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wri "w,-. I ii "V. M. .'.y'-j •i trl w» VOL XIV TARIFF AND THE FARMER. Tho Argument of Senator Casey's Recent Speech on the Tariff Bill. The Only Practical Farmer in the Senate, His Speech I' Awakens Interest. An Intelligent Exposition of the Question from a Farmer Standpoint. Senator Casey's Tariff Views. When the tariff bill was under consid eration in the U. S. senate, Senator Casey delivered an address thereon which has attracted wide attention. As the only practical farmer in the senate he was looked upon as the direct representative of the agricultural interests, and as the spokesman of their interest his words carry weight. The speech occupies live pages in the Congressional Record. After an interesting consideration of the farmers position in politics the argument follows. It is here reproduced: Mr. President, I speak the more freely, and perhaps not the less understandingly of that which concerns the farmer be cause I am a farmer and am aware of the disadvantages under which he labors. It is true that my knowledge in these matters is contined to the north, and 1 shall now speak under that limitation. At this time the questions suggesting themselves are these: Do the interests of agriculture demand protection for American industries? Or do they demand free trade? It is urged upon the farmer that his true interest consists in selling his pro ducts to foreign countries, upon the prop osition repeatedly laid down on this floor that foreign nations will buy of us if we buv of them. Nothing has ever been shown from ex perience to prove that proposition. Iu fact all observation of the course and history of trade goes to show that the traders of every nation seek to "buy in the cheapest market ancl to sell in the dearest,"wherever those markets may be. In fact the rule is laid down iis a funda mental principle in economical philoso phy. That to buy our manufactured goods abroad would create a demand for our cereals is a fallacy so fully exposed by experience as not to merit discussion. In any case it does not require it now for reasons that will appear. In order that these reason may become apparent, as well as in order to reach conclusions as to the questions proposed it will be necessary to consider what is the real condition of American agricul ture, and what is the outlook for the fu ture. Now, while many farmers are today distinctly prosperous, generally in locali ties affording markets for products other than staples, or in others where condi tions for a series of years have been en tirely good, yet it is not denied that the one industry of magnitude in this coun try Buffering depression as a whole is agriculture. It has been well shown on this floor, notably by the senator from Iowa [Mr. Wilson], that for the low prices of farm products there are compensations in the greatly diminished prices of articles of necessity and common use, of railroad charges, and the like. The tables he presented are extremely instructive and encouraging. But there .are some things which cost not less, but possibly more, than a dozen years ago things V9ry essential, taken as a whole—not only to the comfort, secur ity, and health of the farmer and his family, but to the advancement, intelli gence, and morality of his children, who must be depended upon to perpetuate his virtues and good influence. Let UB mention the church, the com mon school, the doctor. Certainly if necessity drives him to litigation his law yer will not be expected to charge a smaller fee, (I have heard of no decline in that particular commodity), and the court costs will not turn out to be di minished, Suppose he wants to send his daughter to a boarding or other high school. Is not the desire to be com mended? And how much less would that cost? His taxes—well, they seem to grow with adverse times and there is a multitude of things essential to modern life, aud to a decent degree of refinement which cost no less than twenty-five years ago. So that, in the aggregate, the returns of his farm have fallen off much more than the cost of living on the same scale. How did this depreciation in farm pro ducts come about? Previous to the earlier years of the eighties the price of farm products had been ranging about a point affording good profit. Labor saving machinery in its perfection had come into use, and with the aid of that prices which would have been barely remunerative became distinctly profitable. Naturally, it was not very long before it beoame widely known that fine opportunities to make money were to be found in the opening up of farms. Then came the rush to the great plains with an impulse never seen before. The younger men of the east forsook the old homesteads. Not a few of their seniors Bold out and transferred their energy to the prairies. Not farmers alone made haste to secure western homes. Word had gone out that wheat worth a dollar a bushel at the local ele tor, waa better than a gold mine, and many a small merchant, many a mechanic eveu professional men in numbers, hur ried to secure as much land as they could file upon, while men of means bought large tracts' of railroad land and opened bonanza farms. The area under cultiva tion increased enormously. The area of corn in 1871 was, in round numbers, 41,000,000 acres in 1884, nearly I R. 70,000,000. 