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The North-Carolina standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1834-1850, October 06, 1836, Image 1

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TOIA II -NO. 101.
- - - - -
THOMAS LORING Publisher and Proprietor.
THE terra for which General Jacksojt was elected President will expire on the
4th of March next, and an earlier day will call upon the People of the United States
to decide who shall be his successor.
To whom the vote of North-Carolina shall be given on that occasion, is a question
important to out welfare, and to our consistency: The leaders of the party opposed
to the present administration, who for years past have denounced without measure
and condemned without reaSon, every leading act of the national government, are
persevering in their eflorts to attract to Judge White the fa.vorv and confidence of
the People.
It becomes an interesting inquiry amongst those who have supported and still
approve of the present administration, how far the support of Judge White is calcu
lated to carry out the measures which General Jackson so wisely begun, and the
people have so firmly sustained. Measures, the fruits of which are already manifest
in the unexampled prosperity of the country. Measures which tbe Republicans of
North-Carolina have advocated as our safeguard against the perils of Disunion;
our only sure defence for popular Liberty.
In prosecuting this inquiry, as our only ambition is to be understood, we shall
make no attempt at the embellishments of rhetoric, but express ourselves in that plain
ness of speech in which facts and argument are most easily comprehended by a plain
republican people.
That Judge White is supported by the party opposed to the present administration
for the purpose of subverting its principles and elevating into power those who have
resisted its measures and intend to alter its policy, is so plain, that we wonder only
how any man of candor can pretend to doubt it.
Is it denied? Then we appeal to every candid man in the State to look and
see if every Anti-Jackson man among us if every man who has been lukewarm
or suspected in his attachment to the administration if these are not loudest in their
support of Judge White? If they do not proscribe every man, no matter what his
public services may have been, and however orthodox his politics heretofore, who does
not go with them in the cause of Judge White? We ask you to look and see if the
late election of a Governor in this State is not already hailed by opposition men of ev
er' class as a triumph over tbe principles of the present administration; as evidence
that the State has abandoned the position she has heretofore occupied ? That these
things are so, none will venture to deny. What do they mean? Are the, old ene
mies of General Jackson better patriots and better friends of their country, andhave
they on a sudden changed their opinions, or do they know that Judge White has alter
ed his ? Do they support his election with the expectation that he will oppose their
principles and exclude them from Office under his administration ? Let the Sober
sense of an intelligent people determine.
But further. A convention of Nullifiers in Georgia nominated Judge White,
and he is now running as their candidate; Governor 'Tyler as their candidate for
Vice President, whose adhesion to that party no one will question. The Nullifica
tion party in South Carolina, in Mississippi, in Alabama, and indeed throughout the
South, are urging Judge White upon the people as a Southern candidate? They
and the presses belonging to that class of politicians are laboring to divide the friends
of the present administration, and to create a feeling of hostility against the North a
mong the people of the South, And for what ? I'hey are busy in abusing every pro
minent friend of the present administration, as they acted in South Carolina towards
every friend of the Union. They are establishing presses in this and other States
and disseminating inflammatory appeals to the people against tbe North about Slave
ry, as they did in 1832 about the Tariff. They are laboring to identify the Adminis
tration candidate with abolitionists without proof and against the directest evidence.
They have grounded their opposition to Mr. Clay and combined with his party to
oppose the administration in all its measures. They are denouncing President Jack
son as a Tyrant, Usurper and Despot on account of measures which he recommend
ed ; and vet they support Judge White as his successor who voted for those meas
ures and "pretends to be a friend to the present administration? We ask you what
does all this mean? Have these Nullifiers renounced their doctrines and become
Union men ? Are they suddenly converted to the doctrines of the proclamation and
ready to acquiesce in the policy and constitutionality of the Force bill, which they
have heretofore denominated the "Bill of Blood?" Nol Fellow Citizens they
know as every one knows that Judge White, like all other men, must be dependant
for his support, upon those who elect him. That, elected (if elected at all) by their
votes, he must look to the Nullifiers and the opposition for counsellors, and form his
cabinet from among the enemies of the present administration. And as if it were
meant to be some earnest to that party of his future course, Judge White has already
begun the work of his political aposlaey.
