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The North-Carolina standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1834-1850, August 26, 1846, Image 1

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PUBLISHED WEEKLY, BY
WILLIAM W. B'OLDEIV,
EDITOR jfJVT) PROPRIETOR
THE COS8TITVTIOS AND THE UNION OF THR 8T&TSTHBT "MUST BE PRESERVED."
VOLUME X.ll. NUMBER 616.
TEKMM8 PER ANNUM,
R4fieiH. IV. WED.V:SI.-Ir, iftiCSlTST 36, 1846.
. .... - "7 JOB : "
TERMS.
THE NORTH CAROLINA STANDARD
IS PUBLISHED WEEKLY, AT
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Advertisements not exceeding four teen lines, will
be inserted one time for One "Dol lar, and twenty-five
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er length, in proportion- Cowl Orders and Judici
al Advertisements wilt be charged twenty-five per
cent higher than the above ra'es. A deduction of
83 1-3 per cent, will be made to those who advertise by
the vear. jCJ-U" re number of insertions be not mark
ed on tliem, tfcey will be continued until ordered out.
Letters fo tbe Editor must come free of postage, or they
ma v not be attended to
MR. HAYWOOD'S ADDRESS.
To the People of North Carolina:
I have never appeared before the public, by my
self or otherwise, to write down an accusation
against me, but have hitherto chosen to bear un
just rebuke in silence, and rely upon time, and
my manner of life, to consign to oblivion the whis
perings of the envious and the calumnies of the
malignant. I do not affect to conceal, that a de
parture from this rule gives me much pain ; and
I am persuaded that if many of my friends did
DOt think that it is a duty I owe to the people not
to remain silent, under the recent censure of fren
zied partisans, I should leave it, as far as concerns
me, to my known character, and the self-denying
act which has provoked it, to vindicate the patriot
ism and purity of my motives; reposing confident
ly upon the discernment and judgment of an in
telligent public, in view of the simple facts as they
occurred : and not doubting,
(nil on ennn " c trtA I
llJUb OWWI1 UO k 1 J l i
occasion had passed by, and there was no longer
a necessity for overawing others, who it
might!..
have hen supposed, were more timid in their pur
pose, and no chance to deceive the people at the
North Carolina elections, by unscrupulous libels
against me, my assailants would cease from their
"dirty work," and bad men, who measure the mo
tives of the virtuous by a standard of morals
- .
..... , . i ill
wn en vic u "' (
go ii i miiig auc.
IgnoDie malice. oui j. kuine prnrc yuu ai mis
time to speak of myself, not of others, and to de
fend my own faithfulness, not to expose their de
signs: and I think myself hnppy that I have the
honest people of JNorth Carolina to judge my
cause. I invoke no sympathy, I ask no compas
sion, and I thank God I need them not But
with the proud consciousness of one who has dar
ed to do his duty as a servant of the republic,
amidst d.ingers and trials such as, I trust, are not
to grow common in our government, I stand be
fore you to lay claim to the confidence, respect,
and approbation of all good men, more especially
of those belonging to the democratic party. I
feel and know this day. and I will prove even to
my enemies, that in my station as a senator, and
in retiring from it, I incurred no guilt I deceived
no one I betrayed no party I made no sacrifice
of your interests, and no surrender of your rights,
none at all, directly nor indirectly. And they
who hve charged the contrary, with all who,
from any motive, personal or political, have giv
en to it their aid and countenance, did " bear false
uimess."
It is true, that on the 25'.h of July, a few mo
ments before the vote was expected lo have been
taken on the new tariff bill of 1846, (improperly
a.ma-a-y 1 I 'II 1) f I .
