Newspaper Page Text
"Liberty and Union, Now and Forever, One and Inseparable." Daniel Webster.
RALEIGH, N. C, TUESDAY, APRIL 9, 18G7. No. 7. Vol. II. Svi-UccHlu jj'tandanl. vr. w. noLBEx. J- w- woldex. W. W. KOLDEN & SON, EDITORS OF THE STANDAKD, Authorized publishers of the Laws of the United Slates, aud of government advertisements. Rates of Subscription TERMS Cash in Advance. Tri-Weekly paper, 1 year ?f 00 i " C months 3 50 :i . " 3 2 00 ivwirlv inner. 1 vear 3 ' 0 II J J J - " " 6 months 1 30 3 1 00 " " 5 copies 1 year 12 00 10 " 1 " .... 22 00 To those who get up clubs of five or more sub scribers one copy, gratis, will be furnished. A cross X mark on the paper indicates the ex piration of the subscription. Rates of Advertising : Ten lines or one inch space to constitute a square. One sqnrire, one insertion, $1 00 Each subsequent insertion, of Liberal deduction made, by special contract, to larire advertisers. Court advertisements will be charged 25 per cent, higher than the regular rates. Special Notices charged 50 per cent, higher than ordinary advertisements. For advertisements inserted irregularly, 25 per cent higher than usual rates will bo charged. No paper in the South has advertising facilities superior to the Standard. Letters must be addressed to W. W. HOLIVKN & SON, Raleigh, N. C. City Advertisements. N TOTICK. 'pttt? rvnvT!STnvTn RFOS L.EAVK TO respectfully inlorni those who have heretofore patronised him, and the public eusrally, that he is now cai ryiug on the TAILORING BUSINESS A few paces South of the Court House, one door West ot R. G. Lewis law ollice. All orders in his line of business will be prompt ly attended to and thankfully received. Special attention will be paid to renovating old cloihes. All spots of grease, turpentine, iVc, en tirely removed. y q q Raleigh, March 5, 1867. 14S tf. Watson's Photograph Gallery, RALEIGH, N. C. PRICrS LOWER TITAN EVER. The Sunbeam Art Improving. KEAT REDUCTION IN THE PRICES OF T Ainbrotypcs, Ferreotypes mid the larger size l'hotographs. IVrcclian pictures made with all the evauty of an ivory painting. Photographs ot all sizes and styles, plain or colored to nature. Persons wishing work in my line are invited to call and examine specimens and he convinced that there is no use going beyond Raleigh ou ac count of prices or quality of work. Aug. istW 2S ly. J. W. WATSON. ARRIVING THIS DAY. SACKS No. 1 PERUVIAN GUANO. 800 500 sacks Patapseo Guano. 50 " Rangii's Superphosphate Lime. 70 Bbls. Rockland Land, iu prime order. 50 Bales prime Hay. 200 Sacks Liverpool Sine Salt. B. P. WILLIAMSON & CO. March 30, lw. 3 tf. TTALUAELE CITY PKOPETY V roil SALE. ONE OF THE MOST DESIRABLE HOUSES and Lots in the City (front of Nash Square) lately occupied by Mrs. Kutlhi Tucker, Deceased. The House contains 10 rooms, all well furnish ed, lot about 2Ji acres, grounds beautifully orna mented with shi ubery, conservatory tilled with the rarest flowers, and gardens of tine "vegetables and choice fruit trees, all necessary out buildings and well of good water. Possession can be given im mediately. W. H. & R. S. TUCKER. Raleigh, March 2, 1307. ll-tr W3I. II. THOMPSON, WATCHMAKER & JEWELLER, ' 24 Fayetteville Street, IIATKIGII, TV- C. HAS JUST RETURNED FROM THE NORTH and opened at his old stand, a splendid variety of Watches, Jewelry, Silver Plated Ware, &c. Repairing done neatly and with dispatch. He has also on hand a tine assortment of CLOCKS, GOLD-PENS. POCKET KNIVES, ttc. A choice lot of elegant STATIONERY, also in Store, and many lift e niceties that will repay in spection. Old GOLD and SILVER bought and sold. Feb. 2S, 1SG7. 1-10 3m. IRON, NAILS AND SHOES. 5000 Bh d?31 2' 3' 4' 5' c' 7 8 AND 10 Swedes Iron. 10,000 lbs., all sizes, Refined Bar Iron, 2000 lbs., X and Round Iron, 35 Kegs Old Dominion Nails, all sizes, 25 Kegs Mule Shoes, 10 Kegs Horse " 100 lbs., Horse Shoe Nails, in store and'must he sold, B. P. WILLIAMSON & CO. Raleigh, March 22, 1867. PHOTOGRAPH ALBUMS. BEAUTIFUL ASSORTMENT JUST RE ceived and for sele low at A Watson's Photograph Gallery. Members of the Legislature, visitors and citi u lwv"ea to call at WATSON'S fHOTO GKAPH GALLERY and hear of something to their interest. j. -V. WATSON. Raleigh, Nov. 22, 18CC. 100 tf. PIANO TUNING AND REPAIRING BY WM. II. VAUGIIAN. BALEIGIT, N. C. Orders from neighi.oi in.r Towns and Conn ties solicited. All such win bu promptly atten tCd "nd tne worit Performed cheaply aud Feb. 22, 1867. 144 tf THE BILEICII RMTIOVAL BAAK OF North-Carolina. DIRECTORS : Robt. W.Puixtam, President; W. H. Wiixahi, Geo. W. Swepsox, C. P. Mendehiiall YV. B. WCLIck, Cashier. Cr?. A?D SILVER COIN, EXCHANGE, V.X United States, State and Railroad securities, bought and sold. Also, uncurrcnt money. Agent lor the sale ot Revenue Stamps. 21 ly . HE. POOL'S ADDRESS. Colkhaixe, Bertie Co.. March 2o, 1S07. To the Editors of the Standard : Gkxtlemex : There continues to be, in some of the newspapers of the State, a con stant repetition of former misrepresentations respecting me, without any regard to the correction of them which appeared in the Standard of the 1st of January last. Per haps I ought, before, to have publicly af firmed the correctness of the statements made in that issue of yonr paper in regard to my course during the rebellion. I do so now. Your statement of my present position is also correct. But I have concluded that it is mv duty to exprrsss, more in detail, to the people of North-Carolina, my views upon the present unfortunate and embarrassing condition of public affairs. You will add to mv obligations for yonr past kindness, if you can make room to publish the address" which I now send you. Yours respectfully, JOHN POOL. To tlie People of North-Carolina: ! Having been honored by the represcnta ! fives of the people of North-Carolina, more i than a yinr ago, with an election to the Sen i ate of the United States, it seems proper that I should matte known to them my views upon the present