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THE RAILROAD STRIKES.
How Gen. Harrison Stood Towards the Strikers. THE RECORD ALL COMPLETE. What the Republican Candidate Had to Say About the Poor Battling for Their Kitfhts. Indianapolis, August 29. —Before the Railroad Men's Club here this evening, Mate Senator Leon O. Bailey delivered an exhaustive speech upon Gen. Harri son's record in labor matters, especially the strike of 1877 and its attendant inci dents. A large audience listened atten tively to the Senator's remarks, which evidently made a deep impression. Fol lowing is the speech: What 1 shall have to say to-night will he with reference to the Republican nominee for the Presidency, Hon. Benjamin Harrison. I shall avoid all embellishments or exaggeration, laying before you the simple evidence as he haß made it and upon which he must stand before the people in this campaign. And in my investigation of the subject in hand I wish to acknowledge the very material aid of one whose great heart and intellect were with the boys in those dark days wholly and valiantly. At the head of a great daily newspaper. Col. J. B. Mayward stood fearlessly in behalf of those struggling employees. He was a maker of records then. He opens them now. WHAT NOMINATED HARRISON. Let us view the influences at Chicago which secured General Harrison's nomi nation. It was a body representing a vast aggregation of capital. It is said something over $1,000,000,000. It would be interesting to know tbe amount with certainty, but surely the banks, rail roads, trusts, land grabbers and bond holders were in the ascendancy. Nomi nally they spoke for a party of several millions, but in fact only one element was considered. One railroad alone ow ing a debt of over $2,000,000 to the United States was numerously represented by its agents and solicitors. Chauncey M. Depew, President of the Vanderbilt property ot near $300,0110,000, aspired for leadership. He held the Em pire delegation under perfect con trol, fear oS a revolt in the agricultural West alone checking his personal ambition, but he could dictate '.he candidate, and did. He sought a leader as far from the people and as close to the corporations as possible,one whose life, record and sympathies were in close accord with his own. A conference of money magnates at the Grand Pacific Hotel, in Chicago, canvassed the field and agreed upon their man. His name was Benjamin Harrison. In the work of choosing this distinguished railroad lawyer of Indiana, which was soon a<ter confirmed pro forma by the Convention, he called to his aid such men as Dodd of Council Bluffs, who was Mr. Gould's Wabash receiver until decapitated by Judge Walter Q. Gresham ; Creed Hay moud of California, solicitor of tbe Southern Pacific, and Fred Crocker, Vice-President of the same road; H. K. Walcott of Colorado, solic itor for the Denver and Bio Grande; J.N. Thurston, a Washington lobbyist and solicitor of the Union Paci fic; Senator Spooner of Wisconsin, solici tor of the Chicago and Northwestern; Steve Elkins of "Maverick" fame and cattle partner of Mr. Harrison; the gen eral manager of the Missouri Pacific; .Olarks >n, a vice-president of Gould's lines in lowa;K. B. Landon, of Wyo ming, a brother-in-law of Depew ; Sena tor Stewart of Nevada, solicitor of the Central Pacific; W. J. Sewall and John I. Blair, the railroad millionaire of New Jersey; James F. Wilson, solicitor of the latter's Western railroad pro perty, and T. L. Minor, a rail road* lawyer of Washington Ter ritory, who gained much notoriety on the Pacific slope by defending the Chinese iv their recent riot at Seattle. These ate among the few who directed the choice of the Chicago convention. Mr. Harrison is the man thus named, otanding upon a platform of high taxes and free whiskey, to which the Ameri can laborer is asked to look for his per sonal protection and prosperity. Is the picture inviting? Doesithavo the clear," honest ring of fair dealing aud an mi biased treatment of popular rights? Will the laboring men of this country place their hopes in the control of these Chicago jugglers? Or cau they have a less distrust in a product of their creation? The question of labor and of laboring men is in this campaign. President Cleveland, in his message, says: ''All will acknowledge the force of an argumfc.ut which involves the welfare and liberal compensation of our laboring people." Mr. Cleveland states a funda mental fact in political economy. There is no development, there is no progress, without labor. Strike down labor and, as if by a decree of Jehovah.you stop the wheels of progress. Strike down labor aud you remand the world to a wilder ness and to savagery. Strike down labor and another keel would never cleave the waves, another railroad train would I never thunder across tho continent, and the man who would cripple labor, who would impoverish it, who would degrade it, who would place obstacles in its path way, who would reduce its compensation and embitter its life, like vice, In a monßtOT of so frightful mcln As to bo hated needs only to be