1 1871 the acreage of wheat was twenty-Fix and a third millions in 1884, forty riul luilf millions. An in crease ol abo it Co ivr cent in corn, and a little -re tlvin 5J pdr cent in wheat. During tlmt time population increased less than 30 per cent. Meantime India came into the field.. For years England had been spending millions of pounds sterling to build irrigating works to re deem the scorched fields of that empire, and railways to transport the grain from them. The outcome began to be felt abont the time of the largest production of American farms, and together they quickly caused the granaries of the world to groan with surplus cereals. It is true that most of the wheat pro duced in India was poor. The miller did not like it, and the eater regarded it with distrust. But it could be delivered in Liverpool for dollar a bushel, some times for less, and it served—served as a club to hold over the heads of American producers, forcing them to accept the same price. Everything was adverse to the prices of farm products, and nothing in the world could have saved them for the tinfe. Following 1883 the farmer has been wearily waiting for the good timo coining when bis farm would not merely afford him a living, but some fair profit, so that he might feel he was having part in the general prosperity. But the enormous inorease of area planted to cereals from 1874 to 1884, an increase out of all pro portion to tho increase of populatiou, with the inevitable though diminished addition to that area since, has up to this time yielded an annual surplus to be sold at Liverpool prices. Now it is certain that so long as our farmers must export 20 per cent of thei. wheat, just so long must they consent to sell at the lowest value England can de vise. At present India makes the stand ard prices for wheat England Ameri can wheat must sell in Liverpool not higher than the wheat from that country uaid for in silver. If it be true, as we were assured in the debate on the silver bill, that the price paid the ryot or his master Dever And now, Mr. President, there looms up another menace to the prices of wheat and corn, as well as to beef and wool. We seem to be just learning about the resources and fertility of certain South American countries, threatening to be more formidable' competitors than India. 1 read from Harper's Monthly of Novem ber, 1887, part of an article by Mr. Wil liam Elroy Curtis. Here then, Mr. President, is an immense aroa of agricultural country, purely agricultural fertile to the highest degree, if wo may accept the impression formed by iif. Curtis (an they are confirmed bj others) easily cultivated, teeming, with a con stantly increasing abundance of cheap Italian and Spanish laborers, an area di vided in half by the great river de la Plata (a river navigable by large ocean steamers to the very center of the farm ing region), aud able to lay its wheat down at tide-water at GO cents a bushel an area not heretofore largely under cul tivation, but destined, under the system of assisted immigration and of lands fur nished without cost inaugurated by the Argentine Republic, to a development probably more rapid than the world has ever seen. Already this region is demanding part of the British market. Soon it will want it all. Before long it will supply France with its 60,000,000 bushels of maize. In less than ten years, if its development continues, the Argentine Republic may be expected to be without a competitor in the markets of the world in wheat and corn and wool. We see, then, if statements generally accepted as authoritative are to betaken, that the American farmer is likely soon to see the foreign markets escape from him, simply because another source promises to furnish his products more cheaply than he will be able by any pos sibility to do. Let us consider now what our home market is and what it promises to be come. We have now to provide food products for sixty-four millions of people. We may, and ought to provide for these sixty four millions