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The Herald Bt THB HERA LI) PabllshlSC Comp»or. WILLIAM S. CREIGHTON Edttor-ln-Chief TUB HERALD mii . full Associated Press franchise and publishes tb. complete telegraphlo Mwi report received daily by . special lowed wire. EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT: El East Fourth street. Telephone 13S. BUSINESS OFFICE: Bradbury Building, £!2 «Mt Third street. Telephone 247. TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION. By Mall, Payable In Advance Dally and Sunday, 1 month •J-S'J Pally and Sunday, three months Dally and Sunday, six months -•»> Dally and Sunday, one yeair & - L '- TO CITY SUBSCRIBERS. Dally, delivered, Sunday included, per month v>c Sunday only, per month - 01 -' POSTAGE RATES ON THE HERALD. 4Spages 4cents 3-pages Scents M pases. Scents JS pages -«™» 24 pages 2 cent. 16 pages - cents lipege. ««™ THE WEEKLY HERALD. Twelve pages, one year tl-OO Addreas THE HERALD, I n' Angeles, Cal. B fSB ta *Persons desiring THE HERALD dellv .red at their homes can secure It by postal cats request ar order through telephon. No. 547. Should delivery be Irregular pi.... make Immediate complaint at the ollice. Tha Herald Publishing company hereby of fers a reward of ten (sio) dollars for th. arrest sad conviction ol anyone found stealing a easy or copies ol THE HERALD from wher avar tha same may have been placed by carrier for delivery to patrons. City subscribers to The Herald will confer a favor by reporting to tha business ollice late delivery or any oth r negligence on the part ol carriers. During the week all papers should reach subscribers not later than 7 o'clock, and sa Sundays by 8 o'clock. The publishers hay. arranged to have The Herald on aala at all news atands and on all railroad trains In Southern California. II the paper cannot be secured at any of tha above place, the publishers will deem It a special favor II patrona should report asms to the business office. Write the Truth as you see tti Fight tbe Wrong: as yon find itt Path* Hah all the News, and Trust tat* ■rest to the Judgment of the People •»>.,. : jMp*>. APRILS, I»p6- THEN AND NOW Tha auertion is often made by Repub licans tbat protectionism is one of tbe fun damental principles on which the "grand old party" was founded, and that in these days the party in upholding protectionism is properly and Consistently doing that for which it was originally organized. To as certain the hoflowness of this pretense one need only consult tbe early history of the g. o. p. The organisation of the Republican party was perfected by its first national conven tion, which was held in ' Philadelphia in June, 1836." Chattel slavery in the south, and its champions' encroachments upon free territory in tbe north, created a neces sity for an anti-elavery party. Not an abolition party, but a party that should form a barrier to prevent the extension of the "peculiar institution" into new terri tory. The sentiment against slavery ex tension was greatly augmented by the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and finally It resulted in a call for a national convention, as already stated. The pri mary and sole object for which tbat con vention was called was the organisation of a new party to oppose slavery extension. It had no reference whatever to the tariff question, and the men who composed tbe convention represented all shades of opinion as to the proper method of rais ins; revenue for federal purposes. The call for the convention was an invitation "to the people of the United States, with out regard to .past political differences or divisions, who are opposed to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, to the policy of the presets) (Pierces) administration, to the extension of slavery into free territory, in favor of sidmitting Kansas as a free state, and of restoring the action of the Federal government to the principles of Washington and Jefferson," to assemble in convention and unite in presenting candidatear. fsr president and vice-presi dent. The convention assembled under the call and after adopting, a platform nomi nated John C. Fremont and William L. Dayton . for those offices, .respectively. Tbe platform consisted of a strong arraign ment of the slave power, opposition to slavery extension, and an, expression iv favor of the admission of Kansas as a state with her free constitution. It also favored congressional appropriations for river and harbor improvements, and the building of a railroad to the Pacific ocean. The clos ing resolution contained these words: "We invite affiliation and co-operation of the men of all parties in support of the principles herein declared." Nowhere in the platform was there one word touching the tariff question in any way. Such a thing as protectionism had no place in the deliberations or platform of the convention. Then and there the Republican party was born. Nobody, either in or out of the new party, could misunderstand its principles or its