Newspaper Page Text
THE CELESTIAL ARMY.
Wt. BUCHANAN BEAD. I stood by the open casement And looked upon the nijrht, Andaw the westward going stars Puss slowly out of sight Slowly the bright possession Went down the gleaming arch, .And my soul discerned the music Of their lung triumphal march. Till the great celestial nriny, Stretched fur beyond the poles, Became the eternal symbol . Of the mighty march of souls. Onward, forever onward, Red Mars led down his clan, And the moon, like a mailed maiden, Was riding in the Tan. And some were bright in beauty. And some were faint and small, But these might be in their greatest height The noblest of them all. Downward, forever downward. Behind earth's dusky shore, They passed into the unknown night, They passed and were no more. No more ! Oh, say not so ! And downward is not just, For the sight is weak aud the sense is dim . That looks through heated dust. The stars and the mailed moon, Though they seem to ftdl and die, Still sweep with their embattled lines, . ' An endless reach of sky. And though the hills of death May hide the bright array, The marshalled brotherhood of souls Still keeps its upward way. . Upward, forever upward, I see their march sublime, And hear the glorious music Of the conquerors of time. And long let me remember That the palest, faintest one, May to diviner vision be A bright and blessed snn. For the Standard. No one can doubt that an epoch has arisen in the history of our country. A portion of our people have long thought that the States had a rijjflit to secede from the Union for cause which to them seemed sufficient. Another and a larger portion believed that in cases of disagreement between a State and the United States the matter should be referred to the Supreme Court of the United States, and that their decision should be binding on all parties. But this arbitrament not being agreed to, acqniesence or war on the part of the United States were the only. alternatives m our late ellorts to secede. The latter was adopted and the decision was i against those who claimed the right of seces- j sion. It was the last and terrible aroitra- i ment, and its decision should be accepted as ! final. ! But ita progress and result evolved and j esiaunsueu oiutr r.nu important coiisk- j quences, among which the abolition of slav- i ery is not the least grave. The condition of the negro in the South has been swiftly, and radically changed. He stands forth now a freedman, among his former masters and in his old locality. With his old habit hard ' upon him, and in utter poverty, he is pro claimed, a freeman and required to take his position as such, in the body politic ; but, with what powers and privileges the future must disclose. His color has not been change and will not b. t b. Can the leopard f changed his spots or the Ethiopian his skin? ' jjui until nun occurs, an assimilation anu harmonv. in feelinirs and sentiments between him and the white race, is utterlv impossible. Nature would teach this, and experiments in the free States, the West Indies and else- l . : L T. J- - .... c 1 . . micic vuuuim ii. xl is u naMe ui wurua lu discuss it. It is a most barren abstraction to look for such a result anywhere, and sheer madness to expect it where education and long habits have indelibly sealed the teach ings Of nature. What is "to be done then 2 Shall lie be enslaved again? Never! if he can be otherwise properly located and cared for. And this brings me to the great ques tion of colonization. But without sugges ting any plans for this purpose, or dwellings upon its feasibility, I propose first to state briefly some of the great advantages which I think would flow from sueha course. And I do so because I am fully pursuaded that a great Government like ours, with its im mense resources, backed by so many millions of free, educated and resolute white men, can effect almost any legitimate purpose which they may undertake. Let the senti ment, that it is right and important to colo nize the negro, become general throughout our limits, and the end will soon follow. If with our whole people there shall be the will, the way will open at their bidding. Those who can do so much when divided and straggling in the bloody fields of strife will not be found impotent when united in . a great measure of peace, of mutual advan- age and of christian philanthropy. Let me premise a fewgencneral statements. In a country of ordinary fertility and health fulness and possessing the common advan tage of agriculture, commerce, manufactur ing aitd mining, a safe, wholesome and pros perous rate of population may be placed at 100 to the square mile. England and Wales have largely over 800 to the square mile France has about 200 and all Europe will average aliout 70 to the square mile. In our country, Massachusetts and Rhode Island have years ago, largely exceeded that point, and several others of our most properous States, such a'sNew York, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, &e., have nearly Attained it. The States formerly known as slave States, Virginia, North-Cnre-lina, South-Carolina, eorgia.Kentucky Tennessee, Louisiana, Mis sissippi, Alabama, Arkansas, Florida and Texas, have, say, 8,000,000 of population and average only about 10 persons to the square mile, including white and black. 'And if we count the erigL 1 free negroes, we mav as sume that half of that -number ai blacks If these were removed this whole area con sisting of about 770,000 square .miles would have only a!out 5 persons to the square mile. Another statement. In 1790, the United States had a population of about 4,00Q 000 In 1850, it was about 24,000,T)00. The in crease being at the rate of 10 per cent, per annum of 000 per cent, in CO years. The "s w, imuiiie rate ot in- ?frpU,:vT'in.,tha8tatcd.l'ng inn ? . . , V ates; in 100 vears. it wniilrl rnn1, m nm ruin , would be a little over 50 to rhn T,i l rli '.,vuii, wuicn And ,now think of it the blacks being re moved. ;Such a territory 1 So vast that if the white race should pour into it for 100 years at the rapid rates of the United States increase it would still have only one half of what is con sidered a full wholesome population! A territory washed on the west by the great Mississippi and bathed on the east and south uy me Atlantic