disturbed state of public affairs, formed, in part, by the assistance of information to which my position as Senator elect gave me more ready access. A briet retrospeetof t lie distressing events of the last six years will aid iu arriving at a clear understanding of our present politi cal condition. For many years previous to the attempted secession of the State in 1801, there had ex isted in the. Southern States a well known class of men who labored continually to prepare the popular mind for that measure. It had been the objective point of all their political actions and teachings, as the iirst and indispensable step to the consummation of their purposes. No one in the South can be forgetful of the means resorted to, and the appliances brought to bear. Arrogating to themselves a peculiar solicitude for the institution of slavery, and an especial guar dianship of Southern honor and interests, they proceeded to appeal to sectional pas sions and prejudices, and to load with vio lent abuse the northern section of the Union, to scoff at every sentiment of nationality, and to denounce as untrue to his section and personally degraded every public man in the Southern Slates who was not. in some wav, privv to their treasonable designs. Many of their leaders gained seats in the j public councils and responsible places in i ., .it I ...i i I l III national tMvci iiuicui, nucic uivv wii- tinually precipitated the agitation of meas ures calculated to arouse sectional hate, and keep ever alive and increasing the fires of dNcnr.l which they had lighted in the South ern heart. Whenever the voice of warning was raised as to the inevitable tendency of their conduct, they became the lorn Its in : protestations ot attachment to the L :iion ; and even set up pretensions as its especial defenders. So deep seated was the popular veneration for the government, rendered sa cred by the memories of the past and the blessings of liberty and justice which it had uniformly secured to even- section, that they found it necessary to conceal their real pur poses, up to the last moment, and to precip itate a rebellion in violation of oliicial oaths to support the Union, and with its praises upon their lips. The people were thus de ceived, and finally coerced into a bloody and disastrous civil war. In the beginning, a majority of the peo ple of North-Carolina were opposed to the secession ordinance, and accepted it only as an inexorable necessity, forced upon theni by the action of the adjacent States and the dangerous excitement of the times. Hut many earnest Union men, especially the young and inconsiderate, were soon borne along by the madness of the day, or became unable to withstand the derision and taunts of cowardice with which they were con stantly assailed by the press, in public assemblies and in the social circle. Others were deceived by the tardy and vaccilating action of the national administration, into the belief that no adequate resistance would be made to the attempted separation, and that upon the establishment of the Confed eracy, perpetual dishonor would attach to those who refused to support promptly the action of their State. But, the most potent agency resorted to was the bold, systematic and unscrupulous misrepresentations of the designs of the Unitetl States in waging war against the secession movement. The object was asserted to be to abolish slavery, to force negroes upon a social equality "with the whites to compel their admission to the best society to the table, and even to mar riage relations to deprive the Southern peo ple of all rights to plunder, confiscate, murder and reduce to a state of dependence and abject vassalage. The whole Northern people were denounced as hypocrites, rob bers and vandals and the Union soldiery as hirelings and licentious vagabonds. The assemblies ot the people, the legislat ive halls, the press and the social circle teemed with this scurrility, coupled with still viler epi thets and threats of infamy towards such as were supposed to sympathise with the gov eminent in its struggle to suppress the re bellion and preserve the Union. All at tempts at contradiction were suppressed by arrests and imprisonment, or by mob violence. A system of the basest espinage sprung up spontaneously in every neighborhood, and every man had a spy and informer at his door. Good men were thus deceived the timid were appalled, and the boldest could see no hope f success in any effort to stem the general current. Could the truth, at that time, have been plainly told to the peo ple of North-Carolina, and heeded by them, liow much of calamity would have been everted, and what untold miseries spared us ! But, after the lapse of about two vears. the truth began to force itself upon the pub lic mind.- The overwrought excitement be gan to work its own remedy, while the en ergetic action of the Federal Government exposed the falsity of the assurance, so re peatedly given by the instigators of the re bellion, that it dared not resist the separa tion of the States. Volunteering in the Con federate army nearly ceased, and the people began to think and speak of peace on the best attainable terms. It was then that the instigators and leaders of the rebellion threw off the mask which they had so long worn, and instituted a despotism so complete and merciless that scarcely a vestige of liberty or right was left. It was discovered, when too late, that power had been placed in the hands of men, who scrupled at nothing that might be requisite to the accomplishment of their ends, and hesitated not to set at de fiance not only the wishes and rights of their fellow-citizens, but even the sentiments and feelings of humanity. Thev had a well trained .army under their command, officered by men of their own choosing. Almost ev ery civil position in the Executive, legisla tive and judicial departments of the State and Confederate governments, was filled by their most violent partizans and willing