seen. Labor is now coming to tho front. It is demanding audience and reeoguition. It proposes to challenge candidates, to propound to them certain questions and to have answers without prevarications. geojamin Harrison entertains the came opinions o£ workingmen in 1888 as lie did in J- 877 - He uas not changed. There is no rw-ord of a change. It is no where asserted that General Harrison was ever the friend of the workingman ; that he ever engaged himself in bettering their wages or conditions; that in the Senate of the United States he ever cast a vote introduced a measure or advo cated one that was intended in any de cree to ameliorate the burdens or em barrassments of anything or auybody which did not attach to its signatures the imprint of a corporate seal. THE GREAT STRUCK. From 1873 to 1877 tbe railroad mag nates had been engaged in cutting down tbe wages of their employees. To show the extent of this cruel, crushing reduc tion, tbe facts supported by the figures ,;vere submitted by the railroad em payees to a sub-committee of citizens of Indianapolis whose mission and duty it was to secure justice to the impoverished employees, and of this sub-committee .General jflarrison was a member. I esteem it of importance that some of the figures be given: On the Bee Line, cal culating three hundred working days for a year, the schedule submitted shows that between 1873 and 1877 the reduc *.iou ranged from (51 to $225. Men who in 1873 had been receiving THE LOS ANGELES DAILY HERALD: SUNDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 7. 1888 H. 75 a day in 1877 were receiving $1 a lay, a reduction of $225 in a year of 300 working days. On the I, and St. L. tlie reduction of wages, for employee! named, between 1873 and 1877, ranged from $135 to $021 ior a year of 300 working days. On the 1., C. and St. L. the reduction ranged from $45 to $270 for a year of 300 leys. On the 1., B. and W. the reduc tion ranged from $84 to $150 for a year of JOO days. On the L., P. and C. the reduction ranged from $90 to $279 for a year of 300 lays. Who were the men whoso wages had been reduced? Tho estimate is that there are now in o]>eration in the United States 150,000 miles of railroads. These iron tracks are sufficient to girdle the jlobe six times, with enough left to lay i double track across this continent. Upon tbis vast extent of railroad mileage 90 per cent, of the pro lucts of forest, Bold and farm, of ihe mines and of the shop are trans ported to seaport, to inland marts, to be iistributed to the people. Over these iron tracks annually pass men, women md children in number equal to five times tho entire population of the coun try. I ask again who are the men charged with the responsibility of trans porting these 300,000,000 of" lives and this grand sum total of merchandise iafely to their destination ? They are railroad employees. Men designated as workingmen—engineers, firemen, brake men, conductors, switchmen and tele graph operators. Men who are burdened with responsibilities such as attach to no ather calling, and who are required to Face perils more appalling than confront the professional soldier. The cap italist who owns a factory or a mine may, if he choose to do so, over see and supervise his property and his employees, but the owner af a railroad must intrust his property absolutely to his employees, and all trains that go thundering over the lines, with all their wealth of life and property, are in custody of employees upon whose Jourage and fidelity success and safety mainly depend. The Goulds and the Vanderbilts standing upon the platform may admire tha trains as the creations of their wealth, but tbe moment a wheel turns and the train takes its departure they are no more under their control than are the planets tbat go whirling on their circuits around tbe sun. Then the train men take charge and the railroad magnate is as dependent npon their skill and fidelity for tbe success of bis investment as he is upon the vital air for breath. The strike furnished Gen. Harrison an opportunity to demonstrate whether or not he believed, with Mr. Cleveland, that "labor lies at the foundation of the country's development and progress, and that labor, without affectation or hypo crisy, is entitled to the utmost regard." He had an opportunity to expand to the full proportions of a friend and champion of labor. Did he do it? Let the answer come from as despicable record as was ever made. Let it come from insulting harangues. Let it come from the pleadings of a paid attorney of railroads. Let it come from a tramp, tramp, tramp of soldiers led by Gen. Harrison, raised, organized and equipped to shoot down railroad men at the word of command. The strike reached Indianapolis on the 23rd day of July, 1887. 