ana uuir of Mexico. A ter- ritorv almnt. ,(.!n t.m V . r1; . umlluui lm-.. menselv ferti e rich in minpmta h,i; SPwer; climated drink or weoi& Ajid.jsWbvi -shonld not thii amfcivintfasitdoe.compactnes. andform to the main body of the United State,) be dedicated to a free white race, who being homogeneous in all things, may develop the great principles of constitutional liberty ? Why should a disturbing element be fastened upon it to create animosities, breed or rather nurture dissensions and mar our otherwise great homogeneous fabric? ' ' . It is hard to maintain republican and reg ulated liberty under the most favorable au spices, and we owe.it to them, not to try dan gerous experiments, which will be barren of any incidental good. In a government limi ted in area and population, and restrained, in its will by outside pressure, republican lib erty may possibly be well maintained even by weak and vicious citizens. The terror of infringment or punishment from without may force them to a wholesome administration at heme. But in one so vast in area, as ours now is and so great in population as it is soon des tined to be, and whose will scarcely reco gnizes any restraint from abroad, none but enlightened citizens of civil equality can be safe depositaries of constitutional liberty. The negro cannot be made such a citizen ex cept by long training, if at all. But that training is not feasible, because if he be held in civil inferiority he must continue to feel and to be abject, dependent and demoralized. While to raise him to civil equality in his ignor ance poverty and vices must vitiate the whole mass. He cannot be elevated to the standard of the whites, but they may and would l:e drawn down towards his level. And the whole political mass in the South with this element infused into it, would become un steady, wild ajjd corrupt. The action of the free States has shown their recognition of this principle, even where the element is sosmall . as it is-with them. If such on infusion would bo unsafe, where the proportion is as one to fifty or a hundred, how startling the idea when it is in equal proportions or as two to one the other way, as it would be in some localities ! Can the most dogged abstractionist, or wildest fanatic entertain such a proposition for a moment ? Dangerous experiments can hardly ever be justiiied in great and vital matters, but they may be partially extenuated, where they serve to present a great damage, or tend in cidentally effect a great good' material or otherwise And we have accordingly heard an argument against the removal of the negro as follows. It is all important to every sec tion of the Union, that cotton, rice and sugar he largely produced and that negro lulor alone can raise them to advantage. Now this calls to mind the old exploded humbug that " cotton is king." It was loudly proclaimed, by superficial secessionists, that by with holding it from the North the South could speedily bring her to terms, and that by keeping it from France and England they would be forced incontinently into our al liance. The result is known. I only mention it because I see lurking in the above proposi tion the same fallacy upon which the cotton king humbug was enthroned. It is a sort of set idea with superficial people that all things will remain as they are, and that when one thing changes others may not accommodate themselves to that change, and especially that governments, communities and indi viduals will not endure lnconvcmanee or resort to necessary alienations rather than to- sacrifice great and cherished principles. But the truth is that if the change be to their advantage and without the sacrifice of princi- pie it will be gladly accepted; if otherwise they will obviate it as tar as ma v iwand thus, or in some wav, accommodate "themselves to it To illustrate. A railroad was proposed to be built from a market town to the inte rior of a farming country. It was strenuously urged that the stock would be valueless be cause the the town was in wagoning distance, the farmers had teams, wagons &c, they and their fathers had a"njays hauled to the market, and they would continue to do 9 even if the Rail Road were built. Cut it was built with difficulty, the grass soon srrew in the old wasoii road, the freights were remunerative on the railroad ; I the wagoas, teams and drivers found ample f emnlovmcut in haulm? manures and culti vating more land, aud the prosperity of the country was secured The result of the King cotton humbug illustrates the other side of the picture. And so will it ever be. Mere prejudices sustained by shallow dog mas often maintain a long and tyrannical sway, but they must eventually succumb be fore the steady march of truth. And may not the notion that negro labor is neccessary to produce the great staples mentioned, be long to such prejudices? I think it docs. It had a two-fold origin partly in truth and partly in fallacy. It was true "that -the ne gro, as a slave, could be more profitably employed in the production of those staples than otherwise. But to detect the fallacy, we should premise a little. The Southern States feared that the institution of slavery was in jeopardy, and they desired to perpet- : uate it. it was chiefly assailed m the ortii ! ern States and in England both of which : were deeply interested in, and greatly iden ' tified with cotton through their man lfac- tures; and it was not deemed a bad stroke , of policy to impress them with the idea that 1 that depended upon negro labor, in iho ta ' pacify of ghees. But the folly of extremists North and South, has worked the destruc tion of the institution, and the fallacy ought to be exploded with it. And the naked . question presents itsqlf to sensible men, : whether the white man, with equal physical powers, more judgment, more industry,"pride i and perseverance, and a greater stimulus to exertion, cannot and will not produce more in any field ot labor than his interior, the ne gro. I know that the heat and insalubrity of the climate, where these staples are most prolific, are brought forward in support of me iauaey out l am satisfied that tiiey are stand-props, which must fall before search- . ing truth. r irsr, in reierence to cotton. In a -verv . large proportion, perhaps in nine-tenths of ; tne