also wool for their clothing and their carpets, as we supply practic ally all their cotton. Probably 15 per cent of this population consume their commodities in a ratio corresponding to a similar percentage in other flourishing countries. Another 15 per cent live somewhat better than the corresponding 15 per cent in England. It is safe to say that the next 10 per cent area good deal better fed and clothed, and that the re maining GO per cent are consumers of a much greater, probably of double, the quantity of higfi class food and of wool products consumed by any correspond ing 60 per cent in any other country. Why is this so? Because the great consuming class of staple farm products iu the United States is mt^e up of well paid laborers. I do not say that all labor is sufficiently paid. Doubtless there are exceptional industries where starvation wages are doled out. Happily they are the excep tions and the extreme ignorance, often degraded origin, of laborers in such in dustries, explain the anomaly. Most deeply are these exceptions to be de plored. But, under protection, the American mechanio -has found behind the great manufacturing establishments a refuge and a bulwark, whence he not only can defend himself againBt a reduction of wages, but can carry on a warfare for increased wages if he find himself, all things considered, underpaid. And not only has labor been the direct beneficiary of tariff protection, but for its special advantage laws have been passed forbidding importation of laborers under promise of employment. This has been done to save the American workman from competition. A prohibitory tariff for his benefit! And BO it has come about in nearly 1 varies as to the amount of wheat given for a silver'rupee, whatever may be tho value of the silver bullion, then we may hope that that standard has just now permanently advanced. We shall have to wait and see. every department of labor that wages are from G5 to 100 per cent higher than these paid in Great Britain, as Great is the effort made by free-traders to cause discontent, among the farmers, because, as is claimed, the nianufaotur ers grow rich. The effort i^,an insult to the farmer. Its force, if it had any, would lie in its direct appeal to envy. It will not work. Farmers know, as do others, that e«ch man is struggling to better his condition, and that very few, indeed, would let riches go if within hon est reach. But that great fortunes in this country have corns with very few exceptions from other sources than manu facturing has been shown so frequently that I need not dwell on that fact now. Of the prosperity of the American op erative everybody is aware. 1 mean, of course, relatively to those of other coun tries. In almost every large manufactory the excess of wages over wages abroad amounts to many times .die proprietor's profit, which iu its turn will not exceed, even if it equal, the average profit of his competitor in England. It is tho condition of well-paid labor which is the distinctive feature of the fanner's homo market, resulting, as it does, in a scale of living worth at least double the foreign scale. Unhappily, Mr. President, the farmer, as we have said, raises a surplus, and for it must he seek a market abroad. Un happily, I say, because, sending it- to England, the great importing country of bread-stuff, he must accept the price of India wheat in Liverpool, and from this price must pay all expenses of freight, dockage, aud handling charges, besides the profits exacted by several middlemen. And although 75 per cent, of his wheat may be consumed at home, he must take a price an if all were to go abroad, the cheapest market always fixing the prices of staple products, unless there be arti ficial prevention. But we have seen from data presented that in any ca6e the farmer cannot ex pect to have the European market per manently. He will not lose it quite yet. His wheat and corn will for some time to come be necessary to Great Britian and other countries. In fact certain grades of our wheat are almost of necessity now called for by the millers of the world. I refer to the hard varieties grown so large ly in my own state. But there seems to be no sure and permanent market for American farm products except at home. Yet, Mr. President, I am not drawing a picture of discouragement. There is good reason to expect that by the time our farm products are not wanted abroad they will be wanted at home. A few days ago the senator from Dela ware [Mr. HigginsJ quoted at consider able length from the conclusions, care fully arrived at, of Mr. C. Wood Davis, and contribute*! by him to the Forum and the Country Gentleman. Mr. Davis had ascertained these