Ci eft MCIVaV S U! II. ) I reSliTneu m V seal ns a
senator in Congress, into the hands of North '
- - - - CJ J
Cirolina, to whom it belonged; believing that it northern States. Of course I cannot undertake
was my duly to do it, sooner than cast my vote to affirm, as a fact, that the northern States which
against my own conscience, for a law that 1 could ; voted for the democratic party were induced to do
not approve, and knowing that it was my perfect , tt by McKay's bill and report of 1844. But this
right to do it, and that I would be but exercising j know, and will say, that it was put forth as a
that right in precise accordance with the last writ- j political peace-offering upon the tariff, and that
ten doctrine of the legislature an I of ihe praty j lne northern people at once rallied to the support
who elected me. In this only have I offended ;! 0f the party in numbers largely beyond those
and in manly sincerity, but with that plainness of ; which had theretofore supported it, and that it wax
speech which the humblest mar. in the rommuhi- j expected hy us when that offering was made, that
ty will be able to understand for himself, I proceed i 2 would conciliate the northern democrats ; and I
to lay before you my explanation. j have no doubt that it enlisted the support of thous-
The subject of ihc tariff, and ihe system of Idws ands who would not have sustninrd ihe party with
by which taxes are imposed and collected for the i out it. Now, then, I put it to the conscience of
use of ihe general government throughout the the people of North Carolina who I know love
Union, is one of deep importance, but of much! all their country, north, south, east, and west
intricacy and great difficulty in its judicious ar- j whether, under such circumstances, I was bound
rano-ement. Soon after Liking my seat in the j to violate my sense of duty, and, contrary alike to
Senate of the United States, (in D- cember, 1843.) this partt-pkdge and to my own sober judgment
I for one felt what any man when he first goes j as a senator, to assent loan act which violated out
inio Congress directly from private life will be apt and out the " McKay bill " of 1844, when there
to experience, and that was, a lack of necessary was no public emergency to require it, and no
knowledge and information upon it. With an : national exigency to excuse it, and that, when I
ambition to learn my duly as a legislator for this j did most confidently believe that the new tariff act
oreat republic, and a fixed determination to pur- , of the present Congress was in itself unwise and
,o it afterwards. I immediately ffave my whole !
mind to the. stndv and consideration of this tariff
system, well knowing that upon it depehdrd, in a
good degree, the chief operations in commerce,
agriculture, and manufactures, in other States as
well as ours. During the first session of the last
Congress, and after having devoted nearly all my
time for some months to this study, I hoped I had
made myself qualified, and ray political associates
believed me fit, to be consulted and counselled wilh,
in our united efforts to arrange a tariff with jus
tice to all sections, and with entire safety to the
business, prosperity, harmony, peace, and inde
pendence of the Union. To admit that thiscould
not be done, was to declare that the Union cannot
be preserved, and the cause of free government
had failed.
The democratic senators in particular, concur
ring as we did then, and do now, with a few ex
ceptions at the north, in a sentiment of opposition
to the tariff of 1842, desired to see it changed.
That act was believed to be extreme in its protec
tive character, and therefore unequal and unsatis
factory to laige sections of the Union ; and our
aim was, to modify it by the nearest possible ap
proach to that happy mean between the extreme
opinions of such as demand a total abandonment
f all protection on one hand, and of those who
insist upon protection as a primary object, on the
other. I have no doubt that this is the only foun
dation upon which wise and just legislation can
be based, when interests really conflicting are to
be affected by the action of the general govern
ment. Conferences wilh each other, and with the
chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means
of the House of Representatives, Mr. McKay,)
were frequently held, as to the best mode of niter-
ing and reforming the tariff of 1842. The more
J eminent men of the democratic party in the Sen
ate, and leading statesmen from different sections
of the Union in Congress, took part in the delib
erations and investigations which preceded and ac
companied the formation of what was then called
and known as " McKay's bill and report," viz :
in March, 1844. In the councils whence that bill
proceeded, 1 had the honor to be admitted ns an
humble and unpretending participator, so that I
knew, and it cannot be denied, that quite all the
democratic senators from the sooth and west, and
very nearly every one from the north and east,
assented to or acquiesced in it. It formed a sub
ject of congratulation, I remember, amongst the
members of the party from all sections at that
limp (Rd.d that I hp nnin inns nnri views nf demo-
i vw- -j" ; ,
crats in the national councils had been thusl
brought to harmonize in what was thought to be
a reasonable, prudent, practical measure of legis
lation upon this subject, which germed likely to
put at rest and settle the tariff dispute. Unfor
tunately, it did not pass the House of Representa
tives: I will not stop to state the cause. But, not
withstanding its temporary defeat in that body, the
democratic party at once put themselves before the
people of the Union upon that bill as a common
platform, and it was promulgated as their propos
ed scheme of reforming' the tariff act of 1842.
"McKay's report" of 1844 was published and
sent forth as the true and authentic interpretation of
their views in regard to the change we were af
terwards to insist upon. So I understood it at the
time, and ever since, and so have I constantly de
clared. The bill was named after its author and
advocate, fMr. McKay,! a statesman of North
Carolina a southern man and a democrat. My
own opinions in its favor were freely expressed in
all my intercourse with you, and they were not
unknown in any quarter. The democratic press
in North Carolina, without exception, applauded
it: the democratic party zealously approved of it
i throughout our limits. If there was a single one
jof them who did not, I am yet to learn the fact.
tv
1 . w.
0 -1 -
id uur ouilc Muve iiitrir j i muhiu'
voice in its fa-
av lV, t- klvl irtno r &AA nn,l Wi IftAc; nil nf
... l.: Li t.ii.
