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itatritord THE CONSTITUTION AND THE UNION OP THE STATES THEY "MUST BE PRESERVED.' . 'A 5 14 ,.1 O Number 837. Volume XVI. RALEIGH, NORTH CAROLINA, WEDNESDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 16, 1850. y. .'. 1 .-:;- x . ... - .r north mnniTVl STANDARD THE MOUTH UAnuiii IS PUBLISHED WKEKX.V, BY WILLIAM W. HOLDEN, ty, at TAe fJgJJL, be sent, unless the money for no inBtance wi" "JJJL the order. Subscribers, and the samc ' wi8h to send money to the Editor, can rfSe, by Mail and at his risk. Receipts for h "'urn will be promptly transmitted. Oveetisemexts not exceeding fourteen lines,will be inserted one time for one dollar, and twenty-five cents for each subsequent insertion ; those of greater length in pro portion. Court Orders and Judicial Advertisements will be charged twenty-five per cent, higher than the above rates. A reasonable deduction will be made to those who advertise by the year. Letters to the Editor must come free of postage. fiH HEW STORE, &&mt One Door Above Richard Smith's Old Corner. MLatsEMGMl, .V. C II VASTS & WILLIAMS would respectfully in j form their friends and the public generally, that they have opened a Store on Fayetteville Street, one door above Richard Smith, Esq., where they will keep con tantly on hand a full supply of pry Goods Hard-ware, Cutlery GROCERIES, &C. snd indeed every thing usually found in similar establish ments. They present the following as specimens of their Stock: Brocade French Cashmere, Embroidered Silk and Crape, and Norwich Lustres, Chameleon Turk's Silks and Poplins, French Cashmere and Delaines, Chameleon, figured and black Alpacas, Velvet neck Ribbons and Belts, French worked Colors and Cuffs, Embroidered Ribbon and velvet Trimmings. Scalloped linen-cambric Handkerchiefs and Gloves, Bonnets, Ribbons, and Artificials, Ginghams and Prints a large lot, French Cloths, Cassimeres, and Vestings, Beavcr-cloth, Tweeds, and Kentucky Jeans, Red and while Flannel, and Linsoy and Plain Shawls, Kerseys, Negro and bed Blankets, Brown and bleached Domestics. Bed-ticking, Table cloths and Diaper, Ladie's cotton, merino and silk Hose. Also, Ladie's fine Walking Shoes and Gaiters, J. Miles and Son fine Pegged Boots, Calf, Kip, and coarse Brogans a good assortment, Hats and Caps of every description. Cutlery. Crockery, Spades. Shovels, trace-Chains, Java, Laguira. and Rio Coffee, Loaf, crushed, clarified and brown Sugar. Together with a number of other article not enumerated. The subscribers respectfully solicit a share of public pat ronage. I hey will sell good bargains for cash, or on short time to punctual dealers. H. L. EVANS, JOHN G. WILLIAMS. September 18, 1850. 933 JTE If GOO OS, FOR TIIE FALL AND WINTER TRADE, At J. CREECH'S. TUST received and opened for sale, one of the largest assortments of Staple and Fancy Dry Goods in this City, consisting in part of the following articles : Sup. Blf k Twilled French Cloths, to medium qualities, Superior Black Doe Skin and Fancy Cassiiners. " Cashmere, Velvet and Merino Vestings, All kinds of Fancy Tweeds, Sattennets and K. Jeans, A large assortment of Ladie's Worsted Goods, all colors, Merinoes, Thibet (Moths, Cashmeres, DeLains, and Alpacras, A large assortment of Trints and Ginghams, A great variety of Shawls, from 35 cents to $7. Fine Fashionable Bonnets and Ribbon, Flowers, Laces, Gloves and Trimmings, Fashionable Hats and Caps, Boots and Shoes, Rifles, double and single barrel Guns and Pistols, Hardware, Cutlery and Glassware, Bagging and Rope. The above Goods were bought entirely for cash, and will be sold at a great deduction from former prices, as my motto is quick sales and small profits. Call and you will buy bargains. J. CREECH. Raleigh Sept. 17, 1850 833 BTEW GOODS FOR 1850. ri HE Subscribers arc now receiving their FALL X AND WINTER SUPPLIES, consisting in part of the following : Black Gro DeLyon and Silver Grey Silks, Fancy and Black Brocade Silks, Black, Fancy and White watered do. Chameleon Silks, Super Chene Silks, Levantines, Brocade Sernidors, Plain and watered Poplins, Lyonese Cloths, Paramettas, Silk and wool Chene Muslin Dc Lanes and Cashmeres Cnameieon Turks, Engligh, French and German Merinos, Striped, Printed, and Plain Muslin DeLaines and Cashmeres, Chameleon Alpacas, Ribbon, Velvet, and Hair Ball Trimmings, Black Silk Lace, French work Capes, Collars and Cuffs, Jackonet, Check, Swiss, India Book, Dotted, Tarlton and Nansook Muslins, Bonnet, Cape, Neck, Cuff and Belt Ribhons, Paris Kid Gloves, Shawls and Visites, Ladies and Misses Paris Embroidered Linen Cambric Handkerchiefs, Real Valencia Thread Edgings, Tapes, Bobbins, Edgings and Insertings, dec. R. TUCKER & 80N, Raleigh Sept 11, 1850. 832. NEW BOOK STORE, Just Opened Two Doors Above R. Smith's Store. RALEIGH, If. C. THE Subscriber has just opened a Book Store in Ra leigh, two doors above Mr. Richard 8mith's Store, where he offers to the public seaeex, books, Of almost every description, together with a large col lection of RELIGIOUS WORKS, From the pens of eminent authors of the different De nominations; also, Stationery, Of excellent quality ; all of which he proposes to sen on very reasonable terms. Any Book not on band at present, can be ordered and received by the Subscriber in a few days, and he will be prompt to fulfil all orders from town or country. p . .. JOHN W. O'NEAL. fcMt. Sept. 12, 1850. 