10. Mr. McCutcheu roae to a point of order, contending that the nroposed amendment conflicted with the charter of the city. Tho Chair decided tliat it was competent for tho Board to act on the aweiidinsut. The question, ?' Will the Board recede from its aoieuduiem?" was then put, aud the yeas and nays were demanded thereon, and, being about to b? ta ken? Mi. MoCatchen asked to be exoused from voting; which request the Board refused to grant. Mr. Kennedv moved to reconsider the rote by which Ar. McCutchen was not excused from voting ; whicL motion did uot prevail. Mr .IcCutcheu theiuupon stated that he could not vote either for or aguiusi the proportion before the Board consistently with the churler of tho city. After several explanations, ilie President stated that by goiieral consent the gentleman would be ex cused from voting. No dissent being expressed, tho call of the yean and nays was theu proceeded with, and the Board receded from its third amendment te the registration bill by the followiiuf vote ; ?eaa-~ Messrs. llaldwiu, Bayne, Bohlayer, Hutch inson, Knight, Lloyd, Towles, Walker, Watterston, and the President?10. Naya?Messrs. Abert, Clarke, Edmonstou, Fisher, Jefferson, Kennedy, Lee, Orme, and Turton?9. The questiou was then taken on receding from the fourth amendment to the bill, and it was agreed to. So the Board receded from the third aud fourth amendments to the registration bill. On motion of Mr. Knight, a committee of two (con sisting of Messrs. Knight and Jefferson) was apiioint ed to inform the Board of Aldermen that this Board was now ready to meet in joint session for the pur pose of electing Trustees of Public Schools for the ensuing year. The Board then took up for consideration the bill from the Board of Aldermen entitled " An act for opening an alley in square No. 102;" which was read three times and passed. The bill from the same Board making an appro priation for placing a trunk across Nineteenth street west, at the intersection of C street north, was taken up, read three times, and ijassed. On motion of Mr. Clarke, the Board took up lor consideration the communication of the Mayor return ing with his objections the bill entitled " An act ma king appropriations to defray the general expenses of the Corporation for the year ending June 80* 1 b67, and for otner purposes." The pending question, "Shall this bill pass, the Mayor's objections to the contrary notwithstanding?" was then put, and the yeas and nays were demanded thereon, which resulted as follows: Yeas -Messrs. Baldwin, Bayne, Bohlayer, Hutch inson, Knight, Lloyd, McCutchen, Walker, Watter ston, and the President?10. Nays?Messrs. Abert, Clarke, Ednionston, Fisher, Jefferson, Kennedy, Lee, Orme, and Turton?0. So the bill was rejected, two-thirds not voting in its favor. Mr. Clarke, on leave, introduced a bill " making appropriitions to defrny the general expenses of the Corporation for the year ending June 80, 1857." On motion, the joint resolution giving the Trut tees of Public Schools authority to occjpy a room in the Northern Liberties Engine-house was taken np, read thre? times and passed. A messaga was received lrom the Board of Aider men, through a committee consisting of Mes ra. Moore aud Smith, informing this board thfct the Board of Aldermen were now ready to meet in ioitt session for the purpose of e ecting Trustees of Pub lie Schools for tbe ensuing year. Whereupon, on motion, the Board took a rccess for that purpose. Tho two Boards havirg assemb'ed in joint meeting, Robert Clarke. Pres deU of the Board of Aldtrmen, was called to trie Chair, and Charles F. L: wr r, Secre tary of the Bjard of Common Council, was appointed Se' rotary. The joint meeting then proceeded to ballot for Trustets of Public Schools, (Mr. Bayly, of tha Board of A'd.rmen, and Mr. Watterston,"of the Board of Common Counci1, having been appointed tellers.) Upon counting the ballots, the following was the result of the first District. For T. P. Morgan 81 votes. For William Wilson 19 " For J. 1. Dickirsou 19 " For James F. Uahday..' 18 " For Robert Farnham 8 " For William B. Randolph 5 " | Whereupon the Chair declared the three first named gentlemen elected Trustees of Publio Schools for the hrst district for the ensuing year. Upon counting the ballots, the tellers reported the following ss the result for the tSecond IHstrift. For Thomas J. Mugruder..,; 19 votes. For Jos-ali F. Polk 1 fi ?? For John C. Harkness 17 ?? For Thomas Donoho. 12 " For V. Harbeugh 11 ?' For P. F. Bacon. 11 ?? Scattering 1 " Whereupon -the Chair declared the three Ifirst named gentlemen elected. Upou counting the ballots, the tellers reported the following as the result for the mm Third, bittric' For Charles W.^Davis 19 votes. For S. A. H. McKim 19 11 For A. O. Pendleton. 19 " ForF. 8. Walsh 12 ?? For T. Altemus (?. 12 " For N. Towle 12 " Whereupon the Chair declared the three first nam ed gentlemen elected. Upon counting the ballots, the tellers reported the following as the result for the Fourth biatrial. For Theodore Wheeler 19 votes. For Peter M. Pearson 18 " Folr Samuel York AtLee... 16 41 For J. Vau Keswick. 12 " ForJas. F.Morgan 12 44 For Samuel Pumphrey 12 " Scattering 4 " Tbe Chair announced that Messrs. Wheeler and Pearson had been duly elected; but that, no other gentleman having received the requisite nomber of votes, the joint meeting would go into an election for the third trustee. Upon counting the ballots, the tellers reported as follows : For Samuel Yorke AtLee. 