I ll'iri W I r- lllllflfl fl I llllf III I I m 1 , 1 I l I 1.1 I Jia
the tariff question entered into them at all. Every
intelligent man in the n-ition knows the fact that
the fall elections of 1844, and those in the spring
of 1845, throughout the United Stales, for mem
bers to the present Congress were carried on, if
HVJV uinm iu v cauic uaoic. rviiti ci n ".u w wi
ihat bill and report. The north saw in it a pledge
Jof the south and west that we
did not mean to
break down and oppress the labor and industry of
th north find enst the south saw in it a reasona
ble concession to their demand for practical free year, and I can see no way to prevent its year
trade; the people everywhere saw in it the hope j 'y increase, except by a resoit to direct taxes,
for moderate legislation, and the prospect of a j Direct taxes ought to be our very last resort,
permanent arrangement of a question that had , Public debt is an evil that I abhor more than
been aoitaling the nation for a quarter of a centu- iPVPr since I was a member of Congress; and
ry ; and if your memory still serves you with a therefore it was the conclusion of my mind, that
recollection of any of the speeches of our candi- jhis tariff experiment ought not to be tried, and
dates for the last legislature or the present Con- 'certainly not nt this particular time. The acts of
gress, made in North Carolina only a year ago, Congress which went t diminish the Tevenue.
I beo- to know whether it was not uniformly pro-, hut to increase the expenditures, did not seem to
claimed that all true democrats were going in fa-1 mR lo be consistent with prudence in any govern
vor of " MeKiy's bill " of 1844 1 B-ar in mind j "ent, more especially in a tune of war. The ta
that the " McKay bill " of 1844 and the McKay j "A system, according to my judgement, was a
bill of 1846 ajrree in nothing but the name, as I i
I C V
will show you hereafter.
And ivhnt let me ask. was the result of all this?
In the north, as well as the south and west, the '
elections lo the present Congress ended favoi ably !
- - 1 7
I nn. v.. ' mini i.ttv I J "w .....v J J
I of more than sixty were returned to the House of
j Representatives. The same party held a majority
! in the Senate. And a democratic President, nomi
to the democratic
nnrlw A nprnnrrfllic nr;nori!V
nated after the " McKay bill ot 1844 had been
framed and approved by the party, was elected by
jthP votPS 0f States in the north as well
l - .
as the
ii'Knm
cnih- o cnmhnrn find n ivMtcrn PrfMAVnf
bWUlll TBWW mm -mm
,VP couM not
a IJV'MI
have elected without the votes of
full of mischief to the republic t Was it my
Was it
duty to you, or to the democratic party ol JNorth
Carolina, to have done that? And had I no nghi
lo resign and retire from it? Was I bound to
hold on to my office, and put up the pretended ex
cuse that the democrats of North Carolina had
changed their minds, and repudiated "McKay's
bill" of 1844, for a new and different measure in
1846? or that the people desired me to pass the
latter, when, forsooth, I did not know the fact to
be so, and in my heart I did not believe it? So
far from its being the case, I more than doubt
whether thousands of you have not taken it for
granted, or been led to believe, down to this day,
ihat the " McKay bill" of 1844 was the same
thing that is called so in 1846 ; whereas they are
as different as light is from darkness. No, my
constituents never required such things of me.
Believe me, I do not mean to bring into ques
tion the course of other democratic senators who
condemned ihe act. and yet gave it their vote. It
; m rirh m state that there were not a few of"
them who did that. Neither do I mean by this
to assail my friend Mr. McKay. Far from it.
They are my friends personally and politically,
and in taking a different view of their duty, they
did me no wrong; and in defending my own con-
duct,
r intend not to arraign theirs, wnnsi i
have
nursned the light of my conscience,
they
have followed theirs. In questions of conscience
it must be conceded that God is the judge, and
every man must stand or fall according as each be
lieves for himself. So that notunfrequently there
are cases where men in the same circumstances
may act differently, and yet both be guiUiess.
But what I have said upon the history and pur
pose of the " McKay bill" of 1844 did not form
a'l of my objection to the new tariff of 1846, im
properly named " McKay's bill f and which I
shall, for the sake of discrimination, more pro
perly call the "experimental tariff"
My opinions shall be laid before you without
disguise, and you shall see whether, taken in con
nexion with an unnecessary and improper aban
donment of the real McKay bill of 1844, they do
not show that, in my hostility to the experimental
tariff, T was faithful to you and my country, and
true to myself and my party.