What! Judge While an apostate? The " honest Judge White," a deserter from
the Administration, and his former friends ! Let facts answer if we have two harsh
ly chacterized his course.
He was elected to the Senate as a friend of General Jackson, and from the year 1828
until he himself was nominated as a candidate of the opposition, he agreed with
General Jackson in every thing, and differed with him about nothing.
He supported the administration, advocated the measures, approved :he views, and
upheld the doctrines of General Jackson. If he once separated from him even in the
minuter details of executive duty or of legislative recommendation before he was him
self a candidate, we do not know it, It is not believed he ever did.
What General Jackson did, he approved. What General Jackson opposed, he re
sisted. But as soon as Judge White became a candidate, and his claims were over
looked by the President and his party ; and were espoused by the Nullifiers, and
all the other old enemies of the President ; then for the first time, .he began to differ
from the administration ; to approve measures which he had before condemned, and
to resist nominations that he had previously voted for. We believe Judge White
has never had an opportunity since he became a candidate to reverse any vote which
he had previously given in support of the administration, but what he has done so ;
and gone against the President, against himself, and with the opposition.
Take these facts, and then determine for yourselves, Fellow Citizens ! whether
it be uncharitable to suspect him of having changed his politics to gratify his am
bition ! whether it will be safe to rely on him as a supporter of vour principles?
His friends may protest against our conclusions, with what earnestness they please:
1 Ml .1 . f 1 J ! I J i .1 . . I - . I fx'
ana still tne common sense oi mankind win ueiermine mat in tnis conduct or Judge
White, there is ground at least for serious suspicion.
We all know how reckless some are in denying the most incontrovertible facts.
Many of you know howajrtfufly (in some parts of our State) the opposition have con
cealed their assault upon the measures ana principles of the government, by a posi
tive declaration that Judge White is not on enemy to the present administration. That
you may be able to determine how far we err in denying this assertion, we present
before you the following votes of Judge White, which none will dare to question, as
they are on the Journals of the Senate.
Nullifiers and other leaders of the Opposition, are obvious. But it is difficult to per
ceive how any sincere advocate of the measures and the principles of tfXe present
administration, can consistently give his vote in favor of Judge White.
Are you prepared, Republicans of North-Carolina 1 Can you reconcile yourselves
to incur all the risk to hazard all the danger which a revolution iri the civil admin
istration of the government niay produce ? Why should you do it.
War, which at one time threatened us, and which the violence of a factious Oppo
sition had well nigh produced, has been averted by the stern virtue and inflexible in
tegrity of our venerable Chief Magistrate ; and the character of-our government,
abroad, is elevated beyond anv former period of our history, and more than a " hun
dred battles lost or won" could have accomplished.
Peace with all foreign nations has been preserved, without any sacrifice of inde
pendence, and it is now established upon a surer basis, by an adjustment of all our
ciaims upon mem, ana oi an tneir aemanas against us.
Before Judge White accepted a nomina
tion jrom the Nullifiers and the Oppo
sition. 1. He voted against Mr. CI ay's resolution to
censure and degrade General Jackson for remov
ing the Depositee
2. He voted against Mr. Clay's Land Bill, and
approved of Gen. Jackson's Veto.
3. He was in favor of Judge Taney, when
Gen. Jackson nominated- him to the office of
Judge of the Supreme Court, and voted for him
also when he was nominated as Secretary of the
4. lie voted for Mr. Stevenson, when Gene
ral Jackson nominated him to the Senate as a
Minister to England.
5. He voted or Mr. Kendall Vhen General
Jackson nominated him tothrSenate as Auditor.
Th reasons, than, why Judge White is so earnestly pressed trpon the people by the
But after Judge White became a Candi
date of the Opposition
1. He voted against expunging from the Jour
nals of the Senate the Resolution of censure
against The President.
2. He votedor Mr. Clay's Land Bill.
3. He voted against Judge Taney when Gen.
Jackson nominated him to the office of Chief
Justice ef the Supreme Court.
4. He voted against Mr. Stevenson, when
Gen. Jackson re-nominated him to the Senate
as a Minister to England.