facts, namely: That between the years 1871 and 1888 an average of 3.15 acres to each unit of population were employed in this country to produce the cereals, potatoes, hay, tobacco, and cotton consumed at home, and the tobacco, cotton, and ani mal products exported, but that "during the fourteen years prior to 1885 the in crease in cultivated area was so great that after assigning the required 3.15 acres to each unit of population, there remained a surplus of 20,248,000 acres, which were employed in growing pro ducts to glut home and foreign markets." But Mr. Davis had found further that from 1884 the area cultivated increased less rapidly than the population, so that the per capita acreage nnder general cul tivation was reduced in four years from 5.06 acres to 4.89 acres, and he discovered no tendency to a large increase of new farms, but the opposite. Taking the in crease of population on which he reckons and estimating the enlarged acreage from the rate at which development has of late years been going on, Mr. Davis estimates that in 1894 there will occur an acreage deficit as to our home require ments. That would mean not only no surplus, but remunerative prices. I ask leave of the senate to insert or append certain tables and explanatory matter, designed to demonstrate the theory of Mr. Davis. I can not entirely agree with Mr. Davis in his anticipations. I believe his esti mate of population in 1894,72,000,000,'too high. It was founded upon expectation at the time be wrote of a population of 65,000,000 by the present census. It is my opinion, too, that if fair prices prevail for a year or two, as now seems probable, the increase of acreage will be more rapid than he anticipates. But even if our acreage be such in 1894 that we must [Continued on 7th ragc.l JAMESTOWN WEEKLY ALERT. haB been frequently shown in this Chamber and elsewhere. The farmer may well reflect that if he has been paying higher prices for his machinery, his clothing, and his house hold goods than he would have paid for these things if imported (as he rarely does pay, quality considered), he has been paying it in the form of higher wages to tho operative, and he should remember that the operative is his best customer. If he will investigate he will soon see that even it the manufacturer in the United States has grown rich so has the manufacturei in England and other for eign lands. He is as surely paying a profit to the manufacturer when he buys a pocket-knife of foreign manufacture as when he buys one in Connecticut more surely,for the Connecticut manufacturers of cutlery have some of them been fail ing, but no one has been telling us of failures iu Sheffield or Germany in that line. When he buys the Erglish or German knife, however, he has the satis faction, if it be a satisfaction, of knowing that he is paying very low wages to a workman abroad instead of very high wages to a workman of his own country, He is thus diminishing a demand for his own products, for the American opera tive he feeds entirely and partly clothes him. The foreign workman he may feed in a ratio of a tea-spoonful of dough to his entire loaf, ahd he clothes him not at all! And if he fed the foreigner alto gether he would find he consumed much iess of such food as the American work man consumes. JAMESTOWN, NORTH DAKOTA. THURSDAY SEPTEMBER 18 1890 NO 7 THE FARMERS, BY A FARMER. Senator Casey Comments on "tlie New-Horn Deference for tlie Fanner." His Tariff' Speech Prefaced by Some Hciimrks of General Application. The Farmers Are Too Much "The People to Demand Class Power." The Farmer in Politics. Senator Casey prefaced his argument on the tariff bill with the following in troductory remarks. It is an eloquent tribute t» the agricultural class and a masterly exposition of their position in politics: It is not difficult, perhaps, to under stand why piofound consideration should just now be extended to the farmer. One would be blind indeed not to have discovered that at present he is a condi tion and growing less and less a theory, and it can hardly bo doubted that this new born deference for the farmer is due to the circumstance that he is "in evi dence" io day as never before. The farmers, Mr. President, as a rule care little for politics, except some great issue be involved. Not many of them are seekers after places. They are usually content to let others take the honors if they will but discharge the duties of leg islation and execution of the laws. They have been satisfied to vote and let the lawyers conduct the affairs of govern ment. It is true they have sometimes lost patience *ind asserted themselves, and have undertaken to right their wrongs, and that with