Fortunately for me, those opinions, so far as
they looked forward to its ultimate consequences,
on the harmony of the party, or the welfare of the
republic, I am no longer under the necessity of
supporting by labored arguments. For good or
evil, the law has passed. If it should be repealed
or modified at the next session, that will be of it-
sell a complete vindication of my opposition to it
at the present. If it should be permitted to remain
in force in the form I was required to vote upon it,
then time will soon determine whether my opinion
of it was right or wrong. I abide the result with
out fear ; yet, if I know myself, without a wish to
see evil come of it, merely for the sake of claim
ing hereafter the merit of political sagacity for
my resistance to it.
These, then, were my opinions, as they are
now :
First Our country is involved in an expensive
war, and the wisest among you cannot foresee its
close. We have a large army invading Mexico,
and a large na vy off her coasts, along the Pacific
Ocean and in the Gulf of Mexico. The sum already
appropriated by Congress for the government ex
penditures of the fiscal year, exceeds fiftv mil
lions of dollars. Will the experimental tariff
raise, revenue sufficient to "pay as we go?" Cer
tainly not. Congress knew that, and, therefore,
authorized a loan often millions, at the very time
we are passing this tariff; and the first act of the
next session will probably be one for ten millions
more 1 Will it- produce revenue enough to pay
one-half of the appropriations? I am quite sure
it will not. Its advocates did not assert that it wit)
do much more. Wherefoie, if this experiment
works as well as its warmest friends have predict
ed, the government will fall in debt twenty-five
millions this (fiscal) year. So long as the war
lasts, and for such a pei iod of time after it as the war
expenses continue, it will be. the same thing. But
if the experiment works as ill as its more violent
opponents have said of it, why then it will hardly
go nt all. I think the the truth lies between
them. It will work, but it will work badly, and
work you deeply in debt; and if it is adhered to
" without alteration," the public debt will be in-
creased, not much short of thirty millions the
most until sunset lor party experiments; and, t
the time of a yearly expenditure of fifty millions
of dollars, and of a foreign war, such experiments
amounted to party rasnness. II tne war snouia
end soon. still the government here, we knew,
expecieu 10 terminal ii ny n ireiiiy mr peace .iiiu n
new territory, viz: California. No honest coun
try would take the territory without paying the
owner for it, and if we would. Mexico cannot yield
it upon any other terms. Hence, whether we
wre to have peace or war wilh Mexico, we need
ed much more money to carry on ihe government.
When the plainest lules of arithmetic and com
mon sense thus compelled me to withhold my sup
port from a tariff experiment, to be made now, nt
the expense of the nation's credit, how could I
hesitate 7
Second. The tariff of 1842 ought to have been
modified, but noi by nn act which reduced the
duties as early as the 1st December.
In all great alterations of the tariff diminishing
duties, the reductions ought to be made upon rea
sonable notice to the people, whose property and
business will be affected by them. In that case,
there may be inconvenience to some, but it does not
bring down ruin upon so many innocent people.
Not giving time, infant factories are destroyed by
the hand of legislation, and the older and more
mature establishments, are compelled to diminish
their operations forthwith, and consequently to
discharge a number of their laborers and reduce
the wages of all. The laborers suffer more than
the owners, because they are less able to bear iL
The sudden loss of work will be to many of them
and their families a loss of food ahd raiment, and
ihat which the faw-maker is commanded to pray
for his " daily bread" he would be thus rude
ly taking by law from the workingmnn of his
country. And the experimental tariff act was the
more objectionable, inasmuch as many ol ourcoun
trymen the northern laborers, who are to suffer
under it will be put out of employment in the
beginning of winter, when other employment will
be obtained with great dimcuity ; ana at tne norm,
the poor, without labor and without wages, en
counter a degree of suffering, in that inclement
season, which we have no just conception of at
the south. YoU must see it, before you can fully
appreciate it. Also, a sudden alteration of the ta
riff must, of necessity, disturb the home market of
our manufacturers, cool-diggers, and mechanics,
and involve hundreds and thousands -in losses to
some, ruin to others, and suffering to many.
Even a bad tariff law, then, should not be re
pealed so as to fall down too hastily, when its
gradual abrogation would create less inconvenience
to the government, and its sudden change may op
press the poor, or do injutice to any section. The
government ought to have compassion on all the
people, and particularly upon the laboring classes.
The manufacturers at the north are not all
" Abbott Lawrences," whose fortune has been the
theme of so many tariff speeches. The compro
mise tariff act, under General Jackson, in 1833,
reduced the duties gradually and periodically for
nine vears. ffave nine years' notice. This ex
perimental tariff will reduce all the duties upon
only four months' notice I The latter was harsh,
cruel, unjust legislation harsh to tbe wealthy,
cruel to the laborer, and unjust to both and the
general welfare did not require it.