14 votes. For C. L. Wilson 4 ?? Scattering 10 " There being no election, the joint meeting again proceeded to a ballot, with the following result: For Samuel Yorke AtLee 18 votes. For C. L. Wilson 10 " Scattering 8 " There still being no election, no candidate having received a majority of the votes cast, the joint meet ing again proceeded to a ballot, and the tellers re ported the following as the result: For Samuel Yorke AtLee 18 vote*. For C. Ij. Wilsou 12 " Whereupon, the Chair declared Samuel Yorke At Lee, Esq. elected a Trustee of Public Schools for the Fourth school district. On motion, the joint meeting then dissolved. The Board of Common Council having resumed its fwnsiou? On motion, the Board adjourned. Michigan.?The American , of thu State nomina ted, on Wedueaday last, the following electoral ticket : For the St?* at large -Rodney C. Payne, of Ber iitn Co , and l'eter R Adams, of Lenaw*t Co. 1st Congressional District- Henry W Writes, of Washtenaw Co. 2d Congressional Dijirict?John V. Lyon, of Len awee Co. 8d Congressional District?George W. Perkina of Kent Co. 4th Congre**i:if.a! District -Abram B, Corvcll, of Lapeet Co Ni:w York Crrr.?Isaac O. Barker is tbe American candidate for the Mayoralty in New York; for City Jndge, John H. White; for oonnsel to tbe corpora tion, Louis N. Glover; for Governor of the alma house, Benjamin F. Pinckney. Mr. Barker is now president of the Board of Aldermen. Mr. Pinckney is president of the Board of Councilman. WASH!NGTON, I>? C. WEDNESDAY,OCTOBER b, 1866. ""VESPASIA* ELLIS, Editor AMERICAN NOMINATION8. FOR PRESIDENT, MILLARD FILLMORE, OP NEW YORK. FOR VICE PRESIDENT. ANDREW JACKSON DONELSON, OF TENNESSEE. *? If there be those either North or South who desire an administration for the North bb against the South, or (or the South u against the North, they are not Jie men who should (fire their suffrages to me. For toy own part I know only my country, my who la country, and nothing but my country." [Millard Fiujiore's 8fs?c* i? N*w Yorx. " The foundation of my preference is, that Mr Fillmore has administered the Executive Govern ment with signal success and ability. lie baa oeen tried and found true, faithful, honest, and con scientious. I wish to say nothing in derogation from hit eminent competitors, (Webster and Scott,) they have both rendered great services to their country ; the one in the field, und the other in the Cabinet. They might possibly administer the governmeot as well as Mr. Fillmore has done. But then neither of I them haa been tried : he baa been tried in the eleva ted position he now holds, and I think that prudence and wisdom had better restrain as from making any obange without a necessity for it, the existence 01 which I do not perceive."?Olay't Utter to Ullwuirm, March 8th, 1868. CIRCULAR. The undersigned, members of the National Sx toutive Committee of the American Party, have pleasure in announcing to the people, that satis factory arrangements for the future maintenance of the American Orgam, as an authoritative expo nent and advocate of the principles of the Atneri I can Party, have been completed. Recommencing its labors, under these new au spices, the undersigned cheerfully commend the American Organ to th? generous confidence of tha American Party, in every section of the Con federacy, and they hope its columns may command the widest circulation. HUMPHREY MARSHALL, of Ky. SOLOMON O. HAVEN, of N. Y. -T. MORRISON nARRIS, of Md. JACOB BROOM, Penn. Wabhihotoh City, D. C., May 16th, 186#. The Com promise of 1850. Numerous correspondents have written to us for copies of the'*1 Compromise Measures of 1850." There is no publication within our knowledge embracing these measures by them selves. The session acts of Congress of I860 contain them. These are only to be found at Law Book stores. We have on several occa sions given our readers a view of the Territo rial hills of Utah and New Mexico, the only measures of the scries about which any con trariety of legislation exists. But to gratify, as far as our space will allow, the desire of our readers to examine the " Compromise meas ures of 1850," and to contrast the provisions of the Kansas Nebraska act with those of Utah and New Mexico, we will give to-day the sub stance of all the 41 Compromise measures " o1 1850, and the language of the Territorial acta about which, alone, has any controversy, of late, arisen. The five measures, embraced in the term " Compromise measures-%f 1850," are the fol lowing, to-wit: 1st. The admission of California as a State, with a constitution interdicting slavery. 2d. The se tlement of the boundary line be tween Texas and New Mexico. 8d. The establishment of Territorial govern ments for Utah and New Mexico, allowing their future admission as States, 41 with or without slavery." 4th. The prohibition of depots for the sale of slaves in the District of Columbia. 5th. The enactment of the Fugitive Slave law, providing for the recapture of slaves, who have escaped from their owners. 1 These five measures were originally em braced in ene bill, denominated the 44 omnibus bill," which was defeated in the Senate, where it originated. Each of these measures was then separately brought forward, and each obtained a majority of votes in the two Houses of Congress, and all were approved by Mr. Fill more. ,fj 1 tt measure. California was admitted as a State, with a constitution framed by her citizens, and which interdicted tho existence of slavery, within her borders. A large portion of her territory lying south of 86 1-2 degrees of north latitude, and her constitution having been lbrmed under circumstances leading Southern men to think justice had not been done the South, in the mode, time, and manner of fra ming her constitution, her admission was re sisted at first, but finally permitted. 