1 have shown you by official figures, published at the " time in all the daily papers in Indianapolis, the wages of em ployes had been cut down in amounts ranging from $45 to $651 for a year of 300 working days. HARBISON A RAILROAD SOLICITOR. The Ohio and Mississippi Railroad Company, with others, were involved in the strike, and, being in the hands of a receiver, was under the control of the United States Court at Indianapolis. Mr. Harrison entered the employment of John W. King, Jr., the receiver of said road, in February, 1877, and con tinued in that capacity until the road went out of court. He was the attorney during the whole period of the strike and for a long time thereafter. In the final "rake off of the attorneys, in addition to sums from time to time theretofore allowed, Gen. Harrison received for his services the handsome fee ot .$21,000. [See pace 28!), Chancery order book 11, United States Circuit Court.] This may account in some degree, for the "unbiassed" mental condition in which the "strike" found this great rail road attorney when it reached Indian apolis. It must be remembered, too, that July, 1877, was about twelve months after Harrison had suffered a crushing defeat in a race for Governor of Indiana at the hands of "Blue-Jeans" Williams, and that fie was completely out of poli tics! Indeed, in an interview published in the Indianapolis News of that year, he so stated. Soured with his political downfall, he had resumed the practice of the law "exclusively." He was not courting public favor but fat fees. To say and do what would please railroad magnates was of more important to him than to pursue a just and popular course with the people. THE TWO POLITICS, There were two propositions confront ing the citizens of Indianapolis, one tbat of arbitration, conciliation, peaceable ad justment of conflicting differences; the other that of intolerant I'inkertonism, troops, coercion, the shot-gun policy. Both had their advocates, tbe latter plan had done its terrible work of death and desolation at Pittsburg, Baltimore, Chicago and Reading. On the 27th of July the figures were as follows: Killed. Wounded. Reading 7 21 Baltimore !» 41 Chicago 14 23 Pittsburg 40 t!3 Total 179 148 It is not necessary to dwell upon the merits of the opposing claims. It ap pears that before the very eyes of these despairing husbands and fathers, these barons of transportation were declaring large profits. During tho very hours of tbis conflict the Baltimore and Ohio road declared a 10 per cent dividend and the Pennsylvania line an 8 per cent. But these pictures of bloodshed, of the starv ing wife, the half-clad children bending over the lifeless form of husband and father, were held up in vivid and fright ful reality before the people of the Hoosier capital, and yet there were some who favored the promptest preparations for a repetition of the scenes in other cities, and General Benjamin Harrison was among the earliest advocates of the movement. With his commanding influence he drew many with him and was supported, then as now, by the Indianapolis Journal and the Evening News. The feeling aroused by such a leader and two power ful dailies is shown by incidents and ut terances recorded at the time. There was no need of a fight. The prayerful protests of the em ployees was again being "further driven to the wall." They believed in the pure justice of their demands; that the last cut should be restored; that tbey should not be pressed below the surface of the great sea. Not luxury—not even comfort —merely subsisting wages was their request and in this appeal so strong was the element of justice with them, that they believed that all could be ac complished through the medium of arbi tration. They were first to defend and protect life and prosperity. Three hun dred of their own trusted companions were sworn in for thievery purpose, and, as the outcome of the "trouble demon strated, they were sincere. On July 24th the men held a meeting and agreed by unanimous reselution to abso lutely abstain from the use of intoxicat ing drink during the trouble. On the same day Mayor Cavin swore in over 300 railroadmen as special policemen, and at a citizens' meeting held at the Court House used this language: "The rail road men themselves bave no desire to rob or destroy property, and some hun dreds have been sworn in to protect the property of the railroad companies." With a just cause, they pursued it sober ly, sensibly. On July 27th the City Council indorsed the course of Mayor Cavin, and declared that there had been jno riot. The statements of numerous men engaged in the difficulty also bear out the law-abiding disposition of the strikers. WHAT THE STRIKERS WANTED. In response to a proclamation issued by Governor Williams, they promptly addressed to him the following commu nication : To the Governor of Indiana, Hon. Jas. I). Williams, anil the Oflicers and Citi zens of Indianapolis: Gentlemen—Your proclamation issued this day has been read by the employees of the railroads centering in this city.and we wish to make known that our purpose is to preserve the peace and use such caution as is necessary to follow the dic tates and commands of your proclama tion. We desire peace and prosperity, and ask in the name of our State and our citizens that the proposition for adjust ment of our wages presented to the com mittee of citizens be immediately acted upon by the officers of