friends. Thus resistance became impossible and remonstrance dangerous. They enacted laws of wholesale conscription, and executed them with the most searching rigor. Im pressment laws, so framed that the property ot the citizen was practically at the disposal of irresponsible military subordinates, were executed in such manner as to awe or ruin every one suspected of disaffection or per sonally obnoxious to the petty tyrants sent out to scourge each locality. Scouting parties, composed of the most desperate and aban doned of the soldiery, ranged in every coun ty, and were changed sufficiently often to prevent any kindly relations being formed with the people or any influence gained over them by men of character and justice. The suspension of the lutbea corpun placed under military control the persons of those whose age, sex or condition exempted them from conscription. Prisons, kept in the most loathsome condition, were established in Richmond and in other localities. To over awe the struggling Union sentiment of our people, the one at Salisbury was set up and made the scence of horrors, tit the recollec tion of which the blood stiil runs cold. Hundreds of our private citizens, exempt from conscription, were there, and at Castle Thunder in Richmond, incarcerated upon mere suspicion of Unionism, and met their death by starvation aud other indescribable cruelties. But the failing resources of the Confeder acy would not allow the expense of sufficient prison accommodation for as many victims as was necessary to suppress the struggling Unionism of North-Carolina. The rest was left to the neighborhood scouts and author ized bands of guerrilla robbers, not only un restrained but encouraged in lawless violeneo and outrage to suspected Unionists, their wives and children. In remote places, upon tin.' public highways, in the humble dwell ings of the poor and around the family hearth, from which the husband and father had been dragged in eliaius to the army and prison, or driven to the mountain caves and forests, scenes were enacted that can never be described, and, if told, would not be credited as possible in a Christian age. For the crime of not betraying husbands and sons to death, the virtues and claims of wo manhood were set at naught. Mothers were taken from helpless infants, and kept for weeks, in outhouses and pens in the woods, at the mercy and disposal of depraved and brutal men, until, in some instances, their breasts hurst with the accumulation of milk which the merciful God ot nature had provi ded for their starving infants at home. In Randolph county the thumbs of a poor wo man were put under the rails of a fence, and two soldiers seated themselves upon it, until, screaming with pain, she disclosed the place of he.- husband's concealment and consigned him to death. And this was done in pres ence of her two little children. This state ment of particular instances is made upon the authority of public representations in the newspapers, at the time ami since, and upon the authority of private gentlemen in whose locality they occurred. And there has been no contradiction or extenuation, except that the victims were " untrue to the Confed eracy." The Polk county murders, the Laurel massacre,'' the horrible murder, by guerrillas, of Thaddeus Cox, and his wife and children, in Pasquotank, and the shock ing atrocitiesin Buncombe, Haywood, Ashe, Wilkes and Alleghany, are but isolated in stances of what was done in almost every county. They can be truth fully multiplied by hundreds. These things were done by authorized parties, in uniform and under of ficers. Add to all this the want and mourn ing that sat in every humble household, and even then but an inadequate conception cai. be funned of the terrible condition to which we were reduced. Remonstrances were sent to the State and Confederate authorities, and representations of maiiy of these facts ought to be, anil prob ably are on file in the Executive ollice at. Raleigh. We have not heard that any of the perpetrators have been brought to trial or punishment. But on the contrary, the present Legislature of the State has been swift to pass an act of general amnesty and pardon in order to screen them from all fu ture investigation. It would have been tar more proper and more conducive to the fu ture peace and welfare of the country, had the Legislature instituted in each county a commission to take affi'lavits respecting the occurrences in it, to be published in a vol ume and preserved among the public arch ives, as a perpetual warning to posterity. Such a record would certainly serve as a guide to future Legislatures in making just discriminations in such acts of amnesty as good policy may from time to time require. The untimely haste of legislators to draw a curtain over it all, leaves room for suspicion that the purpose was not only to secure the guilty from punishment, but more especially to save the instigators and leaders of the re bellion from the disgrace to which the truth might expose them' before the tribunal of mankind. These things are brought to mind, not for purposes of crimination but to be used in discussing our present condition, and the motives that now actuate the conduct of some men among us. The opfea and deliberate preparation for the rebellion was clearly treason, and would have been checked by punishment as such in any other form of government than that of the United States, before it culminated in a bioody and destructive war. In a mon archy, absolute or limited, Thcre oppression becomes intolerable, treason leading to revo lution is extenuated and even justified,if con ducted with humanity and justice for the purpose of securing liberty and right. For, in such forms of government, revolution is generally the only resort against oppression and tyranny. But in a free republic, the ballot-box, a written constitution, and the courts of law are safe-guards rendering the neces sity for revolution next to