5. He voted against Mr. Kendall, when Gen.
Jackson nominated him to the Senate as Post
I Master General.
Our Foreign Negociations have been conducted with eminent success. Justice
has been demanded, and though for a long time withheld from others, it has been ob
tained by the present administration.
Our Domestic Relations are equally secure. The RUIN which was pre
dicted in consequence of a Removal of the deposites from the United States' Bank, has
not befallen the country the evils which were foretold as a necessary result from the
other prominent measures of the government, have not overtaken us. The whole
land is covered with plenty and prosperity. The Nation is out of Debt Our reve
nues are. great beyond all former example, and the most perplexing question which
now disturbs our legislation, is not, how shall any more be exacted from the people,
but " How shall it be contrived to draw less from their pockets ?" It is not, How are
we to tax the people highet, but what scheme is best for reducing their present bur
dens ? And must we change a policy which has produced results like these? Should
we not rather refuse to elect any man the successor of Gen. Jackson, and labor to
exclude from influence over the next administration, any party which will subvert
that policy, and probably change the measures of this administration ? True, the
success of Judge White and the opposition party, might benefit a few of the leaders
who desire to fill the vacant places of the offkers they might turn out. But will it
advance the honor of the Nation abroad, or'Ufrease her prosperity at home? Can it
better the condition of the People, to revolutionize the domestic or foreign policy of
the government? Oa the contrary, ,ve fear, it might produce disorder, confusion -and
danger. It might put our country in a situation not unlike that of a discontented
valetudinarian, the epitaph on whose tomb was "J was well, and trying to be belter , I
took physic, and HERE I AM."
There is another reason for opposing Judge White which we feel bound to uro-e.
We are sensible that the task is a delicate one, and nothing but a stern sense of duty
impels us to its performance. Error whether it arise from disloyalty to the Union,
or heedless devotion to a faction ; whether it be the offspring of design or mistake, it
is alike incumbent on us to refute and expose. Judge White may not be in favor of
Nullification ; he has, undergone a change in his politics so extraordinary since he
became a Candidate, that it is difficult to determine what he is, and impossible to
foresee what he will be. But it is undeniable that he is run in the South and in the
South only. The nullifiers who arrogate to their party an exclusive defence of
Stale Rights, and the sole guardianship of Southern principles, have adopted
Judge White as their candidate. And the leaders among Ju.dge White's friends
are endeavoring to organize a sectional Southern party for his support. We profess
l . t J? ? 1 r T ! ? l 1. ? A .1 ..1.1.
to oe me uiscipies oi Washington, wun mm we Deiieve mat tnese things are preg
nant with imminent peril to the Union, and however honest and patriotic mav be the
motives of the individuals concerned in maturing them, their tendency is as" fatal to
tbe preservation of the Union as if their designs had been criminal. In the name of
Liberty then we invoke all reflecting Union nren of every party to pause!
The language of experience and the voice of Washington concur in admonishing
us that the dangers of disunion are to be averted only by opposing sectional parties
in their first formation. When tjje Southern party of 1832 commenced its oro-ani-zation
to nullify the Tariff they -denied any intention to dismember the ''Union. &Ma
ny tolerant republicans relied upon these assurances and withheld their condemnation,
Possibly no such end was at first contemplated. Be this as it may, their violent and
inflammatory publications, their constant and unremitted appeals to the sectional feel
ings of the South and their bitter denunciations against the North prepared the public
mind for " estimating the value of the Union,11 The ordinance of Nullification
came in quick succession, and who will say, that the sad consequences are yet
healed ? And must the embers of discontent be again stirred into a blaze, and for
what ? Will the generous South, the patriotic people of North Carolina, join in this-
nazaraous game lor tne mere purpose or electing a southern man, when the South
has already had five out of seven Presidents? When she has filled the Executive
Chair 40 years in 48 ? After the leaders have organized another Southern party
under the banners of Judge White, will he be its real head? Will they all with
one consent follow his will and yield to his advice? Will they depend on him, or
he on them ? Even admitting that a dissolution of the Union is not contemplated,
(and by many of his friends we are Sure that it is not) still it does not follow that
we are safe from such an event, while the public passions are so constantly excited
and sectional prejudices so strongly acted on, and both kept in such a high state of
iciiucuiuiiuii. xi is uiuuiiciy inuit tuojr iu iumv vutuuiutiuu anu provoKe sedition,
than it is to allay them. How strongly does the solemn advice of the father of his
country appeal to the patriotism of tbe people! How ruinous to our peace, how fa
tal to liberty may be the consequences of disregarding it !