Third. The independent treasury, of itself a
great change ; the warehousing act, another ; and
the experimental tariff, the greatest ot them all,
will, when taken together, work an entire revo
lution of our financial system. One at time
they might have been introduced more safely, some
oi mem wisely. But ty being so nearly united,
as they will be, in the time of their commence
ment, it is calculated to excite apprehension and
alarm. To put them into Simultaneous operation,
was, indeed, a political movement ol party, too
violent and too potent for good. They will
affect all the business of the people most injuri
ously and, wilh a government expenditure of
nity millions, and a revenue under twenty millions,
the government itself, may be crushed under their
combined operation. To attempt it, when the na
tion was at war abroad, and the government was
in the money-market, or soon expected there, as a
borrower at home, clearly appeared to my mind
to be unwisely jeoparding public credit and private
confidence. Revolutions are seldom reforms, and
certain I y reforms need not always be revolutions.
One must rcasonbly fear that, without a miracle,
such strong measures, acting with their combined
powers against the existing order of things in the
country, may create a revulsion in trade, pecuniary
distress, hard times, popular excitements, and sec
tional agitations,' preceding another contest for the
presidency, and do nobody any good, but a few polit
ical agitators and rich speculators. I thought they
would go very far towards producing an overthrow
of the democratic party, if they did not entirely ac
complish it. These consequences were too natural
not to be apprehended; and the last mentioned re
sult was openly predicted by some, and probably
anticipated by others, of my own friends, who yet
voted for the experimental tariff bill, without ap
proving of it Unless it should be repealed or
materially modified, its consequences now, belong
to the developments of the future; so I need not
illustrate the grounds oi' my conviction by minuter
statements. Let time test its correctness.
Fourth. In none of the tariff acts of the United
States in former years was the industry of oar own
country burdened by the discriminations made
against home manufactures. Their policy was
10 build up, and not to destroy to protect and not
to oppress. No so the experimental tariff And
is it not a mistake to suppose that the republican
people of North Carolina were at any time hos
tile to those acts merely because they were "pro
tective f Our hostility was aimed at the extent
of the thing, not the thing itself at extreme pro
lection, not protection per se. With here and there
an individual exception (for republicans in those
days were allowed to differ) I boldly affirm that
this was the republican doctrine of our Slate; and
the people will know it to be true, when I remind
them that it was precisely the point of our dispute
with the nullifiers. They were against protection
out and out. We, the (Jackson) republican party
of North Carolina, in particular, went for inciden
tal protection moderate protection, by a "judi
cious tariff." They were for declaring the tariff
of 1828 and 1832 unconstitutional, and nullifying
it because it protected manufactures. We thought
it was unjust, because the protection was extreme,
but not unconstitutional, and that the u Union
must b preserved." What the republican party
of North Carolina thought then, I thought, and
spoke, and wrote.
Xinu (.wining uwvvif i w hum ' I r i ill Cfl If 10, i i .
bill of ,844 . . nrVSfe5 JiTS
inciuenmi protection, wnicn you nnu l, nnu an
the democrats in Congress from North Carolina,
approved and sustained, and the people of our
party, in North Carolina, nowhere opposed last
year, and the press of the party defended up to the
inauguration and afterwards, and even down to the
day of the report from the present Secretary of the
Tieasury. Careful study, longer experience, and
close examination, have confirmed me in the faith
of those times, fortified, ns it was, by the authority
of the administrations of Washington and Jeffer
son, and Madison, and Monroe, and Jackson, all
southern republicans and southern Presidents. Is
consistency treason 1 It may be a misfortune to me
that I was unable to change with tbe times, but it
would be a crime to deny my faith. To avoid
misrepresentation, I give you the words of those
wise and eminent patriotic men. Hear Washing
ton: Extract of a speech of George Washington,
J1 resident nfjUe United State, to Congress.
January 8, 1790.
" A free people ought not only to be armed, but
disciplined, to which end a uniform and well-digested
plan is requisite; and their safely and in
terest require that they should promote such man
ufactories as tend to render them independent of
others for essential, particularly military, supplies."
"The advancement ot agriculture, commerce,
and manufactitres, by all pnvper means, will not,
I trust, need r ecommendation."
In accordance with this general recommenda
tion, the House of Representatives passed a reso
lution directing the Secretary of the Treasury
(Mr. Hamilton) to report to them upon the subject
of manufactures, and particularly as to the means
of promoting such as would tend to render the
United States independent of foreign nations for
military and other essential supplies; and his re
port was submitted in December, 1791, wherein
he said :
"The expediency of manufactures in the United
States, winch was not long since deemed very
questionable, appears at this lime to be pretty gen
erally dmiited." P. 123;
And again he Said :
" A Question has been made concerning the con
stitutional right of the government of the United
States to apply this species ot encouragement, io
manufactures, but there is certainly no good foun
dation for such a question." P. 136.