impossible. Even should wrong and oppression exist, until these peaceful remedies have been exhausted, treason in a republic is the highest of crimes. It can be nothing less than the plotting of wicked and ambitious men against the liber ties of the people and the peace and welfare of their country. But, during the initiatory proceedings leading to the late rebellion, it seemed to be supposed that the spirit and theory of repub lican government forbade interference with the free action of citizens until it assumed the form of an actual levying of war. And even then, it was strenuously contended that the theory of State sovereignty rendered it unlawful for the Federal government to re sort to coercive measures against States in actual rebellion, or to raise an ai m in defence of its own existence. Had such a theory been acquiesced in, the future of the Ameri can States would have been continual disin tegration and the setting up of petty con federacies, leading to intestine iciids and bloody wars between them, until, from ne cessity, the people would have submitted, as a choice of evils, to a consolidated des potism and the complete subversion of re publican liberty. But, however great the turpitude ot inau gurating the late rebellion, without Avrongs to be complained of or any resort to the peaceful remedies so fully provided by the illustrious founders of the Republic, and however shocking to the moi-d sense of man kind the inhuman and barba. ous manner in which it Wiis conducted t lie crowning guilt of its instigators and leaders was in continuing it, with increased horrors, after all hope of success was plairfly at an end. It is charity to attribute their conduct to overbearing pride ami a reckless disregard for the lives of their deluded and conscrip ted followers, and not to the baser feeling of delight in blood, -or the desire to render their work of ruin mre terrible and com plete. We all recollect the peace movements in North-Carolina in 1864, by primary meet ings in the several counties, which were sup pressed by the authorities, and by the cruel persecution of the participators. In the elections of that year, notwithstanding threats and violence, and armed soldiers at the ballot-boxes, to deter the people from re turning pc-tice candidates to the Legislature, nearly a majority of such were returned in each branch. During its session in the lat ter part of 1801, and the beginning of 186.3; bold and earnest efforts were made to effect a termination of the war, and to treat for peace, on the best attainable terms, through the agency of the individual States. The cause of the Confederacy was then clearly desperate, and the further effusion of blood useless and wicked. But the leaders of the rebel'ion, with their supporters anil sympa thisers, pronounced the movement treason. Its advocates were pronounced traitors, and .loaded with every opprobious epithet calcu lated to degrade and destroy the reputation of men. The movement failed the war I raged with increased fury for a few terrible I mouths, and peace came by subjugation. 1 But in those few months how much of 'deso lation and woe tell to our lot: How many hearts were made desolate how ' many households robbed of their only light '. Upon whose hands is the blood of husbands, fathers and sons thus uselessly shed in the mere wantonness of pride and obstinacy, or from the viler motive of desperate revenge? lint it is more to our purpose to consider the obstinate persistence of these men in its bearing upon the present. Had the peace ; movements of 1SC4 "5 been allowed, we could then have easily stipulated for an im i mediate return to the Union, the restoration j of political rights and representation in Con- gress. Such terms, and perhaps better, were j offered at the Fortress Monroe conference, I as late as February, 1SG.1. Those who re ' fused to stop the war upon any terms, based ! on the restoration of the Union, and persis j ted in the bloody contest to the point of ab I solute subjugation, are responsible for our i present unfortunate relations with the Feile- nil government. i It is necessary to a correct understanding ! of subsequent events to inquire into the ac j tual political condition of North-Carolina, at the termination of the war, and to exam i ine the policy pursued by the government, j and the reasons upon which it was based. ! Secession was treason. When the war he j gan, it was rebellion. When it was contin I tied, from obstinacy or revenge, beyond all reasonable hope of success, it become whole ! sale murder. Tims will posterity character ize the guilt of those who inaugurated it, and I persisted until disarmed and subjugated by ! actual force from legitimate authority. When that occurred, the personal position of the voluntary participators was that ot culprits, whose only screen from just and lawful pun ishment was the mercy of the conqueror. But the position of the State wasanomolous. Tiie anomaly grew out of our peculiar form of government. If secession was void, how could a State be considered out of the Union ? If in the Union still, how could it be denied the right to place in power, again, the most gniltv and rebellious of its citizens? If this were permitted, could the nation escape the present dangers ; and it so. could it long sur vive the precedent of having those fresh and unrepentant from the bloody fields of trea son and rebellion, immediately re-instated, as a matter of constitutional right, into the high positions of trust and power, which thev had recently so criminally abused? They might take advantage of such restitu tion of power to repeat their former, un punished treason, and renew their efforts against the nation's life. They were too num erous tor the remedy which the executioner might justly afford, and such a resort was forbidden by the spirit of the ae, and by the -dictates of Christian mercy. The only other remedy was disfranchisement, either partial and temporary, or