the railways and Citizen's Committee, we feeling confident that the same can be accomplished to the satisfaction of employers and em ployees. We do not ask for riches, but a sufficient sum to support our families, and as we desire to be law-abiding citi zens, we appeal to you to further tbe plan of settlement through tlie Commit tee to whom we have left our grievances for consideration. [Signed] Aggrieved Railroad Committee. Were those the words of law-breakers and rioters? Yet the Newt of July 25th referred to a peaceable gathering oi such men as follows: "The meeting at the State House called by the unquenchable blatherskites gathered together less than forty com munistic firebrands last nigbt." This very paper now advises you to vote for Benjamin Harrison. Under these conditions Governor Williams, Mayor Cavin and Col. Maynard, as editor of the Indianapolis Sentinel, opposed the "Pinkerton policy" of settlement, and demanded tbat it be done as the men suggested—by counsel and concession. The Governor refused to the end to call out the State militia for the purpose of interfering between railroads and their employees, but upon the recommenda tion and urgent request of the Citizens' Committee did issue commissions to cer tain individuals, among whom was Gen eral Harrison. As disclosed by the Sen tinel editorials of that period, no more gallant fight was ever made than Colonel Maynard carried on for those men. Mayor Cavin was also vigilant, earnest and sincere, and so it would seem that these three men, Maynard, Cavin and Williams, more than all others beside, averted calamity and desolation. "Mut ual forbearance aud concession can settle tbe trouble far better than the Gatliug guns," said Maynard, the day the strike began. These friends oi justice were severely censured, but they were right, and the right prevailed. The News of July 26 says: "Oen. Sandy Foster, in the Council Chamber last night, denounced Mayor Cavin's speech to the strikers and his conduct towards them as pusillanimous. Several others indorsed the remark, which will be generally approved." Gen. Foster was formerly United States Marshal of Indiana and asks your votes for Gen. Harrison. The News does the same. July 27th the Newt say: "This city has been given up to the mob without an attempt to enforce the law, * * * but from the first intima tion of lawlessness our city and State ex ecutives sat right down and declared they would not act." Again the same paper on July 31st says: "Governor Williams seems determined to add infamy to imbecility." Again on the same day: "The cry is already going up from all parts of the country: ' We must have a Btanding army.' " The News of Augusta says: "We take no pleasure in calling the attention of the city again to the pusil lanimous conduct of its Mayor. * * * He has been false to his trust. He sacrificed the interest of 90,000 people to his own personal fears or incompe tency." Tue Journal of July 25 says: "The city is practically under the con trol of a mob." Again: "The leaders of this lawless movement must be arrested and punished." So we see that the two organs which are supporting Mr. Harrison now sup ported him then. They denounced the advocates of peaceable methods; they belittled those who would de mand justice for oppressed working men ; they stigmatized these begrimed but honest laborers, in a righteous strug gle for living wages, as "law-breakers," "Mobites" and "Rioters." So did Gen eral Harrison. The truth was to the contrary. The evidence proves it a ma licious lie. ORGANIZED BY HARRISON, Yet in the face of the truth volunteers are organized by General Harrison and his friends. Daniel Macaulay, being recommended by the Citizens' Commit tee, was commissioned as "Brigadier- General of the Indiana Legion." On July 24, 1878, commissions were issued to ten Captains, every one of whom was a Republican. Benjamin Harrison was made Captain of Company C. He or ganized 111 men—the largest company in this great army to be pittod against a few half-paid, despondent but peaceable railroaders. The very work of enlistment and drill ing was carried on by him in the United States Court-room at Indianapolis. Those sacred precincts where justice alone should reign were given up to this great railroad lawyer for his warlike preparations. Let us under stand again, he had no State militia, but accepted for service "raw recruits." They had not been mustered into the service as the laws of Indiana prescribe. There is no record of it. They simply shouldered arms. And I say to you, thus brought together, they had no more authority to shoot than the White-Cap pers of Southern Indiana. And did this great railroad lawyer who, as we shall see later, denounced the strikers as law breakers, ruthlessly disregard the high est mandates of the law that he might "coerce" some poor laborer at the point of the bayonet? Will he plead ignor ance of the law, as he does on his Chinese record? I leave it with you, but as the record appears he, far above all others, violated the statutes of our State. It is not a little strange that in the war