a decision that has created dismay among those who have come to think that government was not by any mean a function tit for their rude manipulation. But this has occurred when Govern ment has fallen into channels so adverse to or neglectful of their interests that it has seemed to them unendurable. Have they at such times made mistakes? Not unlikely but they have also accom plished decided reforms. Their mistakes they have readily acknowledged -too readily it may be and think they have sometimei-. resigned their powers when they should have kept on until experi ence had taught them to avoid their errors. They should have remembered that practice makes perfect. It has repeatedly been brought out in this Chamber that the interests of -10 per cent of the people of the natiou are di rectly associated with the farm. And of these the percentage of proprietors is not equaled in any other important industry. Is there any reason why this almost preponderant element of» our populatiou should not participate in state and na tional affairs otherwise than by votes? Is it not eminently fit that they have repre sentation in legislative and administra tive councils? Mr. President, if all the classified in terests and industries of the land were represented even in the halls of congress I believe all would be the gainers there by. Certainly it would be true in a more complete sense that this was a govern ment by the people. It goes without saying that ability, natural or developed, is not equal among all who till the soil. Not all are fit for such responsibilities nor are all mer chants, nor all la-.\ yers, nor all of other callings. But that there are men equal to any emergency, or to the requirements of almost any office in the gift of the peo ple, who are farmers and have been all their days, I do not nesitate to assert. To the sound sense of the people is ap peal constantly made in evorv legislative body in this nation. The wisest poli ticians acknowledge that the bias of party, or the natural obstinacy born of hard conflict, will often bewilder their judgment and lead them astray. But statesmen confidently expect that the people—Mr. Lincoln's plain people—will in the long run set things right. And of the people of our country no other equals this class, I believe, in disinterestedness or conscience. In the long run it is the farmers, more than all the the other classes together who right the wrongs of our political life. Still, great dread is felt by men who ought to know better at the thought of seeing the grangers come into a share of political power. Such radical views do they put forward! Such impracticable schemes are they urging! Sr.c'i wild notions do they eutertaiu of tinancial and economical policy! they say. And true enough it is that out of their ranks have come radically strange doctrines. But is it sure these startling propositions are the final conclusions of the farmers? And do they not put for ward tentatively propositions which, if they were iu power, they might not in sist upon? I think an examination of the methods in which, for instance, the sub treasury scheme has been urged on the attention of congress will show behind it a spirit of reassuring conservatism. They who have presented it say. and have said repeatedly, "We look to you lawmakers to find the way of relief for us if not by this method, then by some better." A challenge, and a fair one, to states men an invitation for tbem to distribute abroad their wisdom for the instrnation of others. Mr. President, what people or what class of people, deprived of the exercise of responsibility, was ever conservative? Conservatism comes with responsibility. Revolutions have rarely failed to be characterized in their earlier phases by nuwise methods, and the more radical the change brought about the deeper the depression, and the more severe re pression escaped from, the more radical and the more violent have been the measures brought into action in the first instance* But among civilized people the sobering effects of power at such times have soon suppressed the ebulli tions of inexperience newly clothed with authority. Mr. President, I believe that if from same unsupposable cause tho entire government of the United States were to devolve upon the farmers of our country tomorrow the sound sense so often ac credited to them would quickly over come the faults of inexperience. The men of strength aud judgment among them would come to the front, and I dare say, very soon they would manage the affairs of the nation quite as justly and not a whit less intelligently than now is done. Where will a better record of good government be found than in the state of