2d measure. The State of Texas embraced a large portion of the territory now claimed within the limits of New Mexico. The present boundary line was agreed upon, and Texas was ptud ten millions of dollars for a surrender of her claim to the disputed territory. These two measures embrace no point of present controv. rsy between the North and South, and it is t herefore not important to pre sent the details of those measures. 3d measure. The establishment of Territorial governments for Utah and New Mcxico. The discussion and adjustment of this mea sure, (for the two acts embrace the same prin ciples, and may in this respect be treated as one,) involved the questions embraced in the 41 Missouri restriction," and in the 44Wilmot proviso." The 44 Missouri restriction" prohib ited slavery in >11 the territory ceded by Franco to the United States, and lying north of 86 1-2 degrees north latitude. The 44 Wilmot provi so " was a genual prohibition of slsvery in any territory of tho United States without reference to latitude. The "Missouri restriction " cov ered Hparifically that territory, and none other, which was ceded by France to the United Stater, under the name of Louisiana, and lying north of 86 1-2 degrees north lati tude. The words of the Missouri restriction are as follows: M That in all that territory ceded by France to the United States, under the name of jANiiaiana, which lies north of thirty-wx degree* and thirty minutes north latitude, not included withiu the limits of the State, (MuMouri,) oontempluted by this act, ."slavery and involuntary servitude, otherwise than iu the pun ishment of crimes, , is hereby forever prohibited The territory out of which Utah and New Mexioo were formed, was derived from Mexico, and v&t from France, and therefore, the terms of the Missouri restriction did not embrace them. The North generally denr?d to apply the prinriph of the 41 Wiimot Proviso" to the territory acquired from Mexico. The resisted tho appllcati ntof thu y ?J( it to those new Territories. Sou.o men.be re were In t ivor of the application of the " Mis souri restriction w to those new Territories whereby slavery nnght be allowed Ui.tcin south of thirty-six and a half degrees, and pro hibited north of that line. The South contend ed that there should be no restriction of slavery in those Territories; and the conservative men o t e Noith acceded to the justice of the posi tion, that Congress should not legislate for or a-junut slavery In those Territories, but allow that question to be adjusted by the citizens thereof in the formation of their State consti tution. This doctrine of " State equality" prevailed. (See vol. 9, p. 458, of U. S. Statutes at Large.) 1 he Utah act reads (after fixing the bound aries) as follows, to wit: or Inv 1^?" *^niitted a? ? State, the said Territory | Union K0" ^ "f"!?' 8haI1 ** rewiT^ Si I iU'.or *rhLhoat "lavonr, as their constitution lay prescribe at the time of their admission." The same provision is contained in the New Mexico act. I bus by the " Compromise measures of 1850, of which these Territorial acts formed the most important part, as to the question of slavery, the true principle of " State equality" [ was affirmed, sanctioned, and approved, under the administration of Millard Fillmore. The principles of the " Wilmoc Proviso" were thus repudiated, and the principles of the Missouri restriction" wore equally repudiated as to their plication to the new Territo ries. The Missouri restriction still remained unrepealed as to its application to the terri tory ' ceded to the United State* by France." A new era was inaugurated by the "Com promise measures of 1850" on the question of slavery-restriction in the new Territories?but still the compact between the North and South made in 1820, in relation to the "territory ceded by Prance to the United States," was not, in point of fact, abrogated. It remained as it had stood since 1820 on the statute book, whilst the basis or principle of that compact,' was superseded and disregarded in reference to other territory acquired at a later period, and from another power. So much at present for this 3d measure of Compromise in 1850. the 4th measure in the series, was the act " to suppress the slave trade in the District of Columbia.' The important" provision of this act reads: "It shall not he law! il to bring into the District of Columbia, any slave whatever, for the purpose of bt ?</or for the purpose of being pl^LThi ifepot to be subsequently transferred to any other State or place to be hoUI a? merchandise." This measure affects no man's light *o slave property in the District-it prevents no man ',re, from bringing slaves into the District for his own use?it prevents no man here, from selling his slave* to his neighbors or to stran gers?nor does it prevent any man from con veying his slavfct wherever he pleases for sale ? but it prevent* the Distrtctfrom being made a market-place for slaves. Of the wisdom or the justice of this provision we have nothing ' to say?it being our purpose simply to present and explain the " Compromise measures of 1850. Wo know of no slave-owner in the District whose interests have been affected by this law, nor one who has complained of its provisions, nor one who desires its repeal. The 5th measure of the series of the "Com promise measures of 1850, " is the "fugitive slave law." The provisi-ons of this act are too well known to require any comment from us. They are clear, distinct, stringent, and effective. The requirements of the Constitu tion are fully met by this law?the South is content with it, and it has been, and will doubtless continue to be enforced. '1 he above five measures constitute the "Compromise measures of 1850." They were severally opposed by the ultraists of the North and of the South, but their enact ment gave repose to the country, and drew ?