of the rebellion Mr. Harrison permitted sixty-nine regi ments to pasH his door before he joined the Seventeenth Indiana, but when it came to a war against workingmen ho joined Company C, of the First Regi ment and was the leading spirit in all that conflict ? This energy and activity may be explained somewhat when we remember all this time he had a big foe from one of the roads involved in the strike. His company once organized, armed, General Harrison proudly march ing them on the streets, finally quarters them at the arsenal. The Aries of the 27th says: "Four companies of volunteers, under the respective commands of General Harrison, Colonel N. R. Ruckle, Major J. J. and Captain Harry Adams, marched into camp at the United States Arsenal this morniug. * * * They are armed with the new breech-loading Springfield rifle, a most formidable and efficient weapon." The city under the policy was soon filled with soldiery. Over 1,000 volun teers were raised here. The author of "Ben Hut" was also "spoiling for a fight," and I have felt all along he should have been nominated for Gover nor on the Republican ticket as a fit "running mate" to Gen. Harrison. The News thus announces his arrival: "Gen. Lew Wallace aud a company of Crawfordsville warriors came in at 5 o'clock this morning, having driven over country roads all night." Notwithstanding this menace of armed forces and repeated threats of coercion, tho difficulty ended as the men said it should, by arbitration, and General Har risou at the close receipted to the State of Indiana for $20 for four days' pay, while his men receipted for $235.30, or at the rate of 53 cents per day each. But it is claimed by General Harrison's friends that this money was turned over to some permanent militia company. HARRISON SUITED ON THE JURY. We will now direct our attention to Mr. Harrison in the role of arbitrator. He was a member of the Citizens' Committee selected to arbitrate the differences be tween the roads and their employees. It is not necessary for me to say that an arbitrator acts in the capacity of" a judge or a jury. His first requisite is fair men tal poise, lack of bias—of prejudice—to be without interest. Tbis jury or com mittee met in the old Council Chamber of Tndianapolis on July 26th. Observe that on July 24th General Harrison had enlisted on the side of the "Pinkerton Policy" and been drawing pay from the State at the rate of $5 per day for two days. He had already drilled and armed Company C and hai them quartered at the Arsenal, Note, too, that in Febru ary preceding he had entered the employ of the O. & M. Co., which was involved in the strike and that he then had their gold in his pocket. Dj you grasp the situation ? He had somehow slipped on the jury which was to try his own cli ent's cause. You have heard of packed juries. What do you think of the one which was to try the strikers' case ? Now it has f} r me into history that Mr. Harrison's speech at that conference meeting was very arrogant—very dictatorial towards the Strikers' Committee which was in vited to be present. The newspaper re ports of just what he said are very meagre. The speech will never be fully known. General Harrison will never furnish the public with a copy of that philippic. The Newt of July 20, 1877, referring to it, says: "When the reports were all in (mean ing the grievances) General Harrison took the floor and began to present the aspect of the strike from the other side. * * * Have you a right while you are breaking the law to appear before a com mittee of law-abiding citizens with an appeal to redress the wrongs you claim to suffer from. At this point the rail road portion of the audience arose en masse and made a break for the door." This only gives us an idea that the speech was in some way grossly offen sive, but for more light we are compelled to look to other sources—to men and members of the committee who were there. Early after the nomination of General Harrison it was rumored arid stated on the streets that he used such expressions as these: "That a dollar a day was enough for a workingman;" "that" if he were Governor or Sheriff he would force the men to time at the point of the bay onet;" "that if necessary he would shoot them down," or expressions of like im port and perhaps others ot a nature. Harrison's Abusive speech. Now let us see what the facts are. How does labor stand in Indiana toward Mr. Harrison, and is their attitude un just—without reason? When that gentle man, nearly two years ago, was seeking an election to the United States Senate, organized labor from all parts of tlie State met in their respective assemblies and forwarded resolutions to Indianapolis denouncing him and his candidacy. On the 7th day of August of this year, at the fourth annual meeting of the State Fed eration of Trades' Unions, that body, the largest and most representative in Indi ana, passed resolutions calling upon all workingmen to vote against him. Later the District Assembly of the Knights of Labor for the Indianapolis Dis trict (Mr. Harrison's home) met and did the same thing. This is