cotton territory, the heat of midsummer ; is hardly more intense than m the Northern States. It is true, the summers are Jonsrer. ; but the heat is not generally intense, except ; about midsummer, when it" is equally so in i the more Northern States, and especially in ; the large cities. More than half of North Carolina, Tennessee, Arkansas and Texas, ' and nearly all of South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi and Louisi ana, are adapted to cotton, in North Carc . lina, however, though the soil is nrooitious. the yield has been moderated by tab short ness of the warm season, the weed not hav ing time folly to develone and mature. And probably the same is true as to the interior and colder portions of most of the other States mentioned. But recent experiments prove that this difficulty can be surely and ; profitably remedied, by the use of stiinula I ting manures, such as truano. nslips limo stable manure, &c., all of which push the : weed so vigorously and rapidly as to secure ; a lull development and yield before frost- .i,:i ..-i jv,?,, ., .. i nunc iucy ienuize lue soil, Anrl wlmf nn- bier enterprise could be offered to the inge nuity, skin and energy -of the white man, than thus profitably to fertilize a vast region which heretofore languished under the su perficial and .exhausting By8tem M common to slave labor. I firmly believe that if ths way were fairly opened to him, he would in a few years double or .treble the production of the article in .these fceajthful and colder regions, unless the demand should become . .. . "grons M .ui HT . in tnese regions it pill not be pre- ;uueu mai tue heat of summer is Berionlv 1..-. ; ; . -ne'i i8 seriously oiZS SffiS i.ftreezes. pjay..tfte V may adhatSo thV tillage of cotton may be and ought to be ac complished before the oppressive heat of -mid summer. Without touching the ques tion whether the negro can stand heat better than the white man, I take the broad ground ' that the heat in the- Southern States is not such, but that the white man can well endure it, and perform vigorous and profitable - la- ; bor. ": . . ' Philosophers may well discuss the abstract ; question, and practical men should apply it when an exigency arises, but here there is no such extremity of heat as demands its appli cation, even if it be true. The rice localities surely do not, and the statements already made apply generally to those of cotton and sugar. As to the sickliness of the localities of these great staples, something has already been said in reference to the cotton regions. It is certainly true that much oftheconntry in . the South adjacent to the Mississippi and some other large rivers and swamps is preg- nant 'with malaria or some other causes, v which produce summer and fall diseases. And it is strange how little has been done in the way of drainage and other proper sani tary regulations by way of alleviation or remedy.. It is known that some partial ex periments on that score, have operated very beneficially, and I should be greatly deceived if the Bkill and attention of the white man, when duly directed to that matter under fair mispices, should not, to a great extent, if not entirely obviate them. Former .lethargy on this subject may. be partially accounted for. Those localities have generally been in the hands of wealty planters, who occupied them more as speculating enterprises than as per manent residences, and who after the work ing season was nearly over, found it pleasant and convenient to resort to summer retreats ; while the negroes, as slaves, could be requi red and forced to remain, and if they sickened and died, their demise was considered chiefly as a property loss which did not materially -curtail their general profits. And perhaps in most cases the premises were in charge of an overseer, and the owner only visited and supervised them in the winter, while his family and residence were far away. These places were profitable in spite of the sickness and deaths among the negroes and the dashing, pushing and tem porary system attaclung to' them did not invite or permit much collateral attention to matters of health. But things have changed. The negroes may and probably will to a great extent retire from those localities and if not, it will hardly lie possible to maintain among them that police which is necessary and was formerly practicable. Negro labor as slaves was a very different thing from what it now is as freedmen. The negro may stand heat better than a white man, but I think it has yet to be'proved that he is less obnoxious to disease, while ho is certainly less cleanly, less prudent in avoiding expos ure or in due care during sickness, it those localities are to be improved by sanitary expedients, it will have to be done by the white man, and that perhaps after being divided into smaller allotments among per manent residents. If they cannot be improved, the white man being more careful and cleanly willfind them less dangerous than the negro, and perhaps will have more courage to encounter them. I can in no' event see how negro labor, as freedmen, can enure to the benefit of those lo calities, but were it otherwise, it would be a most narrow policy on account ot a tew pe culiar and relatively small though rich local ities, to fasten a dangerous element on the great South with so much of other healthful and fertile territory adapted not only to those, but fo so many other staples. In the one scale depend the peace, enlightenment and friendly co-operation of a vast country, having in charge the great principles of Con stitutional liberty in the other the mere pos sibility, that some great staples might by chance be increased in certain localities, and which would surely be abundantly produced, even were those localities sunk to the bot tom of the sea. Might not a suitable and accessible home for the negro be found in some of our south-western territories ? If so there can hardly be a doubt as to the right or ability ot the Government to move them there, either as a seperate people under our protection, or an integral portion of the I nion ; as might be thought best. To do so would work no territorial loss to the Govern ment because he would leave a vacuum be hind equal to what he would fill in his new home. And the white man