And again he said :
,; It is not uncommon to meet with an opinion,
that, though the promoting of manufactures may
be tbe interest of a part of the Union, ii is contrary
to that of any other part. The northern and south
ern regions are sometimes represented as having
adverse interests in this respect. Those are call
ed manufacturing, these agricultural Stales ; and a
species of opposition is imagined to subsist be
tween the manufacturing and agricultural interests.
" Ideas of a contrariety of interests between the
northern and southern interests of the Union are,
in the main, as unfounded as they are mischievous.
The diversity of circumstances on which such con
trariety is usually predicted, authorizes a directly
Contrary Conclusion. Mutual wants constitute one
of the strongest links of polical connexion; and the
extent of these brers a natural proportion lo the
diversity in the means of mutual supply. Sugges
tions of an opposite complexion are ever to be de
plored, as unfi iendly lo the steady pursuit of one
great common cause, and lo the perfect harmony
of all its parts." P. 134. (See State Papers, Fi
nances, vol. 1, pages 123, 134, and 136.)
These were the doctrines of Washington, and
of Washington's administration. And now hear
Washington again 1
Extract of a speech of Geo. Washington, Pres
ident of the United State, to Congrets, De
cember 7, 1796.
" Confess have repeatedly, and not without
success, directed their attention to the encourage-
yj 7nuniyBurw. j ne ooiect is of too
much consequence not to insure a continuance of
tneir enorts in every way which shall appear eli
gible." Hear Jefferson 1
Extract of a message from Thomas Jzfersdn,
President of the United States, to Congress
November 8, 1808.
The suspension of our foreign commerce, pro
duced by the injustice of the belligerent powers,
(of Europe,) and the consequent lhsses and sacri
fices of our citizens, are suhjects of just concern.
1 he situation into which we have thus been forc
ed has impelled us lo apply a ponion of our indus
try and capital to internal manufactures and im
provements. The extent of this conversion is dai
ly increasing, and little doubt remains that ihe es
tablishments formed and forming will, under the
auspices of cheaper materials and subsistence, the
freedom of labor from taxation with us, and of
protecting doties and PROHIBITIONS, become per
manent." Hear Madison 1
Extract of a message from Tnma MJ:si
President of the United States, to Congress
November 5, 1811.
" Although other subjects will Dress more immp.
diately on your deliberations, a portion of them
cannot but be well bestowed on the just and sound
policy ot securing to our manufacturers the suc
cess they have attained, and are still attaining, in
some degree, under ihe impulse of causes not per
manent. "Besides the reasonableness of saving our man
ufactures from sacrifices which change of circum
stances might bring on ihem, the naiional interest
requires that, with respect lo such articles at least
as belong to our defence and oar primary wants,
we should not be left in unnecessary dependence
on external supplies. "
Extract of a message from James Madison,
President of the United Slates, to Congress.
December 5, 1815.
"In adjusting the duties on imports to the ob
ject of revenue, the influence of the tarjff on man
ufactures will necessarily present itself for consid
eration. However wise the theory may be which
leaves lo the sagacity and interest of individuals
the application of their industry and resources,
there are in this, a in other cases, exceptions to
ihe general rule. Besides (be condition, which
the theory itself implies, of a reciprocal adoption
by other nations, experience leaches (hat so many
circumstances must concur in introducing and ma
turing manufacturing establishments, especially of
the more complicated kinds, ihat a country may re-
main long without them, although sufficiently aoV
vapced, and in some respects even peculiarly lilted
iui carrying mrui uu wim success, under cir
cumstances giving a powerful impulse to manufac
turing industry, it has made among us a progress,
and exhibited an efficiency, which justify the be
lief that, with a protection not more than is due
to the enterprsing citizens whose interests are
now at stake, it will become, at an early day, not
only safe against occasional competitions from
abroad, but a source of domestic wealth, ahd even
of external commerce. In selecting the branches
more especially entitled to the public patronage, a
preference is obviously claimed by such as will re
lieve the United Slates from a dependence on for-
.. .
ect to casual failures, for
e public defence, or con
nected with the primary wants of individuals. It
will be an additional recommendation of particular
manufactures, where the materials of them are ex
tensively drawn from our agriculture, and conse
quently impart and insure lb that great fund of na
tional prosperity and independence an encourage
ment which cannot fail to be rewarded."
Hear Monroe I
Exlratt of d Message from Jahiei Afoiiroe, Pres
ident of the United States, to Congress, Decem
ber 7, 1819.