purposes. In the iight of these his torical facts, what becomes of the assump tion that the so-called Republican party of today had protectionism for one of its origi ■al corner stones? But this is not all. The national Kepublican conventions of 1800, 1864 and 1868 also failed to endorse pro tectionism. The convention of 1860 dealt almost exclusively with the slavery ques tion, but did incidentally favor the raising of public revenue by duties on imports, though saying not a word about "protect ing home industries" by tariff laws. The national Republican convention of 1864 dealt with the war, which was then pending, and tbe tariff was not once men tioned in the platform. The convention of 1868 expressed itself fully on reconstruc tion measures, and several other matters, but ignored the tariff question entirely. These are political facts of which there Is ample proof. What audacity, then, is Involved in the persistent declaration from certain quarters that tbe Republican party, managed by such bosses as McKinley, Bead, Sherman, Harrison and similar Champions of special privilege, is carrying out the tariff policy adopted by the real Kepublican party at its organization. Tbe cold fact is that the present organ isation, which carries and disgraces the game of Republicanism, is a very different party from that of which such statesmen SS Lincoln, Seward, Sumner, Chase and a lew others were the founders and leaders. The corrupt, bloated and oppressive cm- Bern now masquerading under a Once bon sted name is as unlike the original Republican party as darkness is unlike the JtsicT UgJ't of n»i<k!»y- The origigal party took the initiatory stop which resulted In the overthrow of chattel slavery In southern states. The bogus Republican party to day ia doing its) best to fasten upon the people of all tbe states a condition of in dustrial slavery, by means of trade re striction, government partnership with in dividual cormorants, the bolstering up of great monopolies, class legislation, legal interference with natural rights, and various other devices such as selfish dem agogues and political tricksters know so well how to use. If the people are wise they will relegate this party of false pre tenses to the shades of oblivion. CONFUSING THE ISSUE A futile attempt is being made by a newspaper of this city and a few noisy in dividuals, prolific in language but deficient in logic and facts, to confuse the harbor issue as presented in Congressman Mo- Lachlau's telegraphic effusion. These local agents of Collis P. Huntington persist in representing that the refusal of the people of Southern California to abdicate their har bor choice in favor of that of the railroad lobbyist imperils the prospect of Los An geles county ever having a deep sea har bor, threatens the prosperity of this section and robs labor of employment. To the people of this part of the state it is not really necessary to reiterate what The Herald has so often set forth, that the real peril to their prospects of securing a deep sea harbor is found in the scheme to secure federal aid in the construction of the Southern Pacific harbor at Santa Monica. Every dollar that is appropriated from the federal treasury for ths building of the Santa Monica harbor endangers the San Pedro proposition; is expended iv de fiance of the will of the people of this sec tion and for the exclusive benefit of Mr. Huntington and his business associates. A most casual survey of the situa tion at Santa Monica cannot fail to impress the least observant with the unalterable fact that a harbor constructed there, as proposed by Huntington, will not be for the people of Southern California, but for the Southern Pacific company of Ken tucky. And it does not require any exalted degree of intelligence to understand that if the United States government builds a harbor in front of the Southern Pacific property at Santa Monica, it will not build one at San Pedro. The people of the re mainder of the United States would right fully resent with indignation the preposter ous proposal to ex pend the many millions needed to build two deep-sea harbors on the Los Angeles county coast within twenty-five miles of each other. The citisena of Southern California could not decently ask for such concession and they would not get it if tbey did. So the issue is not "shall Los Angeles have two harbors or none?" but, shall the fed eral government construct a deep-sea harbor for Los Angeles or fur the Southern Pacific? The issue is nowhere better stated than in Mr. McLachlan's last dis patch, wherein he says that appropria tions can be secured, not to construct deep sea harbors at both San Pedro and Santa Monica, but "to complete inside harbor at San Pedro and construct deep-spa harbor at Santa Monica," or "Huntingtouville," as it might be more appropriately called. Even Mr. McLachlan has too much sense to telegraph a fairy tale about two deep sea harbors at government expense. Tbe only menace to the prosperity of this part of the