would rush in and fill that vacuum. But if the negro re main where he is, it is very questionable whether there will be much immigration ot the white race to the South. Indeed I fear that large numbers of the whites will flee the South, being unwilling to leave their families to hazard the political and social status existing, and to be intensi fied by a mungrcl population. As things now are, emigration, with the whites, is about as likely as immigration. And would it not be better for the Gov ernment to have a large homogeneous popu lation on the Mississippi, Atlantic and Gulf of Mexico rather than away off in the South western interior? While instead of the capital and teaming white race of the North being subjected to the troubles, hazards and trials of opening new regions, they would find (the negro being gone) millions of acres of good land, inviting their occupation at low rates, with the main elements, and facil ities of civilized life already existing. Com mon roads, railroads, navigated rivers, state houses, court houses, school houses and churches prepared to their hands, and a sparse and poor but civilized population ready to give them a fraternal welcome. This js a prolific subject, but I will stop, after having attempted to "lie suggestive rather than elaborate. My purpose is so to touch some of the great features of this question as to put my countrymen to thinking, and especially to excite the reflections of earnest expanded, and patriotic statesmen. COLONUS. Europeas Churches. The following is the comparative capacity of the most cele brated churches in Europe : - St Peter's, Rome, will seat 54,000 persons; Milan Cathedral, 37,000-; St Paul's Rome, 32,000; St Paul's, Lmdon, 25,000; Florence Cathedral, 24,300; St Petronia, Bologna, 24,000 ; Antwerp Cathedral, 24,000 ; St. Sophia's, Constantinople, 23,000; St. John, Laterna, 22,900; Notre Dame, Paris, 21,000; Pisa Cathedral, 13.00); St Stephens's, Vien na, 12,400; St. Pet3r's, Bologna, 11,400; Cathedral of Vienna, 11.100; St. Dominic's, Bologna, 11,000; St, Mark's, Venice, 7,000. He Knew His Man. The celebrated Bubb Doddington was very lethargick. Falling asleep one day, after dinner with Sir Richard Temple and Lord Cobham, the Gen eral reproached Doddington with his drow siness. Doddington denied having been asleep, and to prove that he had not, offered to repeat all that Lord Cobham had been saying. Cobham challenged him to do so. Doddington repeated a story, and Lord Cob ham owned he had been telling it "And yet," said Doddington, 'I did not hear a word of it ; but I went to sleep, because I knew about this time of the day yon would tell that story." . ; ' . Daring the month of November the Post master General ordered two hundred and fifty post-offices in the Southern States to be re-opened. . . - - - Fifty-four female postmasters were ap pointed. . GLUTrorr. -A fellow at Falls River, Mas sachusetts, laet week, ate a turkey weighing junc pounds, on a wager, accomplishing the feat in thirty minutea. Special Correspondence of the Wash. Chronicle. ALABAMA - RESULT OF THE RECENT ELECTIONS. - , Character of the Officers Chosen. v!; , ; The Seeessioa Hemtnt In the Stater , Proscriptive Law Relative to the Freedmen. ,: Montgomery, Ala., December 9, 1S65. RESULT OF THE ELECTIONS. I have been a long time silent, constantly cherishing the hope that I would soon be able to write to you that I saw evidences of returning loyalty and good feeling in this part of the country. But the' weekB go by one after another, and the current sets as per versely as ever. The elections have been held, k was scarcely to be expected that Union men those who had openly espoused the cause of the General Government against the seceding States would be elected to the State offices, though, in view of the oath re quired of members of Congress, it was thought that only those wonld be sent to claim seats in Washington who could take that oath. For the Legislature, in view of the recent history of the State, a reasonable hope exis ted that those candidates would be elected1 whose past record was not likely to be par ticularly obnoxious to loyal men. But the secessionists have made a bold and success ful struggle to retain their political power in the State, and the conservative and Union candidates have been almost everywhere beaten. The immediate object of the successful party is, doubtless, to prevent the crime or stigma of their treason to the" General Gov ernment from being visited upon them in any way, and at the same time to manufacture a public sentiment of honor and respect for treason and traitors, and a loathing and con tempt for those who opposed secession and its consequences, and adhered to the Consti tution and the Union. N PASSPORT TO OFFICE. The claims of the successful candidates were such as might have been expected to be urged if the Confederacy- made good its es tablishment. " My services in the war, the wounds I have received, the sacrifices I have made, entitle me to your gratitude and your suffrage." This was the plea of the candi date, and the voters responded to it cordially at the polls. The greatest ttst of merit, the highest standard of qualification is to have lost a leg or an arm, an eye or a hand in arms against the Government . The Provisional Governor, Mr. Parsons himself, panders to his knowledge of this fact, and goes out of his way in his message to suggest to the Legislature that especial care must be taken of the battle-flags of rebel regiments left in his possession, which he calls " sacred souvenirs of the courage and endurance of those who went forth to battle under their folds, and who manfully upheld them with their life-blood." A SECESSION DEBATING CLUB. Responding to this idea, the Legislature gives the use of the hall of the House to meetings of sundry gentlemen who propose to form a State historical society, to preserve the records of the deeds of the soldiers of Alabama, and to raise a fund to build a mon ument to those who died in the Confederate sen-ice. Perhaps nobody would have seri ously objected to all this, but after one or two meetings the society appeared to have trnnsfoimel itself into a regular secession dcbatinglub, and any one that listened to the speakers could scarcely believe that they had lived in the