"Above all things, hold dear your national Union. Accustom yourselves to esti
"mate its infinite value to your individual and national happiness. Look on it as
"the palladium of your tranquility at home; of peace abroad; of your safety ; of
"your prosperity; and even of that liberty which you so highly prize.'r
Let none delude you by the false accusation that we are alarmists ! We are not.
Already is' it the case that they who cannot concur in supporting Judge White are
denounced as traitors to the South, and enemies to Southern interests, as if it were
treason to the South to be loyal to the Union. Even now men of the purest patriot
ism, (such men as Nat. Macon and his political associates) are reviled by this sectional-parly
of Judge White's and branded with the odious epithets of "spoils-men"
and "traitors to the South."
" If these things are so,in the green tree, what niay we not look for in the dry?"
Just so you will recollect it was the practice of the Hartford Convention party, in
New England, to vrlify the Republicans of that section as enemies to the North 1
In like manner the Nullification party, in South Carolina, characterised Union men
as slaves to General Jackson and the advocates for peace and order as "submission ists."
So it must always be with violent sectional parties. They will degenerate into fac
tions, and sooner than miss a blow at those who are appointed to administer the gov
ernment, they will strike at the government itself.
We shall no w proceed to enquire if it is expected to elect Judge White by the peo
ple, and the solution of this question will magnify the importance of the objection we
have just been considering.
Have we any just reason to indulge the expectation that Judge White's obtaining
the vote of North- Carolina will effect any more than prevent an election of President
by the people, and thereby transfer it to the house of representatives? We think not.
The party opposed to General Jackson in the western States have nominated Gen
eral Harrison against Mr. VanBureri, and there is no ticket formed for JudgeHVhite
in either of those States.
The same party in the North have nominated Mr. Webster against Mr. Van Bu
ren, and there is no ticket formed for Judge White in those States or either of them.
The same party have nominated Judge White in the South, and in the South only,
against Mr Van Buren. All of the States choose 294 electors, and unless some one
candidate obtains a majority (viz: 148. electors) there cannot be an election, and a
choice of President will be made by the House of Representatives. By voting for
Judge White in North-Carolina, we shall be doing all that it is in our power to do
towards preventing an election of President by the people. The States in which, and
in which alone tickets of electors are formed in favor of Judge White, do not give al
together more than 94 votes. It takes 148 to make an election. Hence it is too plain
for argument that he cannot be elected by the PeOple; for if he were to get all the
votes in every State where he is run, he cannot obtain more than 94 votes, which
will not, cannot elect him ! The same thing is true as respects General Harrison
and Mr. Webster. Mr. Van Buren alone is run in all the States ; and unless.he is
chosen, there will be no election by the people. As the advocates and defenders of
popular rights we deprecate an election of President by any other authority than by
the people. A President elected by Congress, will feel himself dependant on
the representatives of tb.e people instead of the people themselves. A factious oppo
sition will probably be organized against his administration before it has commenced,
and right or ronghe will be hurled from his office, or at all events greatly embarras
sed in his efforts to advance the best interests of the country. Members of Congress
who voted for him willanstain bis recommendations because they sleeted him, and
naan others will oppose him not bejeause they can ground their Jtoatility on any pri
ciple, hut simply because they ere opposed to his election.
If there wero no other objections to Judge White, this one it seems to us ougnf to
be conclusive.
But besides the activity which has been shewn by the opposition, to attract confi
dence to Judge White, they have been equally industrious in their attempts to calum
niate Mr, Van BOren- . ,
It will be recollected that when Mr. Van Buren was the Jackson candidate for
Vice President, the history of his life Was ransacked for the purpose of hunting up
charges against him, and the most alarming predictions of danger to the South were
made if he should be elected Vice President He was elected, and he has discharged
the duties of the station with! dignity, ability and success, and yet the South has ne
ver b;en- more prosperous The very same charges that are now made against Mr.