838 Robinson dc Co's Shoes. UST Received 1 Kid and Morocco Walking Shoes, do and do Ladies Slippers, Misses and Children's Bootees. Ladiea Rmtui White Kid Slippers. J. BROWN. No. 9, Fayetteville St. 85 Raleigh, Oct. 2d. A SS-"0"8- F'cb Accfdeoos, rrom Peters, Sept 19. SAM'L. H. MARKS SPEECH OF MR. DANIEL., Or NORTH CAROLINA, Delivered in the House of Representative of the United States, September 3, 1850, on the Texas Boundary Bill. Mr. Daniel being entitled to the floor, offered the following substitute for the instructions offered by Mr. Root: " With instructions to report with the said bill an ad ditional section, declaring so much of any and all acts of Congress as prohibit African slavery in any Territory belonging to the United States, which lies between the Mississippi river and the Pacific ocean, and is not inclu ded within the limits of any State, null and void from and after the passage of said bill, so as to extend the principle of non-intervention to said Territory. The amendment being objected to, and the Speaker having decided that so much of the amendment as re lated to other territory than that acquired from Mexi co was not in order, Mr. Meade, of Virginia, appeal ed from the decision; whereupon Mr. Daniel consent ed to modify his amendment, in conformity with the opinion of the Chair, so as to extend the principle of non-intervention to the Mexican territory onlv. He also caused to be read at the Clerk's desk a letter from many of his constituents, enclosing a circular found with many others in a post office in his district, as well to give publicity to it, as because he intend ed to refer to it in the course of his remarka. The following is a copy of the letter : Frahklinton, N. C, July 20, 1650. Hon. J. R. J. Daniel : We, a portion of you constit uents, find in our post office copies of the enclosed peti tion. As the subject therein contained is one very deli cate in its nature to the South, we have thought proper to send you the enclosed copy, that you may see the at tack attempted to be made on the South, through the post office, to be used as you may think proper. Your obedient servants, (Signed) J. A. WHITAKER, and others. N. B. It is said they are being sent to all the post offices in the South. Copy of the Circular. E7 Postmasters favorable to the object proposed, will endeavor to obtain signatures, or if they cannot do it, please hand it to some one favorable for that purpose ; and forward if possible before the 1st ol July, 1850. To the Senate and House of Representatives in Congress assembled The undersigned, citizens of the United States, being anxious to remove from our land, the greatest cause of discord ; and to secure the future welfare, harmony, and permanency of the Union having in view an object upon which we believe the great body of all parties and of every section of the country can unite would respect fully pray, that Congress pass a bill providing means to remove from our country, all that portion of the African race, who are both willing and ready to emigrate to Afri ca ; that suitable provision lie made tor their real wants for one year after their arrival in Africa; and, as a greater inducement for them to emigrate, that a bounty in land be given them on their arrival, upon which they may with industry and economy support themselves ; and make such other provision as may be most desirable. Mr. Daniel, proceeding with his remarks, then said : Mr. Speaker, my disposition leads me on most occa sions to give a silent vote, but the importance of the bill before as, involving perhaps the peace of the country, and it may be the existence of the Union, seems to require a statement of my reasons for the course I feel constrained to pursue. It is due to my self, as well as the generous and confiding constitu ency whom I represent, and whose good opinion I highly prize. The censure attempted to be cast upon those who cannot approve all the measures brought forward for the settlement of the sectional controver sy in which we are involved, imposes additional ne cessity for an expression of the views and motives which govern me on this occasion. The charge that opposition to all or any of these measures is calcula ted to endanger the Union, and that those who do not concur in them are unfriendly to its existence, is as 8hort-sighted and illiberal as it is unjust. To me it seeins to be the result of a timidity tending in pro cess of time to bring about the very calamity which is deprecated no less by me, than by those from whom I differ. Sir, I cherish an ardent attachment to the union of the States, and desire not only to preserve it, but, if possible, to place it upon a more secure and durable basis than that upon which it now reposes. If there be disunionists in the South, it is because they have lost all hope of a returning sense of justice from their Northern brethren, and believe their strong and increasing anti-slavery feeling, with controlling majorities here and in the other end of the Capitol, is becoming dangerous and alarming to those rights connected with the institution of slavery and guaran tied by the Constitution. 1 believe the nnmber to be yet small. But let me tell Northern gentlemen that as their persistence in a course of injustice shall produce the conviction of a settled purpose to make a discrimination against those whose lot has been cast in the slaveholdiug portion of the Union, and deny them that constitutional equality of right and privilege which lie at the bottom of our political as sociation, by excluding them in effect from territory belonging to all the States, and won by the common blood and treasure of all, the number will increase, to what extent cannot be foreseen. There is a strong attachment to the Union among the people of the South, but they are strongly and inflexibly attached to those rights which it is the object of all Govern ments to protect, and which the union of the States was intended to render more secure, not to destroy or impair. And they will hold on to the Union, unless they shall be forced to quit it, in order to protect their rights and avoid an inferior and degraded condition attempted to be forced upon them. In that event, I trustand believe tbey will not hesitate, hut will main tain their rights as well of property as of equality and privilege in the Union, if they can out of it, if they must. Ours, Mr. Speaker, is a confederation of sovereign States, forming a Federal Republic, and the common Government created by the States as sovereign com munities is the result of compact. It is not a consol idated Government for any purpose. Where it seems to operate as such, it is not because it is so, but in pursuance of the compact among the confederate States. To consider it a consolidated Government