land during the last twelve months. r THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES is particularly full of the secession element It requires the most skilful manipulation of Gov. Parsons and the Congressmen elect to keep the House within bounds. The mem bers would not elect the Hon. George S. Houston a Senator until they were over and over again assured that he could not take the " iron-clad oath." Gov. Parsons, it was well known, conld not take it. No man who can take it can be elected to any ofHcc by the Alabama Legislature. ANXIETY FOR POLITICAL RESTORATION. m Yet withal they are exceedingly anxious for full political restoration. You hear it every day in both houses of the General As sembly, that " the heel of the oppressor is on our necks ; that we arc doing these things because there is no other way for us to get rid of military government and military su pervision of the laws we enact ; that we must submit rsubmit, as one speaker said, just as we submit to the highway robber who holds his pistol to our heads." But there is no shad6w of pretence even of sorrow for past treason, no evidence what ever of respect for the Constitution, except so far as its provisions may be used as a shield to protect them from the consequences of their failure in rebellion. I do not look for love from them the passions of men do not so quickly cool ; but if ever there is to be a Union of love instead of a Union of hatred in the land, such politicians as now have the confidence of the Southern people must be laid upon the shell. THE SENATE. is composed of better material than the House. It is less rancorous, and more dis posed to listen to common sense and reason. ltpassed a bill to conter the right to testily in court upon freedmen a few days since. When it came into the House the bill was violently opposed, and amended by a pro viso that " in all cases where negroes were allowed to testily, both parties shall be com petent witnesses, and no interest or relation ship should disqualify either party from tes tifying in open court." The reason given tor tins amendment was, that if any negro brought a suit against a white man, and made up a combination of black witnesses against him, the white man could go upon the stand and " swtar back at him" " swear him out ot court.". The Senate refused to concur in this amend ment, and a committee of conference was appointed, which agreed to report the bill as follows: " Be it enacted. Ac.. That all freedmen, free negroes, and mulattoes shall have the right to sue and be sued, plead and be impleaded, in all the different and various courts-of this State to the same extent that white persons now have by law. That said freedmen, free negroes, and mulattoes shall have all the rem edies- for the recovery ot property and re dress of injuries, on their persons, property, and reputation which white persons may have by law ; and they shall be competent to testify only in open court and only in cases in which freedmen, free negroes, and mulattoes are parties, either plaintiff or de fendant : and in civil and criminal cases for injuries in the persons, or property, or rep- utation ot treedmen, tree negroes, or mulat toes, in which, under this act, a freedman, free negro, or mulatto is a witness against a white person, or a white person against a freedman, free negro, or mulatto, the parties shall be competent witnesses, and neither in terest in the question or suit, nor Tharnage, shall disqualify any witness from testifying in open court The Senate concurred promptly in the re port of the committee, but the House had fot a new idea now, to wit : that the negro ad no remUitUm that could be injured by a white man, and never should get any if they could help it ; and the report was non-con- curred jn by a vote ot 4o to oo. HOW IT WAS DONE. This f emit was far from satisfactory to the gentlemen who were in the lobby waiting to get things dght at home before starting for Washington to get into seats in Congress, and soon their arguments. brought about a motion and a vote to reconsider.' A jiew debate ended in another yote to non-concur 47 to 37 and a new committee of conference was appointed. "; This committee reported back the bill with the words that are above enclosed in. brackets stricken out, and in the new shape it was forced through both houses. It was immediately engrossed and approved by Governor Parsons, and the wires flashed forth to the world, (at Washington,) I have no doubt, that the privilege of testifying in the courts of Alabama was by law accorded to the freedmen. - With a white judge, white lawyers, white juries, and the privilege of his white anta gonist to " swear back at him" much good will it doubtless do him. ; ' " ' ' A CURIOUS BILL. ' Pending all these proceedings, the House passed a very curious bill curious when you compare its contents with its -title. It is called a bill " to protect the freedmen of Ala bama." It provides that " any white person or free person of color, or any corporation who leases or rents, or otherwise lets to free persons of color any tenement or land, or permits them to remain in any tenement or on any land, for any length of time, shall be responsible for the necessary food, clothing, medical attendance, medicine, and for all taxes that may be imposed or laid by law on such free persons of color during the time such free persons of color are permitted to remain in such tenement or tenements, or on such land." . If the party letting, &C., does not furnish all this, he is declared guilty of misdemeanor, subject to an indictment, conviction,- and fine of not less than fifty or more than one hundred dollars in each case. For each conviction under this act the solicitor prosecuting shall receive a fee of twenty-five dollars. The vote on this beautiful bill was yeas 57 ; nays 26. THE BLACK CODE. ' " ' The Mississippi Legislature passed a law prohibiting negroes from renting or acquiring lands. This was promptly disallowed by the United States authorities. Hence, the representatives in Montgomery do not pro hibit the negro from leasing a house or lot, but they make the man who lets him either house or land responsible for his bills to his butcher, his baker, his tailor, his doctor, and to the tax-collector. Of course no black man can