state, that is extant in conse quence of the harbor discussion, is the threat conveyed in the design of Hunting ton et al. to persuade the American con gress to assist him in owning the harbor facilities upon which this section must de pend to achieve the full measure of pros perity that a lavish nature has made pos- sihle. To tbe people acquainted with the work to be done at Santa Monica and the employ ing customs of the Southern Pacific philan thropists, the news that the Huntington project would be a boon to labor will be nothing less than startling. As a matter of fact the chief beneficiaries not only of the harbor, if it is built at Santa Monica, but of the work of constructing it would be the Southern Pacific crowd. In the estimates submitted to the committee on rivers and harbors with the plea that was made for Santa Monica harbor, it will be found that it is the expectation of Hunt ington to furnish from a quarry owned by the railroad at a royalty of $300,000 the very rock essential in the construction of tiie Santa Monica breakwater. The ma terial would have to be transported over the Southern Pacific lines at the railroad's own price—all the traffic would stand — and the work of construction would be done as all the Southern Pacific work of a laboring character has been done-by Mexican peons. Mr. Huntington has al ways been a patron of cheap labor, foreign labor—in the north Chinese, in the south peon. The American laborer is "not iv it" with him. THE BUCKLEY RAILROAD COMBINE — r The political situation in California has again united the venal politicians of all political professions. These persons con tinue to masquerade under the flags of the different party organizations so that by combines and treasons they can achieve the results they are paid for. Strikers working openly and together as a venal body could accomplish only their own des truction and probably would end up promptly in San Quentin. It is only by de ceiving the people through apparent oppo sition to each other and by constant ap peals to partisan prejudice that our boss element keeps out of jail, for their many robberies in contracts and expenditures, and for the degradation of political life which is undermining the whole moral foundation of our freedom and of our gov ernment. The machinery of the Republican party has already been partly captured by these traitors to our country. Indeed, were it not for the political ambition of John D. Sprockets they would now have the en tire Republican organization in hand. The Democratic parly situation is essentially different. The party organization is in the hands of courageous and self-respect ing men whose souls are owned by no cor poration and who are beyond the influence of corrupt combines. Nevertheless there are a number of the Buckley type in posi tions of party trust. The awakening ot this type is due to a fear on the part of Burns, Kelly and Herrin that many honest Re publicans will bolt the present program, consequently they deem it very necessary to either divide the Democracy and thus insure the election of Kepublican tools, or else so control the Democratic primaries and conventions that men after their own pattern will secure the party leadership and become the party's candidates. In fact, their aim is to absolutely control both the great political parties of the state, di rectly if possible, indirectly'if necessary. The party that cannot be rounded up and herded into tbe bosses' corral is to be di vided and defeated. Via* ra-entry of Chris RijnkUj int.. Cali LOS ANGELES HERALD: SUNDAY MORNING. APRIL 5, 1896. fornia politics marks the beginning of the attempt to either control or divide the Democracy of the state. Mr. Hunting ton and associate, are again in politics. It is doubtful If tbey have ever been out, but if they bare been, they are in again with all the vigor that character ized the old-time activity that made them forever infamous. They have selected the "blind white devil" aa their political agent and rely upon his skill to so manipu late things as to either muzzle and manacle the Democratic party so that it will not as sist in thwarting railroad designs or to so disrupt the organisation as to guarantee a walkover for the Republican party, the mastery of which the transportation Me phistopholes seems certain of. The first round in their fight to put Buck ley in control of the Democracy was fought before tho state central committee at the tatter's recent meeting in San Fran cisco, and through the courage and ability of W. W. Foote, Gavin McNab, Frank H. Gould and a few other active champions of clean partisanship, the machinations of the Buckley-railroad combine were de feated. The members of the committee from outside of San Francisco, almost to a man, stood out against the scheme to re habilitate Buckley. It was left to the dele gation from Los Angeles county to furnish some exceptions, all but one delegate from this county seeminp to stand with the forces of the late boss. But, as has