Van Buren were made in 1832, and then refuted I The very same predictions of dan
ger to the South were made in 1832; and how completely are they falsified by the
experience we have had since? But still Mr. Van Buren is denounced as heretofore)
because he " resides in the North, and his election will endanger Southern interests "
experience nas proven me prediction was iaise when first made, and wherefore will
you tfust to ft for the future? Reason and commpn sense will not regard it, but it is
hoped that sectional prejudices may. And by wftom is it renewed i tJj then who
voted for Mr. Adams (a Northern man) against General Jackson (a Southern man. Y
Now (as heretofore) it is urged against Mr. Van Buren that he did not resist the
voiceof New-York in the Legislature of that State, when her Senators in Congress
were instructed to vote against the admission b( Missouri into the Union, unless sla
very was forbidden in that Territory. . And who are most clamorous in repeating
this stale charge? The Same men who voted for Mr. . Q. Jidams in 1828. Who
voted for Mr. John Sargeant in 1832, although Mr. Sergeant was the leader in Con
gress, of Missouri restricttonists. and his hostility to the South on that question was so
bitter that he even refused his assent to the compromise which was ultimately adopt
ed by a majority. Right or wrong, the Missouri question was settled by a compro
mise more than 15 years ago I The South and the North agreed upon that compro
mise to prevent agitation and save the Union ; and is it honorable to the South or
just to her character for us to disinter the long buried feuds of oUr fathers, and scattef
them for discord among their descendants ? Can any thing less than infatuation
allow a true lover of Union to approve, much less to co-operate in such proceedings.
No fair minded man can ask for more convincing proof of Mr. Van Buren's de-
termination to abide by that compromise than that he was openly in favrJr of admit
ting Arkansas into the Union, and every political friend of his from New-York in the
last Congress (and nearly if not quite all of them from other Stales) voted for the
Bill whilst even Judge White voted againsr Michigan, when it was certain that
to reject Michigan would prepare the same fate for Arkansas.
It is again contended as heretofore that Mr. Van Buren i our enemy, becausein
obedience to the instructions of his state, he voted for the Tariff of 1828 ; when eveVv
man who is the least informed on the subject knows, that Mr. Van Buren himself
was never in favor of a burdensome tariff, and that since he was elected Vice Presi
dent he and his friends aided to pass the compromise act of 1833, by which the Ta
riff was reduced; and that Mr. Clay the leader of the Tariff-men distinctly wai'n
ed his party to vote for that Bill, to prevent Mr. Van Buren and ijjs friends from re
ducing the duties alill lower. And by whom we ask yot is this charg-e revived ?
Why by men, many of whom are in favor of the Tanfl ! By men who supported
Mr. Adams (a friend of the system) in 1824, and in 1828 and voted for Mr. Clay
(the leader of the Tariff party) against General Jackson in 1832. '
But in order to rouse the fears and wake up the jealousies of trie people against
Mr. Van Buren, some of his foes have not scrupled to charge that he is an Jiboti
tionist. This is not so.
In the list of Electors nominated for tho support of Mr. Van Buren, you will find
the name of Nathaniel Macon. He has known Mr. Van Buren long and intimate-"
iyvad wirl auy one believe that Nathaniel Macon i ail abolitionist or that he would
hold "fellowship with an Abolitionist?" Yet he is a warm supporter of Mr Van
Buren 8 election. 1
Gen. J"kon too has been intimately associated with Mr. Van Buren during- tnd
whole of his administration. It is well known that Mr. Van Buren possesses hia
confidence and was a member of his Cabinet, and is it credible that General Jackson
would cultivate the friendship attd permit the intimate confidence of an Abolitionist
But it may be said that these great men are liable (like other men) to be mistaken
Admit it to be so,, and still the question arisesif the enemies of Mr. Vantiuren
having little or no acquaintance with him, stimulated by the interest of a nolitical
controversy and embittered by party hostility are not mofe likeiy-to erf about his
opinions than lSatliamel Macon and General Jackson, hispid and intiiirate' friends t
Determine this point as you may--can these enemies of Mr. Van Buren pretend to
know his opinions better than he does himself t In reply to a letter addressed to
him by his political opponents, Mr. Van Buren has said -
'"I preW that not only you but all the people of the tin iied States shall now Under
stand that if the desire of that portion of ihem which is favorable to my elevation to
the Chief Magistracy should be gratuied I . mM t go into the Presidential Chair the
inflexible and uncompromising OPPONENT of any attempt on the part of Con
gress to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, against the wishes of the
slave-holding States ; and also with the determination equally decided to resist tho
slightest interference with the subject in the States where it exists."