for any purpose is erroneous, and leads to results dangerous to the whole system, and hazardous to the liberties of the country. We have, through our common Government, in our foreign relations, evinced a just and punctilous regard for our engagements, and a firm adherence to the principles of justice, highly commendable ; but I am sorry to say that such has not at all times been the case in the administration of our home affairs. There areadmitted peculiarities of inter est in the Northern, Western and Southern sections of the Confederacy, and some supposed .diversity of in terest between theslaveholdingand non-slaveholding States, but not such as to render our common Gov ernment oppressive to any section, or to the slavehold ing or non-slaveholding States, as such, if its action ahull be keot within the limits assigned it by the compact -between the States, and the principles of justice and good faith shall be strictly adhered to. To restrict the Federal Government within its con stitutional limits, rendered more necessary by the acquisition of additional territory, and, if possible, insure the observance of the rights of the States, and of justice towards the different sections, should be a leading object with all. It is the best and surest meth od of tranemiling the blessings of the Union to remo test ages, and making our Government in all time to come a shining light to those who are immersed in political darkness. But, sir, how is this to be effec ted, when the majority here, in pursuit of sectional advantages, shall be guilty of a palpable departure from the principles and spirit of the Federal Com pact) It can only be effected by onion and concert among the States and their representatives whose rights are aasailed. By euch union and concert, and the advantages afforded by State organization, encroach ments may be repelled, and the notion of the Federal Government kept within its appropriate limits, and the rights of every section ef the Confederacy main tained. It was in this way that the Constitution was rescued and Federal usurpation rebuked, when Vir ginia, in 1798 and 1799, put forth her celebrated res olutions, and invited the co-operation of her sister States. Nothing has had a more salutary and lasting effect in perpetuating the Union than the firmness which she displayed in that great struggle for the rights of the States and the true principles of consti tutional liberty. Had she, and other States that sided with her, been induced, by way of compromise, (since become so frequent in sectional controversies waged against the institutions of the South,) to sur render the important principlesfor which she conten ded, our condition might have been far different, if, indeed, the Union would have been preserved to the present time. Sir, we have tried compromises and concessions until the term compromise has almost be come synonymous with the surrender of Southern rights, and reminds me of what I have heard said of a practice which grew up under the arbitration law of one of the New England State!, (I believe Connec ticut,) that compromise, by the division of property among the claimants, became so frequent, that it was no uncommon thing for one who took a liking to his neighbor' 8 farm to prefer a claim to it, submit to arbi tration, and thus by compromise obtain one half of what he claimed, but to which he had not the least particle of right. It does really appear to me that this has been somewhat the character and result of those controversies between the North and South in which Southern rights have been involved. Pretensions have been urged utterly at variance with the principles and spirit of the Constitution as well as the principles of justice, and for the sake of peace and the Union, the South has consented to sur render a portion of her just rights, until that fate seems to be fast overtaking her which awaits the ab origines of the country. I think in all conscience the South has gone far enough in her concessions, and-that it is time to take a firm and united stand in defence of what has been left her. Concession seems to be but food upon which the spirit of encroachment, stimulated by Northern fanaticism, feeds and grows stronger ; and it will never cease in its exactions, as long as a disposition exists on the part of the South to yield to its demands, until African slavery shall be swept from the country. After the outposts shall have been carried by excluding the slaveholding pop ulation from the Territories, they will assail the cita del, and commence their attacks upon the rights of slave property in all forts and arsenals within the States, as well as the District of Columbia, and upon the slave trade between the States. And as soon as the requisite number of free States shall be formed, to which the anti-slavery policy of the North is rap idly tending, an amendment of the Constitution will follow, giving to the General Government unlimited control over the institution within the States, involv ing say fifteen hundred millions of slave property. Believing such to be the tendency of things, 1 sub mited some time ago a resolution for an amendment of the Constitution, the object of which was to pre vent hereafter any amendment tending to abolish or affect slavery within the States, without the concur rence of the States in which the institution may ex ist ; and could it be adopted by the requisite vote of the two branches of Congress, and receive the sanc tion of three-fourths ot the State Legislatures, it would do more to relieve the South from appehensions beginning to be felt, and to allay anti-slavery agita tion at the North than any other measure; and, in connection with the non-intervention principle ap plied to the Territories, as proposed in my amend ment, constitute the best basis upon which the slave ry question could be settled, and place the Union up- on a foundation lar more secure than that upon which it at .present rests. The resolution does not embrace all that I think should be matter of constitutional arrangement be tween the slave and anti-slave States.. I should have preferred to guard against amendments changing the existing provisions respecting representation and tax ation, and the restoration of fugitive slaves. But, to try the sense of our anti-slavery brethren, I deemed it best to submit the resolution in the form in which it was offered, that it might be liable to as little ob jection as possible. Objection being made, however, and it not being in order to suspend the rules, it was not introduced. 