complete. These, difficul ties had to be met, and it was desirable that it should be done upon established princi ples. However much disputed before, the result of the war decided that a State in the Union could not, by any act, legally withdraw its territory or its people from the authority of the Federal Government. Im this sense a State could not go out of the Union. But a State is an organized political community. Without an organized government, it lacks the essential quality requisite to consti tute a State. Although the citizens residing within certain established boundaries may still retain the political right to have such an organization set up, still, until this is done, the corporate rights appertaining to a State as such, are necessarily in abeyance. The insurgent States, by rebellion and vio lence, destroyed their organized Governments, and while they were not able to withdraw their territory or their people from the right ful authority of the general government, they did succeed in upsetting their constitutional organizations, and thus put in abeyance every political right of their citizens, save one. And that was the right secured in the Con stitution of the United States, by the clause guaranteeing " to every State in the Union a republican form of government." This right subsisted even during the war, and is as indestructible as the constitution itself. But until its practical application is secured by the necessary action on the part of the government, every other political right must remain in abeyance. As soon as the constitu tional State governments were destroyed by violence, it became the duty of the United States to remove the disturbing force by the military power of the nation, so as to enable tLc civil authority to discharge its constitu tional duty to the States, by re-establishing therein governments" republican in form." If instead of rebellion, some foreign power had destroyed those governments, the same duty would have devolved on the United States. It makes no difference whether the disturb ing force came from without or within. The same duty to remove such force, and open the way tor the practical application of the right guaranteed in the constitution arises in the one case as in the other. Such is the safe guard provided to protect republican liberty in the several States, and to secure their per petual existence against both domestic and loreign violence. The theory and principles ot the government of the United Slates will not permit the permanent loss of a single State. It could not be submitted to except from overpowering necessity. But this duly to "guarantee to every State in the Union a republican form of govern ment," does not devolve on the President alone, but is a matter to be provided for by Congress, (subject, of course to his veto,) and to be executed by hiin as any other act of legislation. The constitutional governments of the insurgent States having been destroyed by violence, and there being no law or pre cedent under which they could, themselves, proceed to re-establish those governments, the emergency contemplated in the constitu tion was presented, and it became the duty of Congress to provide for it by necessary legislation. The proceedings of the President in setting up provisional establishments to preserve peace and order temporarily, until Congress could act, were in strict accordance with his duty as head of a conquering army. But his further proceedings in regard to es tablishing permanent governments, however well meant, could have no validity until sanctioned by the law making power. They might have been, and were doubtless intend ed to be of couveuience and assistance to Congress in the discharge of its constitutional obligations to the disorganized States, if that body had deemed it consistent with the pub lic safety to have sanctioned those proceed ings, and declared those establishments valid by the authority ot law. But in war and in times ot great public danger, the safety of the commonwealth is paramount to all other considerations. The constitution requires the concurrence of the legislative and execu tive branches-of the government in the pas sage of every law, unless ihe veto of the President can be overcome by the requisite; majority. If by disagreement between the two branches delay occurs, it is in contem plation of the provision requiring concur rence, and cannot be justly crmplained of. The President proceeded upon the right assumption. He declared the Slates to be still in the Union, but that their legal gov ernments had been destroyed. Under this assumption the question ot the execution or disfranchisement of the guilt- was left open and might be resorted to at once, or held dependent upon future developments. But he cut off the resort to general executions, by a proclamation of limited amnesty, to wh'um he added, from time to time, many special pardons. Still holding the population un der the restraints of martial law, and acting under his power as commander-in-chief of the conquering army, he ordered initiatory steps to be taken to re-establish civil author ity. In this proceeding he resorted to dis franchisement to a very limited extent, bo ping by such display of magnanimity to in spire the insurgent citizens with a feeling of gratitude, and by thus bringing them back to a sense of reason and duty, to avoid the necessity of severer measures. This proceed ing was experimental only, and served to test the temper and purposes of those who had been so lately in rebellion. The whole was forced on the insurgent States by military power and at the point of the bayonet. It was at variance with all republican forms, and could therefore have no validity, except under the supervisory sanction of the civil authority. Congress was, perhaps, more properly the authority to have commenced those proceedings in the beginning. But, it could, by its sanction, possibly have waived the informality, and