" II is deemed of great importance to give en
couragement to our domestic manufacturers. In
what manner the evils which have been adverted
to may be remedied, and how far it may be practi
cable in other respects to afford to them further en
couragement, paying due regard to the other great
interests of the nation, is submitted to the wisdom
of Congress."
Extract of a message from James Monroe, Pres
ident of the United States, to Congress, Decent
bsr 3, 1822.
" From the best information, that I have been
able to obtain, it appears ihat our manufaCf ines,
though depressed immediately after ihe peace,
have considerably increased, and are still increas
ing, under the encouragement given them by the
tariff of IS 16, and by subsequent laws: Satisfied 1
am, whatever may be the abstract doctrine in favor bf
unrestricted commerce, provided all nations would
concur in it, and li was not liable to be interrupted
by war, Which has never becured, and c mnoi be
expected, thai there are other strong reasons ap
plicable lo our situation and relations with other
countries, which impose on us the obligation, to
cherish and sustain our maniifaclut-e. Satisfied
however, 1 likewise am, tbat ihe interest of every
part of our Union, even of those most benefited by
manufactures, requires that this" subject should be
touched wilh the greatest caution, and a critical
knowledge of the effect to be produced by the
slightest change. On full consideration of the sub
ject in all Its relations, I am persuaded that a
further augmentation m.iy now be made of the du
ties on certain foreign articles, in favor of our own,
and without affecting injuriously any Other inter
est." Extract of a message from Jariies Mcnroe. Pres
ident of the United Stales, to Congress, Decem
ber 2, 1823.
" Having communicated toy views to Congress,
at the commencement of ihe last session, respect
ing the encouragement which ought lo be given to
our m inulactures, and the principle on which it
should be founded, I bave only to add, thai those
views remain unchanged; and thai the present
stale of those countries wilh which we bave tbe
most immediate political relations and greatest
commercial intercourse lends to confirm them.
Under this impression I recommend a review of
the tariff, for the purpose of affording sucb addition
al protection to those articles which we are pre
pared to manufacture, or which are more immedi
ately connecied with the defeace and independence
of the country."
Hear Jackson I
Extract of a message from Andrew Jackson,
President of the United State, to Congress,
Decembers, 1829.
" No very considerable change has occurred,
during the recess of Congress, Hi (be condition
of either our agriculture, commerce, or manufac
tures. " To regulate its conduct so as to promote equal
ly tbe prosperity of these three cardinal interests,
is one of tbe most difficult tasks of government ;
and it may be regretted that the complicated re
strictions which now embarrass the intercourse of
nations could not, by eonmoo consent, be abolish
ed, and commerce allowed to flow in those chan
nels to which individual enterprise always its
surest guide might direct it. But we. must ever
expect selfish legislation in other nations, and are
therefore compelled to adapt oar own to their re
gulations, in the manner best calculated to avoid
I serious injury, and to harmonize the conflicting in-
terests of our agriculture, our commerce, and oar
uanuiaciures. Under these impressions, I invite
your attention to the existing tariff, believing that
some of its provisions require modification.
" The general rule to be applied in graduating
tbe duties upon articles of foreign growth at maoO-
facture, is that which will place our o h ift fair
competition with those of other countries; and
the inducement to advance eten a step beitbnd
this point ate controlling in regard to those
articles which are of primary necessity in Unit of
war. When we reflect upon the difficulty and
delicacy of this operation, it is important that it
Should never be attempted but with tbe Utmost
caution. Frequent legislation in regard id any:
branch of industry affecting its value, and bf
which its capital may be transferred to net
channels, must always be productive of hazard'
ous speculations and lo.
" lu deliberating, therefore, on those Interesting
subjects, local ft- lings and prejudices should be
merged in the patriotic determination to promote
the great interest of the whole. All attempts to
connect them with the party conflicts of the day
are necessarily injurious, and should be dlseooo
tehanced; Our aci ion upon them should be under
the control of hisher and purer motives. Legisla
tion subjected to such influences cab never be just,
and will not long retain tbe sanction of a people
1 JJ . i . a .
wuu aeuYc imriuusm is noi oounaeu oy sectional
limits, nor insensible to that spirit of concession
and forbearance which. gave life lo our political
Compact, and still sustains it. Discarding all cal
culations of political ascendency, the north, the
south, the east, and the west should unite in dimin
ishing any burden of which either may justly com
plain. . .
" Tbe agricultural interest of our Country is so
essentially connected with every other, and so
superior in importance to them all, (bat it is scarce
ly necessary to invite to it your particular attention.