>rth, from all fair-minded men, not approba tion only, but applause for those who gave them their support in Congress, and for that cool, collected, and conservative patriot under whose auspices thej were cnacted, and by whose firmness they were executed. lo enable our readers to contrast with the Utah and New Mexico act, that disturbing disquieting, and revolutionary measure enact ed in 1854, under the title of the " Kansas Nebraska act," we will copy the provisions of this last-mentioned measure. Before doing this, however, we add at this point, two fur ther important provisions of the Utah and New Mexico act, not herein before quoted, bearing upon the question of the "right of suffrage" in these Territories, and the ques tion of "squatter sovureignty" therein. On the question of the "right of suffrage" in Utah and New Mexico those acts provide, that the right of suffrage and of holding office shall he exercised only by Htizens of the United States, including thoso recognised as citizens by the treaty with the Republic of Mexico. ' (\ ol. 9, p. 454, section 5, U: S. Laws.) On the question of "squatter sovereignty" these I tah and New Mexico acts contain this p am exclusion of that mobocraCic doctrine, to wit: and bl M?e W'slativ* Assembly the ^ submitted to the Congress of and of *2? f ^wpproved, sh?ill>e null Law?.; y?l 9' ^ section 6, U. & In examining the pj&visions of the Kan sas-* e raska bill, the foregoing provisions of the acts passed in 185f> creating the Territorial governments of Utah and New Mexico should be k*j)t in view. J he Kansas-Nebraska act, section 14th, hut clause, reads thus: U^VsiLawhi^" *nd f? the ^ <*'*? 1S-20 L m' *ppro*ed March Gth, At,a 7V, _?# ? KK/htfms frith ^l-unery ths Stat*? dwtarf.t tiuUan/jnrnl 7^7^ 1^'^' W meaninir of this .?<>? n/V ! ! ^ J true intent and Territory or NijUa slavery into any ? ..katUh. ^o "?.P% "'Clu,,e 14 Bvr ro** * v i? iiK)ji , ^"aaior raarec-Ti.Y rnaa to nraia own wAT nwrtrvnow n? the United y to tbe C??"*h"tion of clausooVihe^K ?r thrt'e P?inU' in tllc Ut The Missouri Co,promise of 1820 is declared null and void ?>- ? - ???I ? 2<i It ih thii-i declared jull and vuid on the ground, that the restriction of sUvuy which that Missouri Compromise contains, is intum tLatent with the principle of noti-mlercaiitioii recognised by the Initiation of I860, to wit: the Utah and New Mexico acts above copied. 8d. The Kansas-Nebraska act leaves the hKOi'u; of the Tkkkitohy PKurccTLY frkk to regulate the question of slavery in thkik own WAV. We shall no further advert to the declara tion which pronounces the Missouri Compro mise " null and void" than to say, that the basis of the Compromise of I860, as to tho Territories, was certainly wholly inconsistent with, or variant from, the Missouri Compro mise?yet they severally related to different Territories. But it is due to fairness and jus tice, that the authors of the Kansas-Nebras ka act should be stripped of that borrow ed plumage, in which they have strutted over the land, claiming that they had established the principle of ''State equality" in that act The very act itself, on its face, gives the lie to their impudent claim, for it pronounces the Missouri act "null and void," not by reason of any new legislation of theirt, but by reason of its being " inconsistent with that principle of noninter vention by Congress with slavery, which was recognised in the Compromise measures of 1850" -enacted under the administration of Millard Fillmore, and which he approved t The Utah and New Mexico acts introduced the prin ciple of M State equality " into the Territorial legislation, and this was done under Fillmore? but those genera] disturbers of the peace, Messrs. Douglas, Cass, Dixon, and company, were not content to let the country remain quiet under this legislation, which so much re dounded to the honor of Mr. Fillmore and his friends, but they must needs get up a general and universal excitement for'political effect, by a declaration in the Kansas-Nebraska act, which their own premises admit, was wholly unnecessary. It is undeniable?nay, it is shown by the language of the Kansas-Nebraska act?that the credit of establishing the principle of " State equality" was due to tho " legislation of 1850," and not to the Kansas-Nebraska act itself. But the Kansas-Nebraska act not only recog nised in the "legislation of 1850" that prin ciple of State equality, with which the Missouri Compromise was " inconsistent," it purposely inaugurates that "squatter sovereignty" abom ination, against which all conservative men protest, by " leaving the people of the Territo ries perfectly free" to do whatever they pleased! Contrast this provision wiui tho hereinbefore cited provision of the Utah and New Mexico acts, by which the legislation