hire ' himself a home under such a law. "He will be driven out upon the roads with his family, and be at once a vagrant. Then comes into play the vagrant law. The Senate passed a stringent law upon the subject of vagrancy. It provides that the proper county or town authorities should purchase or rent lands and buildings for a house of correction, and make rules for the government of the inmates. All vagrants might be sent to such house of correction, or to the county jail, for a tern . J! Al 1 I . m J uwi cceeuiug uirce uioiuus. r or a second conviction within six months, the offender shall receive thirty-nine lashes oil his or her bare back or be fined fifty dollars, at the dis cretion of the justice, who also had discretion to hire out such vagrant for not exceeding six months, instead' of committing him to the jail or house of correction. This law made no distinction between white vagrants and black ones. It is a stringent and sum mary law, well calculated to meet the exi gencies of the times. There can be n6 ques tion that severe measures must be resorted to to put down the evil of laziness among the negroes. . . -.. But the House referred it to their commit tee, who reported a substitute for the whole biM, providing that a white vagrant should be imprisoned lor the farst time ten davs. and on a second conviction, twenty days ; wane a DiacK vagrant should be hired out at auction on a first conviction for six months, and if he. does not work faithfully for the person who hires him, he shall be brought before the justice, and, if convicted, shall be adjudged guilty of vagrancy again, receive thirty-nine lashes, and be hired out for twelve months, and so for every subsequent convic tion. This substitute is made the order of the day for Monday next, with a probability of its passing the House. The Senate may con trofthe spirit that would thus legislate the negro back into the hands ot the planter on whatever terms the planter might choose to give him ; but the fact that the House shows such a spirit is a sad commentary upon the loud protestations of a universal desire to deal the freedman even-handed justice and protection. 1 he benate has spent nearly all of to-day hammering out a bill to regulate contracts with freedmen. The principal debate was upon a section that provided that the laborer should have a lien upon the crops raised for ins wages. It was first amended to except contracts made with the owner of the land, for the reason given that the land was re sponsible for the wages, and the lien ought only be afforded to protect the negro against the designing people who would come down here from the North, hire farms, and go off with the crops without paying bam no. .fi nally, however, the section was stricken out This bill is still under consideration. Intelligent negroes assure me that the freedmen do not want any of all this protec tion. They say that these people are not so ignorant of business as is alleged ; that they know how to make their own bargains, and. that they will be more oppressed by the trouble and expense involved in all these proceedings to hedge them round than ben efitted by their operation. They do not agree with the. legislative idea that they need guardians. All they ask is to be per mitted to make their own bargains for labor, just as white laborers do in the North. They say that the attempts ot the Freedinen's Bu reau to regulate the terms ot their contracts have done them more harm than good. ' Washington, Dec. 19, 1865. Union of the Freedhen's and Union Commissions. At the recent joint session of the American Freedman's Aid Commission and the American Union Ci mmission, a re solution was unanimously adopted to unite the two Commissions in one. Bishop Simp son was chosen President FUNERAL OF GOVERNOR CORWIN. The funeral of the late Gov. Corwin took place this afternoon. Among the pall-bear ers were Chief Justice Chase, Lieut. Gen. Grant, Hon. W. H; Seward, Hon. Reverdy Johnson, Hon. Thaddeus Stevens, and other, prominent and distinguished individuals. Mr. Gait, the Canadian Minister, who has been in Washington canvassing the pros pect for a renewal of the Reciprocity Treaty, is reported to have given his colleagues to understand that they "an it look out for some other countries for trade than the Uni ted states." . : ",:. The Clerk of the House of Representatives has received certificates of election of South ern members only from North Carolina, 7 Louisiana, 4; Mississippi, 2; Tennessee, 7 Virginia, 6, and Arkansas, 1. Some of these have been referred to the select committee. '; The President's message and Grant's re port on the condition of affairs in the South is having a verv marked effect in both Houses." - v" V " ' ' ' , ' , - : The Radicals see nothing in it to change . their views. . .'- :- -'-. ;l" ' ' K ' ' -'"' ' - - Lieut. Gen. Scott arrived at New Orleans on the 12th inst! -! ' MISSISSIPPI. LeglsUtire tmi tke grtetata. The Constitutional Amendment. . ;-,The Vicksburg Harold, of December 4th, says: !, '''' It will be remembered that the freedmen's bill recently passed bj the Legislature con tains a clause prohibiting freedmen from rent ing or leasing lands. As soon as information was received in Washington of the passage of the bill, the President ordered it to be disregarded. Gen. Howard issued an order to the Superintendent of the Freedmen's Bureau in this State, and the Secretary of War has ordered measures ,to be taken for the redress of such freedmen as may be ar rested for violating the law. " . j-- The insertion ot such a proviso in the bill by the Legislature was uncalled for and un necessary. The negroes of this State own no lands, and if they rent, lease, or buy, they have to obtain the land from , the white citi zens. The result of this useless piece of leg-, islation is seen in the State being put in an tagonism to the policy of the Government just at the time when we need friends at Washington, and wonld like to. make new ones, instead of alienating the only friends we have heretofore met there. The following is a copy of the despatch furnished us from the office of ' Colonel Thomas: ' ' ' "' ' ' " ' ' WARHIN0TON, Nov. 30, 1865. To Col. Samuel Thnhat: ' While the bureau remains in Mississippi, yon will continue to protect the freedmen in