"I do therefore believe; that the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia
against the wishes of the slave-holding States, (assuming that Congress has the now!
er to effect it, would violate the spirit of that compromise of interests which lies at
the basis of our social compact ; and I am thoroughly convinced ifcat i( could not be
ou uuuc, uui imminent pern, n nut curiam uesiruction to the union of the Skates
Viewing the matter in this light, it is my clear and settled opinion, that the Fedterei
vv.w-x.-. u6UliuUoam itum uuiu au, aim max b is tne sacred ddtl
whom the people of the United States entrust with the contrnl of it
the constitutional power with which they are invested as to PRFVP vrr u '
Before the world then in the face of all parties to the North and to the South,
he has thus declared an "inflexible opposition to abolition, and how shall we cha
racterize that warn of candour which under such circumstances denounces him as
an abolitionist? Yet this charge has been extensively circulated, and is uniustlr in
sisted upon for purposes of a party opposition. - -
Is it answered that Mr Van Burenacknowiedges the constitutional power of
Congress to legislate on slavery in tbe District of Columbia ? True he does not
deny the power, but then he says (we use his own words,) '
" I do not hesitate to give it to you as my deliberate and wll considered opinion,
k there are objectiODS to theexercise o this power, against the wishes of the slave
holding States, as imperative in their nature and obligations, in regulating the con
duct of pubhc men, as the most palpable want of constitutional power would be "
Are these the sentiments of an abolitionist 1 And how does it happen that the on
position party at the North are assailing Mr. Van Buren as the friend of ln.Z
wnust tneir allies in the South arechargmg him with Abolitionism? Have vou no fears
tnat tnosd offinirtc tf innnot (ho claim minrtinn '.t L . 1 . ... J
Are these the sentiments of an abolitionist?
sition party at the North are assailing M
ailst their allies in the South are charging hii
that these efforts to connect the slave Question with nnrtv nntiF.v. ;u-
ographical sections of our country are perilous to the Union ? We present the ouea
tion to ybur judgment and patriotism. Let these answer if any thin' is so likelv to
protect us against those dangers, as the election of a Northern president who
into office with an "inflexible determination to PREVENT the slight in0I.
of Congresswith tba, subjec. ? Sacb. a man Ma. T?an Bvs littCJX
Nor do we confine ourselves in his defence against this calumny to his own bare
declarations and the testimony of others. When Bill was before the Senate last
winterto prohibit the circulation i of abolition pamphlets through the medium of the
Post Office, who voted for it? Both the Senators from New York and Maptiw
VAN BUREN! Forthis vote Mr.Van Buren is row abused b ! the
in the North J and we submit it to the candour of our opponents, if it be notTnju
and ungrateful to stigmatize him at the same time in the South as an abolitionist.
The political party which supports Mr. Van Buren as President, nave likei
nominated Col. Richard M. Johnson; of Kentnr,v fx. v,v t;a
He is a plain unostentatious Republican without any .pretensions to hiirh bfrth
or distinguished parentage; he is one of the people, and his friends claim for him
(what he has well earned) the title of a good man, and a true Patriot. His Valor
in the battle field and his devotion to the jmuso of civil liberty, are attested-by the
history of the Nation and his honorable scars. Whenever the people shall consent
to throw out of view evidence of this description, and tn txt th mprii. -uu-Jik'
by the exaggerated abuse of party opponents, they may reauite the servirss nf ri
Johnson with ungrateful eontumefy, but until that time arrives he will be honored
by their respect and rewarded by their favour.
CoL Johnson has been member of Congress for nearly 30 years io all tht rave

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