of the Territories is subjected to the supervision and control of Congress, until they are pre pared to frame their constitutions, and decide which provision is most likely to result in safety to the institutions of the South 1 Another provision cf the Kansas-Nebraska act will be contrasted with the legislation of 1850, and we are done with this subject. We have hereinbefore cited the provision in the Utah and New Mexico acts, which con fines "the right of suffrage and of holding office," in the Territories, to "citieens of the United States." The justice of this restric tion to citizens of the United States, no sensi ble and honest man will deny. But what says the Kansas-Nebraska act? Section 5th of that act provides thus: "That the right of suffrage and of holding office shall be exercised by citizens of the United states, and those who shall have declared on oath their inten tion to btcome such, an I shall have taken an oath to support the Constitution of the United States." Thus the naturalization laws, requiring five years' residence before acquiring citizenship, were actually made null and void by that fell spirit of demagoguism which influenced the authors of that inobocratic, revolutionary, and disorganizing legislation. It was not enough for the authors of that Kansas-Nebraska act to destroy the barriers to improvident legislation, crectod in the Utah and New Mexico bills, by subjecting their legislation to Congressional supervision. It was not enough for these political agitators and time-servers to confer upon the "squatter sovereigns" the right to exclude from the Ter ritories whom they pleased and what species of properly they pleased, by " regulating their domestic institutions in their own wat." It was not enough to allow those unstable classes of" citizens of the United States" who are usually the pioneers in settling the Territories, to fix for all time the destiny of these embryo States ; but they must, forsooth, invite foreign immigrants of all classes, of all characters, of all languages, of all customs, of all principles and of no principles, the mendicant, the rob ber, the thief, the malefactor, the murderer, to come hither, to take possession of our territo ries, and, untutored, uninformed, uninstrticted, unnaturalized, and unw ashed, to become Amer ican freemen, American legislators, American rulers! Was there ever a more disgraceful, s more detestable, a more damnable demagogu ism exhibited, in any legislation on the whole earth V If the hirelings of European despots, from every kingdom of the globe, had congregated togother for the purpose of devising the ways and means of undermining Amei ican institu tions and overthrowing tho liberties of the American people, no more effectual method oould have been concocted by them than tc admit, without restraint, without limit, with out probation, "the cast off hordes of Euro pean pauperism and crime," to enter upon, possess, and enjoy the Territories of the Uni ted States, and eontrol their legislation and the formation of their future constitutions. There ia no American who will not, in the future, look back upon the legislation of 1850 with pride, pleasure, and satisfaction,?and God grant that these feelings may not be min gled with deep and unavailing regrets, that the principle on which that legislation rested were so soon disregarded. Bai.timorb Emotion.?The charter elect ion in Bal* 11more takes place to-day. There is great excitement in the ranks of both parties. If any disturbance occurs, it will be justly attributable to the inflamma tory speech of Mr. Wright, the Demoeratio candidate for Mayor, made on Mondaj last. Got. Caasa, of Ohio, is reported u> hare written to this city that, unless money and men (speaker*, we presume,) were sent to Ohio, to operate on the Filf more men, Buchanan would carry the State. Mtrylnu i mid Pearw. A letter from a highly intelligent geutiemaji who reside* in the county of Hon. Jauj<? A. Pearce's residence, s*ji, under date ?f 6th instant: " We are fully aruua?'d iu Una section of the Htatu, and will faithfully do our doty. Our couutr will nig Daily rebuke the Hon. J. A. Pea roe. ilia defection will do much rood, u the honest yeomanry will show tliat ther are led by no man, and that they think aud act for themselves. Those politicians who supposed they could control the present movement of the uMhsses of the people, with whom the 44 American Refor mation" originated, will find themselves most wofully disappointed. Having occasion now again thus to refer to Senator Pearce and his influence in the prefe ent contest, we take occasion to do an act of justice to ourself and to our press, on the ques tion of his alleged application to President Fillmore for a judicial appointment Our read ers are aware that some weeks ago our assist ant stated that Senator Pearce had so applied, and that his application was rejected on the grounds he then stated. He was so informed by a gentleman of high character lor truth, but who, it is evident, was mistaken. Wo stated subsequently thereto that we should ascertain how the fact was, and right ourself on this question, if found in the wrong. We have as certained, to our entire satisfaction, that the charge was made upon erroneous information. We had previously heard a similar state ment of his applying for such position, and in a former article, written by ourself, we had made allusion to it, but in a different form, under the impression that the rumor was well