the right to lease lands. The action of the Legislature referred to in your telegram of the 27th is not recognized here. By order of Major General Howard. MAX WOODHULL, A. A. G. Another despatch was also received, cov ering an order from the Secretary of War, directing investigation to be made in all cases where freedmen are arrested for violating the law above referred to, and to report the facts to Washington, in order that prompt redress may be afforded. - THE CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT. . - ' It appears that the Legislature reconsider ed the vote rejecting the Constitutional Amendment, and ratified it in the following form : Besotted, oy the Legislature of the State of juutuisipph, iiiai me proposed amendment of the Constitution of the United States be and the same is hereby ratified. Resolved further. That this ratification is expressly made and adopted upon the condi tions and with the reservations following : 1st. It shall not be construed into an ap proval or endorsement of the political prin ciple or doctrine that the reserved rights of a State can, without the consent of such State, be usurped or abridged by the Federal Gov ernment, through the instrumentality of a constitutional amendment. 2d. It shall not be constaued into expressed or complied consent on the part of the Leg islature, that Congress shall abolish slavery where it lawfully exists in any State that may refuse to ratify aid amendment 3d. The emancipation of slavery in this State being a fixed fact distinctly recog nized by her condition and by recent legis lative enactments designed in good faith to maintain and protect the civil rights of the freedmen appertaining to their new condi tion of freedom. The 2d section of said amendment shall not be construed as a grant of power to Con gress to legislate in regard to the freedmen of this State ; but so far as relates to this State, it shall be construed simply as a grant of power to Congress by appropriate legisla tion to prohibit and jprevent the re-establishment of slavery therein. ' ORDER BT GENERAL OSTERHAUS. We find the following in the Vicksburg Herald of the 5th : " General Osterhaus, commanding the Wes tern District of Mississippi, has designated the city and fortifications of the city as post of Vicksburg, and Colonel H. Leib, 5th Uni ted States colored heavy artillery, is assigned to duty as post commandant, (ieneral Osterhaus has issued a stringent prder against discharging fire-arms inside the fortifications. He says it must be stopped at once, and to that end has ordered all side arms and revolvers found in possession of t oldiers to be seized, and any soldier found discharging his gun outside of the camps to be arrested and confined in the military prison to be tried by court martial. Every soldier appearing in public with arms when off duty is to be tried for disobedience" of or ders.-. " Some little excitement was occasioned on Washington street, on Sunday afternoon, in consequence of the negro guard demanding the pistol of a citizen, (which he had in his belt,) as they said, under orders. The de mand was refused, and the guard sent for reinforcements, who seized the citizen in an unnecessarily rough manner, jerking him about on the pavement, and punching with bayonets, and marched him off to the provost marshal The provost decided that the ar rest was entirely unauthorized ; that no such instructions were issued,' and promised to have the "offenders punished. We learn that General Osterhaus ordered an investigation to he made in the affair, yesterday morning, and we are assured that the guilty parties will not escape." RESOLUTIONS RELATIVE TO THE PRESIDENT. The following are the resolutions in rela tion to the President of the United States, which were adopted by the Legislature be fore adjourning sine die : . ; Be it resolved by the Senate, (the Bouse tf Representatives concurring That the Legis lature of the State of Mississippi expresses its confidence in the administration of Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, so far as his public course has been developed in endeavoring to restore the people of the Southern States to their constitutional rela tions to, and equal rights in, the Union ; to the benefit which may flow from their parti cipation in the .councils of a re-nnion of States. .: : It acknowledges his honesty of purpose, his firmness and determination, which thus far has marked his official career; and it ex tends to him the assurance that his patriotic and noble efforts to heal the wounds of the country, and to restore the Southern States to equality, representation, and prosperity, meets its sanction and approval. . - Resolved, further, That the Legislature of mis estate tnank resident Johnson for the various acts of official clemency and kindness he has shown the people '; and that they look forward with an abiding hope, but an equally anxious solicitude, for that happy day when a general amnesty to one and all shall crown his name with unfading honor, and enable tne people ot a common conn try to bold common rejoicing. Resohed,further, That a copy of these re solutions be transmitted, through his -bxcet . lency, the Governor of Mississippi, to the President of the United States. fraaCMH. ' New York, Dec 20th Valparaiso ad vices state that there is but little change In Chilian war matters. ' The people are becom ing daily more united against Spain. ' - . A gentleman from Texas, says that h is not known what has become of Senator WigfelL It is considered certain that he has 'not crossed the State into Mexico, and if in -the United States his locality is a secret Many believe that he is dead. ' - .' i X WaibiagtM. , : ; OFFICIAL ANNOUNCEMENT THE CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT DULY RATIFIED. . i , , Washington, Dec. 18.The following official announcement has been promulgated from the State Department: To all to whom these present may com Greeting: Know ye, that whereas the Con gress of the United States on the first day of February last, passed a resolution which is in the words following, namely ; " A resolu tion submitting to the legislatures of the several States a proposition to amend the Constitution of the United States. ' ' Resolved, By the Senate and House of Rep resentatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, two-thirds of both Houses concurring, that the following article be proposed to the legislatures of the several States as an amendment to the Constitution ' ' of the United States, which, when ratified by three-fourths of said Legislatures, shall be valid to all intents and purposes as a part of the said Constitution, namely : Article 13, section 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude except as punishment for crime, whereof the party shall have been , duly convicted, shall exist within the Uni- .. ted States or any place subject to their juris- diction. ,' 1 " ..... .. Sec 2. Congress shall have power to en force this article by appropriate legislation. And whereas, it appears from official doc uments on file in this Department, that the amendment to the Constitution of the Uni ted States, proposed as aforesid, has been ratified by the Legislatures of the States of Dlinois, Rhode Island, Michigan, Maryland, New York, West Virginia, Maine, Kansas, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Virginia, Ohio, Missouri, Nevada, Indiana, Louisiana, Min nesota, Wisconsin, Vermont, Tennessee, Ar kansas, Connecticut, New Hampshire, South Carolina, Alabama, North Carolina and Georgia in all twenty-seven States. And, whereas the whole number of States in the United States is thirty-six; and, whereas the before specially named States whose legislatures have ratified the said pro posed amendment, constitute three-fourths of the whole number of States in the United States. Now, therefore be it known, that I, William H. Seward, Secretary of State of the United States, by virtue and in pursuance of the second section of the act of Congress ap proved the 20th of April, 1818, entitled 'an L act to provide for the publication of the laws of the United states, and tor other purposes," do hereby certify that the amendment afore said has become valid to all intents' and pur poses, as a part of the Constitution of the United States. In testimony whereof I have herewith set my hand and caused the seal of the Depart ment of State to be affixed. . . Done at the city of Washington, this , eighteenth day of December, in the year of" our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-five ; and of the Independence of the United States of America, the ninetieth. W. H. SEWARD, Secretary of State. Advices from Havana and Vera Cruz state that additional forces are being forwarded to Mexico ; twenty-five hundred French troops had already arrived at thelattor port Latest ' intelligence from Paris states that six thous and French soldiers had embarked for Mexi- co. It would seem that Napoleon has antici- pated and is preparing to meet the policy of the United States in reference to the Mexican Republic. Letters from New Orleans dated the 12th inst, state that an old and estima ble citizen of New Orleans returned from Matamoras ; was i timate there with French , officers. He says they fully anticipate war between France and the United States, and believe it will commence on the Rio Grande. ' : They already have a plan of the campaign . mapped out, which anticipates the sudden crossing pf United States troops over the Rio Grandetn pontoons, they will then abandon Matamoras and the Rio Grande, and fall back on Monterey, which will be held as a strate gic point These officers claim r to be thoroughly informed as to all the means the United States have at their disposal here and in Texas lor an advance into Mexico. - -- A Vera Cruz letter " says troops from . France continue to arrive, six hundred more disembarking on the 2d instant, who were immediately sent into the field.- ' . ' A. B. Mullett, Esq., Assistant Architect of the Treasury Department, has just return ed from the South, where he has been in specting the government buildings, under an order directed to him, some weeks ago, by the Secretary of the Treasury. ? The old Cus tom-house and Marine Hospital at Charles ton were found to be so badly wrecked that they will be useless. Mr. Mullett reports that the government buildings in the other South ern cities are generally in fair condition, and will require but little repairing. ' Washington, Dec. 19. The decree of Maximilian of September last having been submitted to Attorney Genera Speed, that officer pronounced the opinion that its pro visions make the working men in Mexico slaves! Secrerary Seward enclosed this opin- , ion to the United States Minister at Paris, who, at Mr. Seward's request, called the at tention of the French Government to the subject, but no answer to his communication has been received. V THE TEST OATH. ' The Secretary of the Treasury officially acknowledges that he has appointed officers who have not subscribed to the test oath, he having failed to obtain others who could bo relied on for the performance of the revenue duties required to be performed, as nearly ever; man in the South fit for a revenue offi cer has, at some time, either engaged in hostilities against the Government, or hold ing State or Confederate offices either wil lingly or unwillingly. The Secretary acted upon the assumption that Congress would modify the oath, and not subject the Sooth, to the humiliation, or the revenue service to the odium which would result from the em ployment of Northern men as tax-gatherers. He suggests the necessity of immediate ac tion upon the subject. OPERATIONS OF THE FBEKDMEN'S BUREAU. - General Howard, Superintendent of the Freedmen's Bureau, in an elaborate report. makea many recommendations, tie says that wherever the planters have taken ad van; -e of the aid offered by the Bureau the oest results have followed ; that the Bu reau, in conjunction with the military force, is at present a means of encouraging immi gration to the different Southern States, and that as nearly $12,000,000 will be required for the expenditures of the Bureau for next year, he does not feel that the difficult prob lem given him has been solved, nor does he hope for complete and satisfactory results in the work of the Bureau; yet he firmly be lieves that the same just God that conducted us to freedom, will so continue to direct us that we shall be able to keep the pledge we have made that freedom shall, be a substan tial reality. , - . - . ', .