Connecticut (tc refer to no other)*'hose legislature is always made up largely of farmers? This class and part of the American people, almost the fountaiu source of tile sobriety and morality, steadiness, and strength of the national social fabric, frugal, industrious, self-reliant, is not to be feared but trusted. From that class come, in large measure, the brains and the vigor in each department of business and in the professions. Your cities are full of faimere'sons. Make a tally of the successful men of today, and 6ee if the jfrenterpart of them did not begin life on the farm. Of one thing I am sure, and that is, that they are too much "the people" to demand or desire class power or cl.iss legislation. Once assured of fair con sideration for themselves, to all other classes fair consideration they will cor dially extend. BEXTON TO MtiET JOHXSOX. Fourteen Joint Debates Between Congressional Candidates Arrang ed For. Hon. M. N. Johnson and Hon. Jno. D. Benton, t^e congressional nominees of the republican and democratic parties respectively, haye arranged for a series of joint debates and will meet for the first time at Wabpeton to-night. One of the meetings will occur at Jamestown. The following corres pondence is self-explanatory: COL. BEXTOX's LKTTEK. FARGO, N. D., Sept. 1 ii, 1890. Hon. M. N. Johnson. Lnkota, N. D.— DEAK Sir.: I believe that tho issues in volved in the present campaign are of vital importance to the people of North Dakota, and the issue that is of the great est interest to every citizen, especially to every agriculturalist is the tariff. In The Republican of August l'Jfh, you are reported as having said: "I stand squarely on tho platform." This platform reaffirms the tariff decla ration of the republican national con vention of 1883. It also endorses the action of the republican members of both Houses of Congress in the revision of the tariff, which means an endorsement of the Mclviuley bill, since tho only definite action in regard to the tariff up to the date of your convention was the passage of that bill by the Hou§e of Representa tives. I take issue with these views, and claim that the tariff is mainly chargeable with the exorbitantly high price of nearly everything North Dakota has to buy, while it does not increase the price ef our chief product at all. In the Grand Forks Plaindealer you are reported as having said: "He (Benton) has only to intimate that he wants to meet me in joint discussion and I shall be ready to accommodate him in any way he likes, and he may name all the conditions, too." If you are still of that opinion I will ask our committee to appoint meetings at Grand Forks, Fargo, Casselton, Valley City, Jamestown, Bismarck, Mandan, Dickinson, Lisbon, Wahpeton, Ellen dale, Hillsboro, Grafton, and Larimore or I will meet you at Grand Forks at an early date you may fix, and arrange for such meetings at times that may be agreeable and at those meetings will dis cuss with you liThe Tariff Question and how to Remedy it"—you to have one hour and allow me to follow with the same time or I open with twenty min utes, you to then have an hour, and I close with forty minutes. I understand you are invited by the Agricultural society to be at Wahpeton on the 17th of this month. I shall also be there. If you accept my proposition, I will meet you on the evening of that day and have the disoussion for Wahpe ton at that time. Please reply at vour earliest con venience. I am sir. Very Respectfully Yours. JOHN* D. BENTON. HON. M. X. JOHXSOX S REPLY. FARGO, N. I).. Sept. 16,ISflO. Hon. John D. Benton, Fargo, N. D.— DEAK SIB: Your favor of the 12th inst. challenging me to a joint discussion of the issues involved in the present cam paign is just received. In reply permit me to say that I accept with pleasure, and fully agree with you as to the pro priety of that method of meeting the public issues which now divide the parties. I shall be at Wahpeton tomor row evening as suggested in your letter, and will speak first or otherwise at your option. The meetings at the other thir teen cities named by you can be ar raigned, as you suggest, by our respec tive committees, or you may name the dates and conditions as you prefer. Very Respectfully Yours, M. N. JOHNSON. North Dakota W. C. T. 13. Convention. The first annual convention of the North Dakota Woman's Christian Tem perance union will be held in this city, September 26, 27 and 29, and promises to be a most interesting occasion. The society is officered as follows: President—Miss Adelaide M. Kinnear, Fargo. Corresponding Secretary—Mrs. Ida G. Fox, Valley City. 4 i-ecording Secretary—Mrs. Margaret D. Bill, Jamestown. Treasurer—Mrs. Lizzie