? principally as manufacture and commerce
lend to increase the vdlue bf agricultural pro
ductions and to extend their application lo th
wants and Comforts of society, that they deserve
the fostering care of government.
" Looking forward to the period; not far distant,
when a sinking fund wiil no longer be required,
the duties on .those articles bf importation which
cannot come in competition with our own produc
tion are the first, that should engage the attention
of Congress in the modification oj the tariff. Of
these, tea and coffee are the most prominent j
they enter largely into the Consumption of the
country, and have become articles ot necessity to
all classes.''
Extract of. a InesSttge front Andrew Jackson,
President, of the Untttd Slate, to Congress,
Detember.7, 1830.
"Among the numerous Causes of congratulation,
the condition of our impost revenue deserves
special mention; inasmuch as it promises tbe means
of extinguishing the public debt sooner tbaa was
anticipated, and furnishes a strong illustration of
the practical effects of the present tariff upon our
commercial interests;
" The object of the tariff is objected to by some
as unconsiiiutionai; and it is considered by almost
all as defective in many of its parts.
' Tbe power to impose duties On Imports origin
ally belbnged lb the several States. The right to
adjust those duties, with a vleW to the encourage
ment of the domestic tranche of industry, is so
complttely incidental to that power that it is diffi
cult to suppose the existence of the one without
the other. The Slates have delegated their whole
authority over imports to the general government,
without limitation or restriction, saving the very
inconsiderable reservation relating to their inspec
tion laws. This authority having thus entirely
passer! from the Slates, the right to exercise it for
the purpose of protection does not exist in ihem ;
and consequently if it be not possessed by the gen
eral government, it most be extinct. Our political
system would thus present the anomaly of a peo
ple stripped of tbe right to foster their own indus
try, and to counteract the most selfish and destruc
tive policy which might be adopted by foreign na
tions. This suiely cannot be the Case. This in
dispensable power, thus surrendered by tbe States,
must be within the scope of ihe authority on the
subject expressly delegated to Congress.
" In ibis conclusion I am confirmed, as well by
the opinions of President Washington, Ji fferson,
Madison, and Monroe, who hate each repeatedly
recommended the exercise of this right under the
constitution, as by ihe Continued acquiescence of
ihe States, ahd the general Understanding of the
people.
"That our deliberations On this interest ncr sub
ject should be uninfluenced by those partisan con-
cite iTiviuem iojree institutions, ts in
fervent wish of niy heart. To make this great
question, which unhappily so much divides and
excites the public mind, subservient to ihe short
sighted views of faction, must destroy all hope of
settling it satisfactorily to the great body of the
people, and for the' general interest. I cannot,
therefore, in faking leave of the subject, loo earn
estly, for my own feelings or the common good,
warn you against ihe blighting consequences of
such a course."
Extract bf a message from Andrew Jackson,
President of the United Slates, to Congress,
Dec. 6. 183t.
ft The confidence wilh which the extiaguish
meot of the public debt may be anticipated presents
an opportunity for carrying into eflect more fully
ihe policy in relation to import duties, which has
been recommended in my former messages. A
modification of ihe tariff, which shall produces re
duction of our revenue to tbe waots of the govern
ment, and an adjustment of the duties on imports,
wiih a view to equal justice in relation to all our
national interests, and to tbe counteraction of for
eign policy, so far as it may be injurious lo those
interests, is deemed to be one of the principal ob
jects wbieb demand the consideration of tbe pres
ent Congress. In tbe exercise of that spirit ofcon
c ess ion and conciliation which has distinguished
the friends of our Union in all great emergencies,
it is believed ihat this object may be effected with
out injury to any national interest."
Now, tbe experimental tariff, as I interpret it,
fundamentally violated this doctrine. It discrimi
nated, but it did so against oar domestic labor :
and in that way, and to that extent, it made war
upon the vital interests of the north. And pnr,
what inducements were offer ed to North Caroli
na, by this experiment, that her senators should
h' lp to carry on the unnatural conflict ? What,
but the naked desire Sot an apparent party unity
where there was really no party concord. For
North Carolina had no local ar Stale interest
which would be served or elevated by it Nona
whatever.
Tbe limits of this address wilt not allow of il
lustrations by a tedious detail of enumerated arti
cles. 1 reserve that for a more suitable occasion,
only remarking, for the present, that should j
be disingenuous enough to deny this characteristic
of tho new tariff, no one, who regards hie reputa
tion, will venture to contradict the fact, that the
experimental tariff does not discriminate in Jactn
of American manufacturers ; and not to discrimi
nate in their favor, moderately and reaionbly, by
a " live and let live" law of love amongst breth
ren of a common country, is the same thing i
principle, though not in degree, as to ducimjrtata

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