1 should myself prefer such an ad justment to the proposed Missouri compromise line. The little regard which has been paid by our North ern friends to the principles of compromise, hereto fore made for the adjustment of sectional differences, causes me to place no very implicit confidence in their stability, when subsequent Congresses are at liberty to disregard them or not, as feeling and inter est may dictate. As soon as the tariff compromise was about to enure to the benefit of the South, we know that pretexts were made for setting it aside, and conferring bounties upon the manufacturers of the North and onerous burdens upon the agriculturists of the South. And in the annexation of Texas, although the Missouri compromise was firmly insisted upon where its application enured to the benefit of the North, in relation to the territory acquired from Mex ico, its principles have been wholly repudiated, and that, too, after Southern gentlemen, in the observance of that compromise, voted for the establishment of a Territorial Government for Oregon, with the ordi nance of 1787 in it. Such conduct on the part of our Northern brethren, connected with a view of the encroachments heretofore mide, is not calculated to beget a disposition for further concession on the part of the South. When we achieved our independence, the area of the original States was 862,197 square miles. Of that, including Maine as part of Massachusetts, there were within the original States, which soon after abolished slavery, and are non-slaveholding, only 164,081 square miles; and within the original States vet slaveholding, including Kentucky and the terri tory northwest of the Ohid river, within the limits of Virginia, Tennessee, within North Carolina, ana Mississippi and Alabama, within the limits ot Geor gia, 698,116 square miles. By the liberality of Vir ginia, all her territory northwest of the Ohio was ceded to the Federal Government for the purpose of creating free States, now comprehended within the limits of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wis consin, containing, with that portion ot Minesota Territory lying east of the Mississippi, 312,595 square miles, making the present area of free territory with in the limits of the original States, 476,676 square miles, and the area of slave territory only 385,511 square miles. We acquired by our purchase o? Louisiana from France, exclusive of Texas, an estimated area of 1,138,108 square miles. When Missouri, formed out of that territory, applied forad mission into the Union, our Northern brethren, to wards whom Virginia had been so generous, had the illiberality to deny her application, but upon con dition that she would abolish slavery within her limits. This she refused to do, and the matter was subsequently compromised, by giving up to the non slaveholding portion of the Confederacy, all of the territory north of 36 deg. 30 min. By that arrange ment, most unfortunate for the South, and I believe, the main source of existing difficulties, there is but little prospect that the South will get any more of that extensive and valuable territory, than what is em braced within the limits of Louisiana, Missouri, and Arkansas, being 166,009 square miles; leaving 992, 099 square miles from which the people of the slave States are excluded. In the treaty by which Florida was acquired, and I may say Oregon, for our best title to Oregon is under the Spanish treaty, the large and valuable territory of Texas, a slaveholding por tion of the Louisiana purchase, was ceded to Spain ; and from Oregon, containing 341,463 square miles, the people of the South have been excluded, leaving to the South Florida only, containing 59,268 square miles. And when we were about to regain Texas, the application of the Missouri compromise was, as I have before stated, inflexibly insisted upon, and the Sooth again yielded, by which about 45,000 square miles were added to the already disproportioned quantity of free soil, making the whole area of our territory, exelnsive of that acquired from Mexico, 2, 796,556 square miles, of which, 1,834,244 square miles may be regarded as free territory, and but 899,312 square miles 88 open to the slaveholding population, while the white population of -the slave States, ac cording to last census, is 5,444,778, and of the free States, but 8,556,845 being nearly as 5 to 8, with out the population of Texas ; while their territory is less than one-half the territory assigned to the free States. And if the South shall be excluded from the territory acquired from Mexico, being 526,078 square miles, of which there is a fair prospect, unless the people of the South and their representatives become more united in resisting this current of encroachment, the area of free territory will be 2,360,323 square mjles. And should the bill before us pass, and Tex as be induced by the bribe held out to her, tosurren j der 45,000 square miles of her territory south of 36 deg. 30 min. as she will do by the proposed limits, the slaveholding territory will be diminished to that extent, making it but a trifle more than one-third of what, in all possibility, will be free territory. Al though the gigantic limits of California are now in- sisted upon by our Northern brethren since the peo- pie there have excluded slavery, when the States of I Iowa and W iscOnsin applied for admission, the wish ; es of the people of those States were but little con j suited, and what were deemed reasonable limits I were assigned them, leaving of the territory ceded ; by Virginia, enough of the former territory of Wis consin for a sixth State, more than twice as large as