confirmed them at any time. It had the same power to set them aside and commence anew, at any time. It was a question of polic' only. And that policy was dependent on the success of the President's humane effort to subdue the re bellious spirit of the insurgent citizens by magnanimity and kindness, and thus avoid a resort to the more stringent measures of personal punishment and disfranchisement. Congress decided to await the result before confirming the President's proceedings, and threw itself upon the nation in the fall elec tions of 1S0O. We all know the result. They are satisfied that the President's ex periment is a failure, and that the peace and safety of the republic require severer meas ures. And we are obliged to admit that this conclusion has been reached with so much show of reason, and in consequence of a course ot conduct on the part of the leaders of the rebellion bordering upon actual mad ness. But it may be a principle of human nature, that men too full of evil lose the common prudence of temporary conceal ment. Or is it that Providence has again in terposed in behalf of the republic, by inspi ring them with the restless audacity to dis play their designs before it came too late to defeat them ? After having spread desolation and ruin around them, led their fellow-citizens to sub juration and become themselves abject sup pliants upon the mercy of the conqueror, it was reasonable to suppose that the instiga tors and leaders of the rebellion would not stand in the way of a settlement of our troubles, but would leave to others, less guilty and obnoxious, the delicate task of restoring the State to its former relations in the Union. This course on their part seemed to be plainly dictated by a common regard to propriety and self-respect, to say nothing of public policy. All knew that there had been aroused in the Northern mind a want of confidence, at least, in those who had put in imminent jeopardy the life of the nation, and who had just been sub dued at such immense expenditure of blood and treasure. It was much to expect that mercy would be so far regarded as to spare their lives and estates. But it was absurd to hope that power in the government would be immediately permitted to go into their hands, and the most guilty leaders restored to the position, the influence of which they had so recently turned to such a disastrous use. That such would be permitted was clearly forbidden by common prudence, by a regard for the national safety, and a de cent respect for the calamities and outraged feelings of the loyal masses. The base as sassination of President Lincoln, growing out of the rebellion, if not instigated by some of its leaders, had impressed the pub lic mind deeply with the reckless desper ation and wickedness that had been engen dered by the dispersion of the rebel ar mies. The successor of President Lincoln had often, in the most emphatic, forcible language, set forth the necessary policy de claring that if but five thousand loyal men could be found in a State, its government would be committed solely to their hands. The people of North-Carolina seemed, at first, to respond to the evident requirements of the situation. In the election of dele gates to the Convention ordered in 18G5, they chose a large majority of such as had been eminent for disaffection to the Confed eracy and averse to continuing the rebellion. To this judicious and reasonable action of the people little opposition was raised by those who were then trembling with fear of punishment for their itnpardoned crimes. But before the election for members of the Legislature called fry that Convention, the extensive amnesty of the President's procla mation, and the indiscriminate grants of private pardons, instead of awakening grat itude and repentance, served to inspire assu rance and hope, and to embolden the insti gator?; and leaders of the Tebel lion to a uni ted, but then cautious effort to regain their power in the State and national councils. They did not. indeed, dare at that time, as a general thing, to put forward their most notorious characters, but took the more pru dent course of uniting upon such of their least objectionable ojjponents, as they had reason to believe had been rendered most disaffected to the federal government by the loss of slaves, and most likely to be won to their purposes. When the Legislature as sembled such of the rebel lenders as had been returned to seats in it, aud such others as they had succeeded in gaining over to their interests, united in unwavering sup port of those measures an'l candidates for office that scfined best calculated to regain and re-establish their power and influence. In many instances they succeeded in carry ing their points. So damaging was the ef fect of this conduct upon the federal rela tions of the State, and so unexpected to the national authorities, that the President of the United States, who, from motives of mer cy and magnanimity, had unwittingly opened the door to it, felt called upon to ad minister his rebuke and remonstrance in the following telegram : Washington; Nov. 27th, 18G5. Hon. W. W. Holdkn, I'rov. Governor : " The results of the re cent elections in North-Carolina have greatly damaged the prospects of the State in the restoration of its governmental relations. Should the action and the spirit of the Leg islature be in the same direction, it will greatly increase the mischief already done, and might be fatal. It is hoped, the action and spirit manifes ted fry the Legislature will be so directed as rather to repair than increase the difficul ties under wMch the State has already placed itself." ANDREW JOHNSON, President of the United States. This courteous but pointed advice was im mediately communicated to the Legislature, but was not only unheeded, but treated with defiant contempt by those for whom it was intended. As was to be expected, when our representatives, elected to Congress under the President's