founded. We know note that it was not well founded, and we have to say, that had Senator Pearce thought proper to contradict the state ment by addressing us, and to ask a correc tion of it Ly us, wo would have corrected it with pleasure. He chose to pursue a different course, and we are precluded, by that chosen course, from going further than to put ourself right in the matter. Senator Pearce, we are satisfied, was never an applicant to Mr. Fill more for a judicial position. His support of Mr. Buchanan, then, rests on other grounds than those of disappoint ment or chagrin at not receiving favors at the hands of Mr. Fillmore. Of those other grounds we know nothing, and enre just as much. He has a right to sup port the nominee of the Cincinnati Platform if he chooses to do so, even though he holds, as we understand, no opinion in common with those who framed it?or with him who has been placed upon it. He has a right to believe, if he chooses to disregard the multiplying evi dences around him to the contrary, that 11 Mr. Fillmore haa no chance," and he has a right to act upon that belief?and we have a right to say, and do say, that Senator Pearce has at least not increased his reputation for sagacity, by adopting an idea, jointly and simultaneous ly put forth by the iiepublicans and "squatter sovereigns," and in which "the wish was father to the thought" North American State Executive Commit tee Rooms, 163 Broadway. Naw York, Oct. rt, 1856. An important political movement is on foot here. During the post few duys, frequent conferences of National Union men, from every State in the Con feieracy, have been held. The result is, that a great Union movement- a movement calculated to rebuke, abash, and crush out the spirit of disunion now so extensively rampant? has been projected. The loyal men, the true patriots in the land, are to be brought and bound together anew. Delegations of citizens from every State are to be invited to visit our sacred places - the tombs of the Hermitage, Ashland, Marsh field, Monticello, Mount Vernon, aud the prominent battle-fields, whereon, for the sake of this Union, whs commingled, without distinction, the blood of North ern, Southern, Eastern, and Western patriots, there to meet conservative, Union-loving masses <>f the people, lor fraternization, for counsel, and for invo cation, in the present crisis, of the patriotism of the whole country; iu exclusion of demagoguism, sec tionalism, and fanaticism, from any and every quar ter, on behalf of the Constitution and the Union. The prfjet has enkindled great enthusiasm. It is regarded as the harbinger of peace and good will to the troubled nation. The movement consummated, it is believed, will entomb sectional strife, and bind, until eradicated, within narrowest limits, the treas onable spirit of disunion which is fast rendering " alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection," which threatens with overthrow " the palladium of our political Bafety and prosperity." We received yesterday the above circular di rect from the " Executive Committee of the North Americans," and we rejoice that loyalty to the Union will be cherished by the North Americans, as a sacred principle. Let them stand squarely and firmly upon the " Ameri can platform," and support it, in all its points. What a glorious sight would be exhibited, were a vast assemblage of "Americans," from all sections of the country to gather around the tomb of Washington?to there read, and hear read, his farewell legacy?and forswear sec tionalism, now, henceforward and forever I From the New Orleans Bulletin. Mr* Fillmore and Mr. Renjauiin on Na tivism. Were we Know-Nothings, a* we are not, and aa the Conrier well knows, although it chooses to des ignate the Bul'etin a Know-Nothing journal, we should desire no better defence of Mr. Fillmore agaiust tbe objurgatory charges made against him by Senator Benjamin for "degrading" himself by affili ating with that much-abused class of citizens, the American party, than a speech made by the Senator at the convention to frame a constitution for the State of Louisiana, in 1845. If Mr. Fillmore has made himself obnoxious to any of his former friends for connecting hiniself with a party which is alleged to be prosenptive of naturalized citizens, Mr. Ben jamin has made himself equally exceptionable for entertaining sentiments in every way congenial wtth the Know-Nothings of the present day. It is not our intention to comment on this speech, nor draw a parallel between the views therein enun ciated, and the suppositions creed of the American ^ ? leave that task to the accredited organs of that party. It is simply our office to vindicate the posibon 0f Mr. Fillmore, so far as it can be done "7 adducing the authority and example of the accu ser himself The speech we allude to?extracts from which we subjoin?was delivered by Mr. Ben,amin in the State (.onvention, of which he was a distinguished mem ber. The immediate Question was the qualifications of the Governor of the State. The committee re fjorted as one of the qualifications of the ffixecuti e bat he should bo a ?u*tf?w-born citizen. On a mo tion to strike out this qualification Mr. Suule t ok ihe affirmative, aud delivered an efatamite and ^ery able speech. If was in reply to this speech that Mr. Benjamin deliver* i himself aa fallows : " tfe has listened to the e'oqnent remarks that have t > day been made, with much pleasure; and congratul it s the honorable gentleman, not alone on his foreusio ability, but bccaujc hs bss said and ?m braced in his speech all ihat can bf suid an that side of the question. I fjel, Mr. Presidhnt, that it is a dii.y wlili h I owa to ine members of this Conven tion, to the members of the committee who made tbe r?p rt which is now uudsr consideration, to stae here plainly, openly, clearly, thtt it wts at my sng g sti n that tbe w< rd " native," (the g at of contro versy; was inserted in the asct'on now bef ra us f >r <mr con?iderstior?. If, therefore, sir, there be con tire to b*i e isf on any one, f r th?t apparently ob Jectim hie word, upon my shoulder* it must in jus tice fall It heroines, tl ten, I concoive a part of my daty to reply to tbe a*gura?nt.a uffor- 'i by the hon orable de'egate a bo laat a<Wr ??