Maryland, although the number of States was limit ed by the deed of cession to five. A project, too, has already been set on foot to carve another State out of the State of Michigan, which may he delay ed a short time on account of the excitement and alarm which exists at the South, but which I have no doubt will soon be consummated. Couple with this rapid and it must be designed progress to that state of things which will give to oar non slaveholding brethren unlimited control over existing constitutional guaranties for the institution of slave ry, by way ot amendment to the Constitution, placing at their disposal fifteen hundred millions worth of property belonging to the Southern States, and I ask. is there any ground whatever for the sur prise expressed by the gentleman from Indiana, (Mr. Gorman,) at the steadfastness with which a portion of the Southern representation stand up in defence of Southern rignts. Were he a Southern man, I know the sentiments he has expressed, would place him among the foremost, and to use his own words, " most unrelenting" of us. Why, sir, such seems to be the eagerness of the anti-slavery feeling to take jurisdiction of the subject of slavery within the States, that it cannot wait for that amendment of the Con stitution which may ultimately be obtained, but un der this free-soil administration, blank petiiions like that I have cause to be read at the Clerk's desk, are being circulated in the Southern States even, to pro cure memorialists in favor of a project to remove from the country, through the General Government, such of the African race as "are ready and willing" as j depart from the course which my sense of duty re well slaves as free negroes, without regard to right i quires me to pursue. He must lake the consequen of property. And as it seems from the information jces of his own act ; I of mine, of the gentleman from Alabama who sits near me, j When the gentleman from New York (Mr. Clark) (Mr. Inge,) and others, like circulars have been sent ; addressed the House the other day, he likened Texas them by their constituents, found also in their post j to the Spanish robber, who places his hat in the offices, it may be inferred that the scheme already in ' road, and calls upon the wayfaring man in the name agitation is an extensive one. to bring the povfter of of the Holy Virgin to deposite money in it ; pointing the Federal Government to bear upon the subject of : a lono- gun at him, and threatening death in case of a slavery within the States. And yet, in view of all this, we are told by many there is no danger all is secure. Sir, this syren song of security, when eve ry development goes to show that danger is approach ing and thickening around us. will 1 fear, in the end, prove fatal, not only to the Sooth, hut to the Union, oy causing me people ot the outh to omit the pres ent tavorable . i . V . . . !V i opportunity of placing both the rights and the Union, upon a more secuie foun- of the South dation. 1 entertain the thorough conviction that our non-slaveholding brethren will not knowingly drive j now going on. 1 trust Texas will say, as our Sav the South to extremities in the maintenance of her j iour did to Satan, " get thee hence." and exhibit that rights, but I believe the anti-slavery feeling is such, I fortitude and heroism which she has heretofore dis that they will go as far in their anti-slavery policy as j played under the most trying circumstances, notwith- in meir opinion th South will nermit. Thev know i the value of the Union to them too well. To everv portion of the Confederacy its dissolution would be a great calamity, but to them, and particularly to the North, it would be ruinous. They are too sagacious not to perceive this, and too much devoted to their true and substantial inter est not to act upon it, if the South, by a praisewor thy defence of her most sacred rights, shall force them to choose between their true interest and an obstinate course of injustice and aggression, to gratify anti slave prejudice and abolition fanaticism. Already has the firm stand taken bv Southern Legislatures during the last winter caused an abandonment, by ; X T . ... ..... . 1 liormern legislatures, ot the Wilmot proviso, so i strongly urged during the last Congress, and ! which it is believed, is so far abandoned here, that ! it cannot pass either branch of Congress. And no attentive observer can fail to perceive, that there is not now the same disposition to do full and complete justice to the Sooth since our divisions have become apparent, as there was at an early period of the ses ston, when there was a reasonable prospect that there would be little or no division among us. I cannot ui: . j ... ,4. . " . .. ueiieve mat i deceive inysen wnen i express tne opinion, that it is in the power of the South to en - force a just regard for her rights by union and becom ing firmness. The sentiments of the gentleman from Indiana, (Mr. Gorman.) so creditable to his head and his heart ; the sentiments contained in a speech de livered afc-an earl)' period of the session by a gentle man from Pensylvania. who sits before me. (Mr. K088; i the sentiments avowed and acted sentiments avowed and acted upon by another gentleman, (Mr. Charles Brown.) from the same State, no longer a member, for whom I have al - ways cherished the highest and sincerest regard : and nfy.ll... Jt-.l Ul I .1 I 1 ! . I ui uiuri uisimtriiisiieu sjeniifMiian iiere inu in tne oin- r nn nf ika r?on!.ni 7 .k. knB. ,h .u. ; .. r . r ... . among our nonnern oremren an innate sense ot justice, which would ultimately ensure proper respect for our rights, sooner than force us to extremities. Believ ing this, Mr. Speaker, and that the cause of the South is no less the cause of the Union, I will, as far as mv single action and vote c.nn tro. Ho what T think all Southern men should do. onnose anv further surren - der of Southern rights to Northern freesoilism. While ed territories, and do not elect to be considered citi- j tion in the price of cotton than either two or three such is my determination, I avow that it