preparatory proceedings for the restoration of the State, arrived in Wash ington, they found the Congress fearful and indisposed to confirm and perpetuate the re sult of those proceedings by the sanction of civil authority. So unexpected and clanger ous seemed the united action of the rebel j leaders, since the commencement of those i proceedings, that Congress deemed it esscu- tial to the natioi.nl safety to await further dcvelopements. It was hoped that such dc ' lay, iu itself, would serve as a salutary j warning, ami recall the Southern mind to the 'just appreciation of the condition of the in ! snrgeiit States, and of what the peace and safety (if the nation required, as security ; against a future repetition of the dangerous i disturbances from which it. had just es j caped at such immense and distressing cost. ! But this warning, too, was unheeded. Not i only so; it was made the basis of a more j thorough organization of the secession element in the southern States. There was immediately a repetition of the means and appliances fry which the rebellion was first inaugurated and then upheld, as far as the movers dare go in the presence of military supervision and under the threatening aspect of the government. The passions and sec- tional prejudices of the people were again most veiieiiiem.iv appealed io. i ne con gress was denounced as an unlawful assem hi age of tyrants and fanatics ; and the guil ty leaders of treason dared even parade the epithet ot traitor as applicable to those in the blood of whose sons and brethren they had so recently stained their hands, and un der whose counsels of mercy they had just escaped, unrepentant and ungrateful, a trait or's doom. Congress, with dignified inactivity, re mained earnest spectators of passing events. But in charity, setting down much to wounded pride and chafing restlessness, the Constitutional amendment was finally offered ns the least that was consistent with the safety and future peane of the republic. This.too, was spurned as an insult to Southern honor, and was seized upon, as was the cus tom previous to the rebelllion in regard to acts of Congress, to increase the violence of sectional appeals, and the shameless abuse of all men who raised a voice in defence of nationality. The rebel leaders pretended to found great hopes upon the pending elec tions in the Northern States, last Fall ; but instead of strengthening the hands of their supposed friends by silence, or by propriety and moderation of conduct, they unbecom ingly thrust themselves, covered with unfor gotten treason, into the affairs of a people with the blood of whose sons and comrades they were freshly dripping. Inflaming the unfortunate difference between Congress and the President, and magnifying its impor tance, they arrogantly smothered his influ ence and popularity by the odium of their support. Through their presses, and in har angues before the Southern people who had no power aud could exert no influence in the elections, they ostentatiously coupled their denunciations of Congress with praises of the President and with claims that he was their especial champion and upholder. Such conduct, at that time, was either the extreme of most unaccountable folly, or it was for the well considered purpose of pro voking among the Northern people serious civil dissensions auspicious to concealed de signs. The previous character and conduct of the movers favored the latter construc tion. The result of the elections was such an overwhelming rebuke to every one, con taminated with their touch, as to amount to instructions to Congress that could not be disregarded. But, not at all abashed fry this result, they eagerly seized upon it and increased their efforts again to fire the Southern heart to make past treason a test of honor, and brand past and continued loyalty in the South as a stain of social and political disgrace. Sounding the same hol low professions of loyalty with which they inaugrated the rebellion, they scoffed at ev ery sentiment of nationality, covered with bitter contumely and reproach every stead fast supporter of the national authority, and amid all permissible preparation, but illy concealed their future hopes and purposes. An irresponsible press was made to use the weapon of public defamation, found so po tent ' preparatory to and during the re bellion, to deter the timid and cause the mod est and sensitive to shrink from the coarse and wanton vulgarity of its attacks. The thoughtless ardor of youth was imposed up on by appeals to sectional pride, by a con stant parade of the glory achieved fry Con federate heroes, and by fulsome demonstra tions of flattery to the most notorious actors in the rebellion. Even the boyish admira tion for Knight Errantry was invoked by a perpetual round of ridiculous tournaments, attended by rebel leaders most distinguished in field and counsel, who would have been ashamed of the puerility of being seen at such places but for the well understood object in view. Thus they succeeded in again deceiving and exciting the masses of our people to such an extent that they car ried the Fall elections in this State, and re turned to the Legislature a large majority of their friends and sympathisers. During those mad proceedings every remonstrance from the more considerate Union men of the State was spurned with contemptuous de rison and abuse. Those who warned the people of the danger and sought to save their State from the consequences of the hardihood and reckless ambition of men who were about perpetuating the ruin they had already wrought, were denounced as enemies of their State, and defamed with epithets so degrading and vulgar that com mon propriety would be shocked by repeat ing them. The Legislature elected under these appli ances was swift to show it3 readiness to co-operate in the general plan, by honoring the " true Confederates" on the one hand, and on the other, passing undignified and derisive resolutions