all significant and cannot be a heartless pursuit after an innocent man. AVhere is the cause if it is not in his record toward labor? But what of Mr. Harrison's conduct and ut terances at the conference meeting re ferred to? 1 shall draw my conclusions from tbe influences surrounding him, from the nature of the subject under con sideration, from the events of the pro ceeding days and his rela tions to them from ample and indubitable court and newspaper evi dence as to his situation toward the strikers, and last from the overwhelming testimony of brave and true men who were present and who felt the burning rebuko of his unjust aspersions. He was there, then, as the richly paid attorney of the O. & M. R. R., though by a bold disregard of common decencies he had slipped on the jury of arbitrators. He was there as the paid soldier of the State. His heart was in his employments. The cause of the strike was low wages. This was the subject under dis cussion. This was the topic under de bate. None other was before the meeting. Three grades of men. as I have shown, were getting $1 per day and the roads were refusing to concede more. Mr. Harrison was their paid attorney. l He was there to represent and defend tteir position, notwithstanding he had slipped on the jury. Could he have done this without taking the position, tacitly if not in words, that "$1 a day was enough for a laboring man?" Was not bis conduct stranger even than any lan guage he could have employed? He; offered no relief; suggested no com promise; would accept nothing but absolute surrender. Do not the circumstances make it prob able that he should have discussed wages, and in a manner agreeable to his clients? Could he have said anything on such an occasion and have been silent on the matter of wages ? It was not a picnic or a prayer-meeting. It was a wage meeting. It was a wage meeting at which his clients were contending that a dollar a day was enough. He was for his clients, although he had slipped i n the jury. His clients acted a dollar a day. He acted a dollar a day. Is it im probable that he used language expres sive of his feeling and employment? In deed it is not absurd to contend that he did not use such language. He was out of politics and in the law business "ex clusively." Now, again, did he use expressions to the effect that he would "shoot," "resort to the militia," "use the bayonet," or words of like import? He had already, as we have seen, put himself on the side of the "Pinkerton policy." He was captain of a company of men whom he had organized. He armed them with "the new breech-loading Springfield rifle, a most formidable and efficient weapon." By his course what did he say? What are "new breech-loading Springfield rifles most formidable and efficient weapons" for? Did Capt. Har rison intend feeding the strikers biscuit out of the muzzle of a musket? He is called "cold" aud "distant," but he > would hardly undertake an act of char ity at so long a range as that. Was he > intending to "storm" the men with golden coins? No such ammunition was seen at the Arsenal. It was not fur nished by the State. WHAT DID HE BAN ? The cartridge boxes contained bullets. In drilling his company he taught his men to fire at the word of command. Did he prepare to "shoot?" Did he think "shoot?" Did he act "shoot?" Did he talk "shoot?" And even if he said nothing upon that subject, does it weaken the case against him ? It is said the "barking dog never bites," but when the mastiff of the household sneaks stealthily around it is time to get over the fence. His men carried bayonets. Were they to cut with? Are they imple ments of the bake shop or the battery ? Were they carried by Mr. Harrison as" a sort of solace or a threat to the strikers? Do these facts, conceded, uncontradicted, prove anything; But in support of the claim that Mr. Harrison delivered him self of cruel and inhuman utterances on that occasion; that his speech was that of a hired, heartless attorney; that he dis regarded the crying appeals of labor, crushed and scourged by the lashes of corporate power. I will submit next the evidence of a few of the participants of that strike. These witnesses speak from personal contact. Their statements have been furnished me from reliable sources. All were members of committees or in some way connected with the strike. They are the words of honest men. All I believe, members of organized labor. They possess the confidence of their com rades and are entitled to the credit of truthful citizens. While willing in the broadest sense to assist in making Mr, Harrison stand squarely on his record, they have not desired to "rush into irint," and have only permitted the use of their knowledge through a feeling of duty in making a truthful history and that the groundless rehearsals of those gov erned by selfish political interests shall not be permitted to falsify and distort tbe facts. If occasion demanded the testi mony here submitted could be multiplied almost without end. Many of the men are scattered; some are dead, but a large number yet remain, who upon call will