is my most zens of Mexico within the limited period, shall be cents a pound. He desires an impossibility the anxious wish to see this sectional controversy pro- ! incorporated into the Union, and be admitted at the: stopping of all the mills for six months, the effect ot perly adjusted and pnt at rest ; and I am ready to I proper time, (to be judged of by Congress,) to the which would be such an enhancement on the price concur in any measure or series of measures that will ! enjoyment of all the rights of citizens of the United ; of goods as would pay a profit on the whole stock, not add others to the too many concessions which j States, according to the principles of the constitu- j create a reduction in the price of cotton, and relieve have already been made. ' tion ; and in the meantime shall be maintained and ; the market. We are now sending coarse cottons to Is such the case with the bill under consideration, protected in the free enjoyment of their liberty and j Great Britain, and need not fear competition from and the kindred measures tendered to us as an ad- i property, and secured in the free exercise of their re- j lt quarter. lhe same writer also declares that, un justment of existing difficulties? I think not. In ! ligion without restriction. If the President was right ! "1 wages are restored to the standard of 1844, there addition to the bill before us, the other measures are, j in supposing the disputed Territory does not belong I can be no profit in the manufacture of coarse cottons ; the bill for the admission of California, the bill to es- to Texas, he is nevertheless guilty of a palpable error and he urges that there should be an end to the work tablish Territorial Governments for New Mexicoand ! ... . ...... ..... . . .. ..I Utah, the bill lor prohibiting the slave trade in this District, and the bill for recapturing fugitive slaves, Although I think the North has dealt unfairly by the South in insisting upon the Wilmot proviso,' and in the opposition made to the Clayton Compromise, in which I am sorry to say they were aided by a few Sonthern orentlemen: and in defeating the Walker amendment for extending the Constitution and Laws of the United States to California and the rest of the territory acquired from Mexico, tor fear that by doing so, and opening courts of justice. Southern gentle men might be induced to emigrate thither with their slaves ; and although, as I believe, Executive influ ence improperly exerted, and deserving the severest censure, contributed to bring about the existing state of thino-s in California, wherebv the slaveholdinv population has been excluded from it, I would waive all rejection to its admission, if its limits should be contracted to what I deem reasonable, and a nortinn of the Pacific coast below 36 deg. 30 min. should be left open to slaveholders, as Utah and New Mexico are proposed to be, for the sake of quiet and repose to the country. But I must be allowed to say that i after keeping back the slaveholding population of the South until the race has been run, and as they suppose, the country acquired by emigrants from the North and foreign countries through the irregular formation of a State "government with limits embrac ing the entire Pacific coast and about one hundred and fifty three thousand square miles of territory, enough for three large States, designed, no doubt, exclude the South from the whole of the Mexican ter ritory by including all that portion of it in which theie is a prospect of profitable employment for slave la bor, there is not much grace in tendering us the non intervention principle in regard to Utah and New Mexico, accompanied by a measure for abolishing the slave trade in this District, as a concession to the anti-slavery sentiment of the North for the partial fulfilment of a constitutional obligation for the resto toration of fugitive slaves, and a strenuous and un- faltering demand tor the admission ot California with its gigantic limits, with the proposition contained in the bill before us, to vote ten millions of dollars to Texas as a bribe torture it as you will, that is the object and character of the proposition for about ! forty-five thousand square miles of her territory south I ot 36 deg. 30 min., not worth oue-tenth, perhaps not one-twentieth, of the amount. Sir, the character of this arrangement evinces no de- j parture from that encroaching policy of our Northern brethren I have already imperfectly sketched to get all they can, and hold on to all they get. And yet wc are told by Southern gentlemen and Southern editors this is a fair adjustment of existing difficulties, and ought to be embraced by the South ; and those who cannot think so, and oppose it from a deep and abid ing sense of duty, are even said to be factious. Mr. Speaker, may God, in his infinite mercy, save us from the calamnities which such misguided coun sels cannot fail in process of time to bring upon our beloved country. Sir, if I did not reflect that it is the nature of concessions to beget other and increas ing demands, and that the proposed arrangement may he the result of the many concessions on the part of the South by those who have gone before us, I should regard it as mere mockery Enterertaining these general views, and regarding! the bill under our immediate consideration as contain-; as I conceive, to decide the matter against Texas, and ing in substance the profligate and brazen proposition ! to take steps to array the military force of the country to bribe one of the sovereign States of the Confeder-1 to prevent Texas one of the sovereign States, from acy to dismember herself as a concession to freesoii-1 exercising jurisdiction within her limits, to the im ism, with no corresponding equivalent to the South j minent hazard of the peace of the country and theex generally, 1 do not hesitate to declare that I would : istence of the Union. Believing, sir, as I do, that sooner vote the $10,000,000 to defend Texas, than j the position taken by the President is pal oablv erron 1 would as an inducement for her to dismember her- ; self. I know, sir, that what I regard as the erroneous, and illegal, and unconstitutional position taken by our freesoii Executive and his advisers to array the military force of the country to prohibit Texas from exercising jurisdiction within her rightful limits, ren ders this bill peculiarly important. But with all the increased importance thus attaching to it, I will ven ture to do my duty, result what may from the ill judged position ot the executive. It is not too late for him to retrace his steps, and it is oeuer ana more ! becoming that he should do so, than that I should ! refusal. It was well remarked by the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Gorman) thatthe simile was more applicable to his friend, the President, in attempting to force Texas to part with her territory.