J. Boyle, Ellen dale. SUPERINTENDENT OF DEPARTMENTS. Evangelistic—Miss Lizzie Preston, El liot. Union Signal work—Miss Clara A. Stevens. Mitchell. Juvenile work—Mrs. A. M. Wilcox, Wahpeton. Sunday school work—Mrs. J. A. Bonk er, Ellecdale. Scientific instruction—Mrs. M. M. Davis, Casselton. Temperance literature—Mrs. J. M. Cochrane. Grand Forks. Young women's work—Mrs. G. S. Bask erville, Casselton. Heredity and hygenic—Dr. Anna Franklin, Wahpeton. Jail and prison—Mrs. W. H. Bache, Fargo. State and county fairs—Mrs. Clara Parsons, Grand Forks. Unfermented wine -Mrs. George Rvan, Pembina. Work among foreigners—Mary A. Ben nett. Jamestown. Flower mission—Mrs. E. H. Wilson, Bismarck. Franchise—Mrs. M. B. Goodrich, Cas selton. Saboath observance—Mrs. H. L. Campbell. Fargo. Railroad work—Mrs. R. M. Tuttle, Mandan. Tobacco habit—Mrs. Wm, Johuson, Oriska. Social purity—Mrs. George Kline, Bis marck. Press work—Mrs. Linda W. Slaughter, Slaughter. Parlor meetings—Mrs. Mary M. Seeley, Wahpeton. Legislature—Mrs. VanWormer, San born. Influencing physicians not to prescribe alcohol—Dr. Anna Hill, Fargo. Work among soldiers—Mrs. E. S. Mil ler. Jamestown. Relation of temperance to labor—Mrs. Linda W. Slaughter, Slaughter. All of the above superintendents are expected to attend and report to the con vention the results of the year's work in their respective departments. Mrs. H. M. Barker, president of the South Dakota W. C. T. U„ and other dis tinguished speakers from abroad, will be present and address the convention. New officers will bo elected and plans la'd for the next vear's work. Supreme Court Cases. One of the cases appealed from this county to the supreme court and to be heard at Grand Forks next month is en titled, Clark, against Wallace and others. Judge Rose held that tho partners who composed the North Dakota bank were liable to Clarke upon a guaranty of a note signed by A. A. Allen, one of the partners, in the firm name. Messrs. Nickeus & Baldwin, attorneys for three of tue partners of the bank, appeal. Mr. Camp is Clarke's attorney. All the papers to be used on the appeal were printed at The Alert job office. Another case to be heard at the same term, from this county, is Saries and Durstine against McGee and others. Mr. Camp is attorney for appellant, Mary A. Ash more, while Mr. Watson represents Saries and Durstine. The Alert has al ready printed the abstract and one brief. A third case is the Barnes county bond case, which was tried here last winter. Camp. Andrus and Scott are for appel lants, two Valley City lawyers, and a St. Paul firm for the other side. In the case of Ell against the Northern Pacific, Mr. Watson appeals from a judgment obtained for personal injury sustained by Ell, and in the case of John son against the Northern Pacific Mr. Watson also appeals from a judgment obtained for damages to Johnson's property by a lire, supposed to ha%Te started from an engine on the J. it N. Frost and Snow. Minneapolis Market Record: The frost last week in Minnesota and the Da kotas that was supposed to have done a great amount of damage, to many lat crops of corn, potatoes, etc., did very much less harm than had been expected. The corn was well out of the way of frost injury, and potatoes were generally so. Some garden truck was killed and sorg hum patches hurt, but important field crops were too near general maturity to receive especial harm. Late corn fodder and some fields of millet suffered. A stiff breeze in many sections kept off frost. The snow storm did some damage, as it melted on the wheat shock, but was less serious than the effect of it upon prices of grain would seem to indicate. It was no worse than rain perhaps. Still considerable No. 1 wheat was made no grade, and there was a general letting down of quality ail around, with more or less sprouting and other evils of a more or less serious character on account of it. Ex-Gov. Ordway's Failing Health. Sioux Falls Press. Word from Wash ington is to the effect that ex-Governor N. G. Ordway is a physical wreck. Since his return to the national capital from his efforts to become a United States senator for North Dakota he has not seen a well day, and during the greater part of the time he has been confined to his bed, although he is now able to drive out occasionally. His strong physique has shrunken and dwindled, and a part of his dv is palsied. Whatever may have been the enmities which he in spired durintr the occupancy of the gubernatorial chair of the territory of Dakota, there is no one in this common wealth who will not regret to hear that such a splendid physical specimen as he should now be almost helpless. infiiiiiifj V. il 1 I ,1 1 ,4 'I •n 4 1!'