-d ><mi j and to tbs best of my humble ability, to endeavor to refute (hem. * * * * * # " The position advanced by some of the luon.lxrs on Uii? Hot i on a it.?ui octaiion, that polices! r< deace could be acquired by aliens, is to bi.^ > Mr. B.'b) mind, an absurd and w? did rot tben fail so to express ourselves fully, and sustain the falaitv of suck a doctrine. How thru stuuds the ea?e? [ "Tfcsy Bsauoied that principle; we demed it ami ?tiai was the action of the Convention oil the sub ject? Why, thev decided simply that an alien could not acquit* a political residence. W hat then becomes of the charge that we have attacked the rights and privileges of the foreigner? Where then is the odious restriction wbich, trnmpet-tongued, we hirre so re peatedly been charged with, by the honorable mem ber, aa endeavoring to fasUMi upon the foreigner?* We have respected their teel-ngs; uud have in nil respects harmonized with them as with our American brethren, l>o those jfeiitJjjiacn think, who profess so much zeal here, and' pretend to so much lore for the Juraguer, that they are alone in their lccljigb of grut itude to those foreigners who, in the h?.ur Af our country's need came to our aid t No sir. A 1 Ameri cans feel it. But feeliug it and acknowledging it, as 1 aiu willing to do, that we are indebted to ibem ,or thut service, is that a reason why we should place ourselves politically at their Biercy? 1h t u' u reason why we ?.iould deliver ourselves", bound hand and loot over to them, that they mav obtain the mastery over us in our owu government and of ourown insti tutiens ? For my part, sir, I shall forever oppose anv measure, come from what quarter it mav, that will tend to take from the bunds of the American people the reina of their owu government. "The honorable gentleman, in adveriiug to the primary rights with which all American citizens tire vested, endeavored to lllustrute his argument by ma king a comparison between the common partnerships of individuals and the political partnerships of natu ralised and native-born citizens, and tried to show you, us an argument, that they were equally c n cerned in the welfare or misfortunes of the govern ment, and had to contribute, if necessary, their quota to its wants. For my part, 1 cannot conceive there is any analogy in the two cases, and, if there were, the gentleman's argument would not? be aided bv it, for it frequently happens in partnerships for business that it ia mutually agreed thut one ol the parties is alone and solely charged with the government ol the partnership attairs. " But, sir, I deny the gentlouiau'B premises. I deny what he has beeu pleased to term an axiom, that all men are entititlea to equal political rights, and that we have no power under our inundate troni the people to circumscribe those rights. If such weru the case, sir, whence have we derived the power upon tho restrictions us to residence, color, age, w hich we have already imposed, without our right to do so being questioned!' If the gentleman's argument be correct, it should hold good throughout, but its error is evinced when it is curried to its extreme, tuid its falsity is proven by a complete redmcUo ad aisurdnm. * ? * * * "It was well remarked the other day in debate by an honorable delegate from New Orleans, (Mr. Grymea) that a government may become so popular as to be no government at all. An absence of all re strictions, leaves, of necessity, power in the hands of the strongest, or, in other words, reduces society to anarchy; and yet when we endeavor to avoid this result, by guarding our government, our institutions, and the prosperity of our country, from danger, hon orable members reply by accusing us of a bias to wards aristocracy or monarchy. The question under discussion has been presented on two grounds, both of which I shall endeavor to treat?1st, have we the power; 2d, is it expedient to insert this provision in our new constitution ?" A part of Mr. Benjamin's speech at Odd Fellows' Hall, on Tuesday night last, composed an argument against the assumed article in the creed of the Amer ican party, declaring naturalized citizens incapable of holding office. These were his words: " The constitution provided for naturalization, and with the exception of those of President and Vice President, naturalized citizens were eligible to ull of fices under it. Whether aware of it or not, every one who had joined an organization which declared that class of citizens incapable of filling any office, were making war upou the constitution of the coun try." In contradistinction to this opinion of the Senator in 1866, we present the views of the same gentleman in 1845: "The gentleman has roundly asserted that this' State