- In this, sir, 1 concur; and if freesoii ism be personified and likened unto Satan tempting our Saviour on the Mount, hv offering $10,000,000. and saving to her. ' ... . .l -r.i -i. . -.i .1 I " all this will 1 give thee, if thou wilt part with the portion f thy territory whic.i I demand, you will j ' have a lull and ant illustration ot the whole scene standing the threatening attitude ot the rresiaent i es . Should she do this, she will exhibit a moral specta cle that will cover her with imperishable glory. Sir, the conduct of the President in this matter seems to me to he most extraordinary. In his mess age to Congress he says, by the Constitution of the United Sutes the President is constituted Commander-in-Chief ot the Army and Navy, and of the mili tia of the several States, when called into the actual ser vice of the United States, and required to see that I the laws be executed. That Congres has tho power to provide for the calling forth the tuiliUa lor exocui ino- the laws, and that suitable laws have been pass- ed for calling forth the militia and placing other suit-i . . -.ii i i i n i . r -i J : i able means in tne nanus oi me rresiaent ior tne uis- j charge of his duties, and refers to the 2d section of the act of lhe 28th of Febuary, 1795, and to the act f Ik U 'l'lw. ...,,.,...,1 ciAhin ni fht Mft nl ' 1795 provides, that whenever the laws of the United j ", J , ' . States shall be opposed, or the execution thereof ob- j turer8' and country merchants. High pn structed in any State by combinations too powerful to g J,M add .t0 the embarrassment, and past oveipro be suppressed bv the ordinary course of judicial pro- du"" J Sod. at l,om?' ?.? eeedings, or by the power vested in the Marshals by I that act which, by the 9th section of the said act, is! L. i .i..- i i , tne same as mat oi me nwnw ui mr wicm uwwi!; ... . - .i - . t i and their deputies in executing ine laws oi me re-j spective States, the President may call forth the mili- i ' to suppress such combinations, and to cause the laws ; : to be executed. The act of 1807 merely authorizes ! the employment of the military and naval force of the ! United States in cases of insurrection or obstruction to the laws of the United States, or of any individu- al State or territory where it is lawful for the Presi- 1 dent to call forth the militia for like purposes the act of 1795. The President then usurping under .1 . -ri-rE TU DM. J.ntth.n ..gnrmn.r it anI ! ! 1.. J.:.l.. k. Uorl no rlrrht tn flnniito : me aci oi w;7j. i iic ; erroneously unuiuea wuui , , i..,i v ftne. or. nerhflna the Judiciarv i i ., i fl .i e fcj a r , can oeciae, mat me por'ion oi icw mciw a.i ui ; the Rio Grande does not belong to i exas, oui 10 me United States; and although Congress has passed no ! law for 6aid Territory, yet the treaty with Mexico is lalaw of the United States extending over it, which it his dutv to execute: the 9th article of which 1 provides that Mexicans who shall remain in the ced- in supposing that to extend the jurisdiction of Texas . m . . I 1 ! ! J .T . . J I over the territory, accoraing 10 ine limits oenneo ny j i her Legislature in December, 1836, would be a vio-j ! lation of our treaty with Mexico. It would not de-, ' prive them of their liberty, property, or the enjoy-; j ment of their religion, but be admitting them to the 1 full enjoyment of all the rights of citizens of the ; U nited States, as stipulated in the treaty, in the ear liest and most edectual manner. The President is also wrong in supposing that the acts to which he refers were ever designed to auth- j kets, we apprehend, are only incidents in the aggre orize the employment of the military force of the Uni- j gate of evils complained of by manufacturers. The ted States against one of the sovereign States of the j suggestions of the writer, a large manufacturer and Union. But he is wrong in declaring that Texas is 1 a good citizen, are, however, worthy the earnest con not entitled to all the territory east of the Rio Grande sideration of those engaged in the Cotton trade. within her asserted limits. Her history shows the; Rio Grande was the line to which both she and Mex Lico looked as the bonndary of Texas. In the arrange - : ment entered into between General Cos on the part of Mnvin. and General Burleson on the part of Texas, Ma-rtM. and finneral bur eson on the part or Texas. . . mm ... the Rio Grande was made the boundary, in the; treaty made with Santa Anna and Filisola and others, - . . . . alter me oailie OI cbn jauuuu, uie mu uranue wn in the clearest and most unequivocal manner, made the boundary of Texas, which treaty though not rat- ified in doe form by Mexico, enured to her benefit, and the moral sentiment of every. civilized and honorable community must regard her as morally bound by it. General Wool, in a proclamation issued by him, dis- tinctly recognizes the claim of Texas to the Rio S Grande. After these acts ef Mexican functionaries, to including the President, she defined her boundary by j the Rio Grande by an act of Congres, in December, 183G. J These historical events were enough surely, to give 1 notice to ail the world at any rale, to the United j States and other powers that acknowledged her inrie ! pendence and formed treaties with her that she . claimed the Rio Grande as her