add their version to corroborate those already secured. In submitting these statements we get the opinions and recollections of the railroad men themselves and what they thought of Harrison's speech. Of course, the Journal, always Mr. Har rison's organ, approved it. They be lieved in its sentiments. Workingmen do not. MARTIN J, MURPHY. Martin J. Murphy, residing at No. 159 Buchanan street, Indianapolis, Ind., when asked for a review of the strike period of 1877, said: '•I was a fireman in the 1., B. & W. yards at the time the strike begun. The first start of the trouble was the discharge of certain men on the Pennsylvania sys tem, but the general cause was on ac count of the repeated reductions of wages. There were two or three grades of men at the time getting $1 a day, and I think on one road the section men were only getting 90 cents a day. The fight was to restore and stop further reductions. "About the conference meeting in the old Council chamber, we were invited to be present—we didn't request it our selves. As I now recall it, Governor Porter addressed the entire meeting. He was followed by Harrison. For some days before this Harrison had been get ting up militia companies and then had a lot of men quartered at the arsenal. In his speech he spoke about this and used very plain language about what they would do with us if we didn't come to time; yet I can't just recall his words. I know he offend ed the men by them. He said by strik ing we had forfeited all claims ou the roads and didn't have no right to ask for any redress. He used the terms 'law breakers' and 'violators of tbe law' several times. He was all one-sided, so much so that every one saw he didn't intend to give the boys any show. He said the roads couldn't pay any higher wages, as the books of the company would show, and asked our committee to go down and inspect them. So long as we were 'law breakers' nothing could be done. In this connection he used the assertion 'that a dollar a day was better than nothing at all, and that a workingman ought to get along on that much.' Although I may not use his exact words, that is the impres sion that he gave. He also said that 'if this lawlessness did not cease they would invoke the powers of the State and Federal Government in order to move the trains and carry on the commerce of the country. That the trains must move at all hazards, and at this point he be came much excited. He offered no arbi tration ; would listen to none. Nothing would be accepted but an absolute sur render on our part. Before he had finished he became so offensive that the Committee arose and left the hall. Chairman Sayer tried to get us back, and after Harrison got through some of us did return. [Signed.J "M. J. Murphy." PATRICK H. KINO. Patrick H. King, who lives at No. 151 Meek street, Indianapolis, Ind., made the following statement: In July, 1877, I was conductor on the "Bee Line" road and had a very lively interest in the things that took place during the strike, being one of the road committee representing the men. On tbe morning of July 25 or 2ti, as I remember the date, an engine on the J., M. & 1., with two coaches filled wttb soldiers, weU armed and equipped, landed at 5 Michigan street crossing; threw out picket lines; unloaded guns, baggage, etc., and marched to the Arsenal. They were under the direction of General Harrison, who took them to the Arsenal. At this or no other time was there the slightest occasion for troops. Every de partment of the road employees had selected a large number of its sober, conservative men to watch and protect property, and there was not the slightest danger or disposition to permit any harm to be done. I was later in the old Council chamber at a meeting of strikers and the committee of safety, at which General Harrison made a talk. The general drift of his speech was that the boys were law breakers; that they were stopping com merce; that the roads were unable to pay better money; that they (the strik ers) should first return to work at what they were getting before they had any right to talk about better wages or any thing else; that if they kept the thing up they knew that the militia would take charge of the railroad property and com pel them to submit.' In the midst of his remarks he got so hard on us that the boys got excited and yelled him down and a good many went out, I among the rest, before he got done. How perfectly these witnesses support and iclinch every fair inference to be drawn from the history of the strike I will leave to you. The proof is com plete. The verdict is inevitable. You know the men whose words have been read in your hearing. They are among the most honorable and upright of our citizens; they are your fellow workmen, and each statement has been carefully prepared, read and signed by the respective persons making them. Upon the evidence adduced I will leave the matter of what General Harrison did, how he felt, what he advised, what he said with you and the voters of the country. Harrison's $1,000 FOR a wekk's work. It appears, however, that General Harrison places