of censure against those, whom loyalty to the Union and love of their native State induced to venture an effort in opposition to the crime and folly of a fur ther disturbance of the public peace and prosperity of the country. And this signi ficant exhibition of legislative predilection was followed by the more substantial favor of n act of " general amnesty and pardon," by which it hoped to consign to oblivion a multitude of disgraceful crimes, from the dark infamy of which it would save the rep utation of its friends. But in drafting this act, it was not unmindful of its duty to " Con federate"' memories. The Unionists of the State are ingenious ly excluded from the benefit of its provis ions. Every Union citizen of the State who resisted an outrage from Confederate author ity, or defended himself and his household from the authorized violence of rebel despo tism, or who in the excitement of outraged feelings transcended the nicely balanced law of self-defence, is left to be turned over to juries summoned by Sheriffs holding their election from those who once loved treason, and now revere and. honor its memory. No oue unblinded by the fanaticism of se cession could fail to see what must necessa rily be the effect of these things upon the prospects of the State in its federal relations. It was evident, that the Congress about to assemble in December last, would not be blind to these indications of a dangerous public sentiment in the insurgent States. It could not be supposed that it would look with much charity upon such a defiant rep etition of the leading features of those scenes of preparation which culminated in a gigantic and bloody rebellion, from tlie dangers of which the nation had not yet fully recovered ; but rather that it would be painfully anxious as to the consequences, and, perhaps, indiscreet and over severe in its measures to protect the future peace and in tegrity of the Union, considered as again in danger. In this condition of our affairs, I deemed it a duty of my position, as a Senator elect from North-Carolina, to go to Washington City and endeavor to get for my own State, at least, the best terms yet possible ; and under them to seek its earliest practicable restoration to its rights and privileges as one of the recognized States of the Union. I was fully aware that any effort contrary to or outside of the plans and purposes of the instigators and leaders of the rebellion, would bring upon me the usual denunciation an.l abuse, and expose me to their increased ani mosity. But so much ruin came upon us because our public men shrunk from facing this unmanly warfare in 18(51, aud again in 18C4-C.J, that it seemed criminally unpatri otic to heed it any longer. In Washington, I went to those only 'who had power over the subject, and held coun sel with those members of Congress whose names have been designedly made most odious in my own section, and upon whom have been unsparingly heaped every epithet of opprobious and degrading import. I met only courtesy and kindness from them. There was no expression of unkindness to wards the Southern people not even to wards the most guilty leaders in the rebell ion. They seemed to regret that the con duct of these leaders had necessitated a watchful delay on the part of Congress, and that later developments of Southern sentiment and the present attitude of lead ing men, had made the safety of the nation dependent on more severe and harsh er measures against them, than the most ul tra radicals had, at first, contemplated. But there was one thing unmistakable. It was a determination, firmly set, to adopt aud to have executed such measures as the contin ued contumacy and rebellious bearing of the insurgent leaders might make necessary for the public safety, however harsh and se vere those measures might require to be. It was announced on all hands as already de termined 1st. That the experimental or ganizations set up in the insurgent States by the President, under martial law, .would not be legalized fry Congress, frut superseded by governments based upon the civil authority of the nation. 2nd. That those who volun tarily engaged and persisted in the rebellion ' would be disqualified from holding office under the new governments to be estab lished. 3rd. That there must be impartial suffrage, irrespective of race or color. In addition to these three points, considered as settled, it seemed to be the general opinion, 1st. That territorial or military governments, , of indefinite duration, would be set over the t insurgent States. 2nd. That there would be ' universal colored suffrage, and the exclusion from the ballot-box of those who had vol untarily engaged in the rebellion. Confis cation of the estates of the instigators and leading participators in the rebellion, and other action still more extreme,. were refer red to and advocated. It was urged that the preparatory policy of the President, con ceived in leniency and mercy and well meant," . at the time, had been seized upon by the still rebellious leaders as a means of again rising to power, and thus early setting up a dis tinct political organization of sectionalism, threatening to the peace and integrity of the Union that it had become evident they could be put down only by disfranchise ment, and other measures calculated to make treason odious and dishouorable that the admission of negroes to the ballot-box waa the only effective means of silencing the re newed appeals to old prejudices aud pas sions, dangerous alike to the freedmen and to the public peace, and that only by their, enfranchisement could the whole people be nationalized. The anarchy and confusion incident to breaking up the present eatab-' lishment, and the shock to the public senti ment resulting from the exclusion of a large part of the whites from the polls, and the immediate enfranchisement ot the whole of the blacks, were thought by many to : be evils, buwcre considered as less deplorable V