boundary. And in j view of this claim, disputed by no other power what 1 ever but Mexico, whose government notwithstanding the stipulations already referred to, continued to claim ! the balance of Texas as well as New Mexico east of the Rio Grande, until the treaty of Guadalupe Hid algo, were the resolutions framed for annexing Texas to the united states, containing among others, this provision. " First : said State to be formed subject to the adjustment by this Government of all questions of boundary that may arise with other Governments." President Polk, looking at this connected chain in support of the claim of Texas, and the resolutions of annexation, did not hesitate to express the opinion that the territory in question belonged to Texas, though it was a matter for the decision of Congress. Yet our present free-soil Executive, disregarding the rule which prevails in the Executive Department, of pay ing at least some respect to the acts and opinions of predecessors ; disregarding the salutary example set by Mr. Jefferson, in procuring a specific act for taking military possession of Louisiana ; disregarding that of Gen. Jackson, in procuring authority from Con gress for the employment of military force in enfor cing the collection of the revenue when South Caro lina was about to interpose her authority within ber limits, from an apprehension that the acts of 1795 and ISO were insufficient; instead of laying the whole ! matter before Congres, and awaiting its action and decision, as it was a duty to have done under thecir- cumstances, he hastens, rashly and inconsiderately. eous, and or too dangerous consequence to be coon- tenanced, and that the territory in question belongs to Texas, I will do all in my power to secure it to her, nor will I pander to free-suilism by voting a bribe to induce her to part with it. Condition of the Cotton Manufacturers. A writer in the Boston Advertiser, who seems well to understand the subject he discusses, declares there has been no profit realized' from the manufacture of coarse cotton goods for the last twenty months There wnnM l9v haon nrr.fi tc h -,AA if ,h ..j- ----- m-w wsaa fivu Ml v S3UIOf II fcllC I a WW cotton had been sold, and not manufactured. The rise in goods has been but three cents a pound while the rise in cotton has been six. We quote from some of his statistics : Cost per pound. Mid. fair cotton - - - 13.50 , Waste, (nett) - - - - 1.48 Labor 3.80 General expenses - - - 2.08 Til-a'lAoA kv O Qn TtAe 1 ' f 20.86 per pound. S Pi 45 cts. cost per yard. The nominal market price of these goods is now 7$ cents on 8 months credit; but in fact they cannot be sold freely at 7i cents which after deducting in terest, guaranty, commissions, freight, and insur "', uc icuuwu w u.oj femh, snowing a on terence 0f 60.100ths of a cent between their cost and lhe preset value. ance, will be reuueed to 6.85 cents, showing a dif- The product of a mill of 15,000 spindles reqoir ng a capital of $500,000, should be 120.000 yards j a ween, or d,f8U,UUO yards tor six months, on which l at the present there must be a loss ot $20,280. The ; drillings and shmings will produce about the same j result. The writer declares that machinery, with the pre ! sent prices of the raw material, cannot be worked to advantage; that the stock of goods on hand has nev i er been larger ; that one Company could be named ! which has on hand the whole productions of seven j months, and another with goods amounting to eight ! millions of yards of cloth, or thirteen thousand bales, i and worth nearly half a million of dollars. Cotton has risen from 6 to 133 cents, and the cau ses are three : 1st, the short crop of last year, and the bad prospects of the present year; 2d, thecheapnessof money m f.ngland, which has stimulated speculation and 3rd, the European consumption caused by the revival of trade. There is, says the writer, no pros pect of relief from preseut embarrassment, particular ly on account ot the short crop, and the fact that "'""J n?a , TV . gJ P last lour yea rs. Bales Cot- Factories g Carolina 17 Spindles. 86,500 51,140 12,580 36,000 Capital. 1,000,000 1,206.000 500,000 1,00,000 ton used. 15,000 27,000 5,500 12,000 7, . s 37 10 30 94 Alabama, Tennessee, 186,220 3,706,000 59.500 In the valley of the Mississippi there are 89,000 J spindles, 56,000 of which are engaged on heavy --, " sheetings, and the remainder upon No 14 Yarn. The n . tif ii n t; ,1 . . hj m ; 1 1 ,. ' an Ann ,u ,: c nInth o ,ne enlIre consumption of the country. In wiassacnu setts, since the depression in 1842, there has been, in the larger towns alone, an innreasee of 128.000 spindles for the manafacture of coarse cottons, nearly all of which are owned in Boston. The writer declares that the only remedy for the existing embarrassments is to stop production, and not to resume until there shall be some greater reduc- ; until there is redress. ' XAi jvinii thaSA dIai We give these views, all of which are practical. and many of which are obviously true, for what tbey are worth. We have no belief, however, that there will be any thing like suspension of the manu facture of coarse cottons. We undertook to give the other day, another cause of this depression in New England, and found a reason for it, we thought in tne greater cheapness oi manufacture. Uver-produc- tion, the high price of Cotton, and the glutted mar- J. I. express. 1 Fugititb-slatc hw meeting. A meeting of some , three or tour hundred white and colored men was held ! . r-i II I . Z a m I al tne. out nan last evening, wro. n. l oon was i at the City Hall last evening. Win. H. - .... .. " . TZ caiieo to ine enair, ana niossrs. iioya, fepper, and olhprs, addressed the meeting and thmr remarks were i wim n.j rrww. ; j ucnuwivcu ids iu gitive slave law as unjust and unconstitutional, and at variance with human right. The meeting broke . up, both colored and white men expressing a determi nation to resist the law to the last. Should any of the slaveholders attempt to reclaim any ronaways in this city, blood and murder may be anticipated. Albany Knickerbocker , Oct. 4.