a widely divergent esti mate upon the value of men's time and services; that he esteems the abilities of his own class far more worthy of their hire than the poor mortals engaged in the more ordinary pursuits of life. While an attorney of the Ohio and Mississippi Railroad Company, heretofore referred to, in March, 1887, a petition was filed in the United States Court at Indianapolis for the removal of Mr. King as its re ceiver. Benjamin Harrison, with others, appeared to oppose the petition, and when the Court required them to state under oath the amount of time expended and the value of the service given, Mr. Harrison made the following affidavit: Benjamin Harrison being duly sworn, says, upon his oath, that the law firm of which he is a member (Harrison, Mines cfc Miller), were employed by John King, Jr., and Daniel Terrance, receivers ap pointed by the court in the case above named (Wm. King, Robert Garrett et al. vs. the Ohio and Mississippi Railway Company) of the property and effects by the Ohio and Mississippi Railway Com pany, to aid in their defence upon the application of Thomas Emory & Sons, Maurice, Allan Campbell and others, for the removal oi said receivers, that with the Hon. George Hoadlev, of Cincinnati, W. T. McClintock, Esq., of Chillicothe. 0., and Henry Brawford, of Chicago, affiiant, took part in prepareing the defense of said re ceivers. The evidence taken by affidavit and deposition was very volvminous, as will appear by reference to the files in said cause; tbat there were several questions of law of some difficulty which had to be and were carefully examined by counsel aforesaid. That a hearing of said cause was had at Springfield, 111., before Hon. Thomas Drummond, Circuit Judge, and Hon. John S. Treat. W. Q. Gresham, District Judges; that in going to and returning from the place appointed for the hearing and presenting and arguing the case, nearly one whole week of time & was consumed all the counsel aforesaid, every night until a late hour being given to the case. And affiant says that he is ac quainted with the usual rate of fees charged and paid for such business in said court, and that he believes the ser vices of each of his said associates and of affiant were seasonably worth the sum of $1,000. Benj. Harrison. [L. S.] Subscribed and sworn to be fore me this 31st day of March, 1877. Howard Cale, Notary Public. He isays nearly one whole week of time was consumed. And affiant says that he is acquainted with the usual rate of s es charged and paid for such busi nes in said court, aud that he believes the services of each of his said associates and said affiant were reasonably worth $1,000. Nearly one whole week and rea sonably worth $1,000. Men toiling, dig ging, standing at the throttle, firing, risking life, encountering a thousand lurking dangers for railroads paying sums varying from $1 to $2 per day, while attorneys for the same master think "nearly" one whole week's work" is reasonably worth $1,000. The whole lesson is there. One belongs to the class controlling legislation,controlling militia, controlling capital, while the other must turn over his earnings and grumble not. If the laborer could but look into the inner and outer circles and be hold the plots and plans to pluck him he would begin possibly to compre hend the drift—the mighty, steady, sweeping drift from the anchors of a simple representative government to one of power, fashion and arrogance. You sovereign people must act, and that quickly, if you avoid a fatal engulfing disaster. Equal rights. Equal sovereign ty. Let the slogan pass along the line. No wonder—no wonder, indeed—the wage men of the Ohio and Mississippi Railway were reduced. We have dis covered the leak. Each attorney in the case in question swore "said associates and said affiant" were reasonable en titled|tosl,ooo for "nearly a whole week's work." Pulling each "other through. With such a crop of lawyers constantly at the crib, is it longer a mystery why railroad employees had to work for "$1 a day" or strike? Mr. Harrison knew of these things when he stood before that committee and argued that the roads were unable to pay more. The affidavit was read March 31, 1877. The conference meeting was July 26, 1877. One thousand dollars for less than a week's work is reasonable pay for Ben Harrison, but $6 a week is enough for a laboring man. Does blueblood make that difference in prices ? If not, what does ? He looked into the haggard faces of fathers, of husbands, but had no com passion. I think I measure your wrath as you contemplate the cold and cruel elements of such a character. We leave Mr. Harrison in the role of arbitrator of workingmen's troubles to find him an other role. A PROSECUTOR OF STRIKERS. Solicitor with a fat fee, captain of a militia at $5 per day, arbitrator (for he slipped on the jury) and now a prosecutor of strikers. Behold this legal acrobat, and then ask who would deny him the title of "great!" Four roles in the rail road strike of 1877, three with pay and one without pay, does anyone think he was neglecting the interests of the strik