baa not the constitutional power to prescribe, as a qualification for Governor that he should be a native-born citizen of tho United States. This, sir, is a novel, and, I may be allowed to add, a startling re mark, from a gentleman so learned and so eminent in his profession as the honorable delegate from New Orleans. I can say, sir, with truth, that havino grown up from my earliest youth under the institu tions of the countr y, having been compelled to make them my special study in the practice of my profes sion, and having the right to say, without,' 1 hope, being accused of presumption, that they are familiar to me, I never, till this hour heard a doubt suggest ed as to the constitutional power of a State to pro scribe the qualifications required for holding office in its government. ***** "In a word then, sir, I assert llmt our power to insert the clause disputed, is uot a doubtful question; that we have the power to do so oonstitnnonaUv, and the only question we now have to decide is, is" it ex pedient for us to do so? My own impression is, that we should unhesitatingly insert it, if we study our own interests. When 1" first proposed to the com mittee to insert it in the section, ii was a natural in stinct that prompted nie to believe that u van neces sary. Since then I have given the subject calm and serious deliberation, and 1 have daily, nay hourly, become more aud more convinced of the necessity and propriety of the measure. Sir, 1 have listened with delight to the eloquent eulogy pronounced by the delegate from New Orleans on the brave men who lent us their aid in 181/i- on Savary, St. denies, and their associates?1 have witnessed, in imagina tion, the memorable scenes so graphically and elo quently described by the honorable gentleman from Rapides, (Mr. Brent; and I have felt my heart glow with feelings ot gratitude towards the brave aud generous men who, unndst the smoke and carnage of battle, breasted the British bayonets, and, side by side with American citizens, periled their lives in our country s cause?honor and gratitude to them all!?and I will yield to no man in expressing on all occasions, and in all suitable manner, the acknowl edgments that are due tc their eminent services. " But, sir, let us not allow our feelings to obtain the mastery over our judgment. Those brave men were the sons of France, and the enemy was the heredi tary foe of France. Sir, does the gentleman, can any man, believe that if our invaders had beeu French, these gallant men would have gone to battl against their countrymen ? Sir, they would have recoiled with horror at the forethought, with the same in stinctive abhorrence as if culled on to smite th cheek of the mother that bore them. How, then, sir, can we place, as the commander-in-chief of our armies, an individual who, iu the event of a war with the coun try of his birth, would be exposed to thiB conflict of duties and of feelings. The honorable gentleman tells us that tn an event like this, a gallant spirit, sti fling all that love of country, of - it natal soil, iliut the Creator has implanted in the bre st of every :;jan, aud would take?for his motto, "Fuu re ,,'oiadvi mn* qut pourra * Sir, this may sound very finely in theory, but every feeling of our nature would recoil from its practice. " I call on the gentleman to point out to me the man, nay, sir, I ask, if he himself, and surelv there is none whose eminence an a citixen would render him more worthy of so exalted a station, I ask if he him self, as commander of our armies, were called to lead our forces into the Held against the country of his birth, would he not feel his inmost soul revolt at the bare idea ? Whether the bare sight of the flag of his native country would not bring back upon his mem ory every thought and feeling of his childhood and his youtn, and whether he could steel his heart to the tusk of carrying death and carnage into the midst of those in whose ranks might pe chance, be found the playmates of his childhood, the companions of his youth, nay, perhaps, a brother or a parent? Never, sir, never could he do it. It is our duty, then, sir, in making this organic law, to provide in such nitu ner as to render it impossible, in uuy contingency, for our Chief Magistrate to be placed in snch a posi-^ tfon. The necessity is too apparent to admit of doubt" Mr. Dreux may well have said in his address on Saturday night last, to tho immense audience assem bled in Odd Fellow*' Hiil, " This is the strongest American speech he had ever read." Enormous Frauds Intended. Preparations for enormous frauds hare been made in view of tts approaching election in Pennsylvania. In Philadelphia it appears that between ten and fif teen thousand namei have been added to the extra assessment lists, mainly by the Democracy. There arw four thousand in MUlward's district alone. These facts, together with ths circumstance that the Commiaaioners have determined not to publish the names and residences, as ia nanaily done, assigning the reason that no appropriatlrn had b<>en made for such publication by the Democratic Councils, have excited much feeling, showing as they do a manifest design lo carry the election by rnnd. Tlie coloniza tion proeess has boeu managed principa'Iy bv re cruits from New Jersey. We are also informed that several thousand for eigners have been recently naturalized in Pennsylva i nia, nearly all of whom will vote tho Democratic ticket. ' It is probably a knowledge of these intended out'.