been said, the round before the state central committee was but the first. Others are to follow, and it is for these that the real Democrats of Califor nia must prepare. It is a matter of com mon report in political circles that the Buckley-railroad crew are laying the plans whereby they hope to capture a sufficient number of delegates to the Domocratic convention to he held at Sacramento in June to enable them to either secure the admission of Buckley's San Francisco delegation or to create a split in the party over the planks of tbe platform that the convention will be called on to adopt. The Herald will give this program some attention at another time, and the atten tion given will be pointed. Ths Herald will hew to the line in this matter of such vital consequence to the Democratic party, in the way that it does in all other mat ters, without regard to the persons and the interests that are littered with chips. Senator Thurston rises to remark, with severity, that "he who is not for Mc- Kinley is against him." Aye, aye, sena ator, throo for ye; and the number of American citizens ferninst William of the Tariff will never he fully known until they get a "crack at him" as a presidential can didate. Editor Henry Watterson is reported to have realised $35,000 from his lecture on Money. The Star-eyed Goddess is on the American coins, Henry. Money talks. The misanthropic Col ton said: |This is the only deity worshiped in all lands, without a single temple and without a single hypo crite. Some of the agile favorite sons may lead Govenor Morton in the first quarter, but, despite his decrepitude, the old gentleman is liable to overtake them in the I«-*t dol lar. Ohio has legislated that high theater hats must come off. Will the Buckeyes turn around now and stultify themselves by voting that a high tariff must come on? Oh, come off! Come on! Be consistent. The Herald's lirst page this moroing is imprinted from linotype "slugs." On next Sunday morning the entire paper will be set by Merganthaler machines. FASTER EGGS THEIR ORIGIN The origin ol Easter eggs. Both in and out of season. An explanation sometimes heirs That's based on truth and reason. Bark in the dim and distant past, Tiie church, as now tod .y, Enjoined tbe strictest sort of fast, Or the devil was to pay. A hurting diaphragm was thought To pave a way to heaven; * An aclinic; void had always caught A little oi tne leaven That, s:orning all ot hell's alarms, (And no htng could be neater). Had raised one right into tne arm. 01 critic, 1 Saint l'eter. A fast of forty hungrydays Was by the pupe proclaimed; A time in which to me id one's ways And cure the sins retained. Nor flesh, nor pie, nor fowl, nor cake Might rightly then be taken, Though fish and t'aiih and stomachache Incipient good uiignt wakeu. Nature's best gifts must all be spurned; Oood tilings tiie good reject To save themselves flora being burned, And live with the elect. The word went forth. Both meat and egg Had soon no ready sale, Fcr every one would buy or beg A stickleback or whale To stay tha wretched hunger-pair In trout of every back- Thus working an eternal gain, but making trade quite slack. The meat went roaming through the field The forty days ot Lent, While heretic chickens to their yield The best of efforts bent. The eggs piled high In every home, And when the fast waa o'er, Men had of me*t in them alone An overburdened store. So all ate eggs—the kids as well— The latter, though, objected To being asked nay, made to swell, on eggs—by thriit projected. Day in. day out. the same old fare Grew harder yet to tackle; They asked to climb the celestial stair. Or privilege to cackle. And then a mother had a thought— (You'll see she was no dullard) The children's fancy might be caught lieggs could but be colored. To make attractive then the fruit Each one was gaily tinted, And boys and girls in wonder mute 't hen ate them all unstinted. And thus the many colors bright became the much sought medium By whicli the eggs all passed from Bight And quickly reached a premium. The form ol giving eggs remains And always wilt abiae; And they, with all their pretty stains Make glad our Easier-tide. Jac Hvkfrasisa All pieces of wallpaper greativ reduced. A A. Xi kiirom, 3iU South spring street TO THE EDITOR (Tri Herald under this heading prints communications, but does not assume re sponsibility lor the sentiments expressed.] That Labor Exchange Idea Editor Herat d: I feel like stepping in and filling up the vaccuum between James Semple and W. C. B. Randolph, in their argument on the "Labor Exchange." How easy it ia for some to mix truth with error, sophistry with rain platitudes, in attempt ing the refutation of a question of which one has so limited a conception. One of the arguments of the single tax advocate, "If competition is wronz, mo nopoly must be right; if monopoly is wrong, competition must be right: for the one is simply the absence of the other." 1 may be lacking in mental discernment, unable to unravel so abstruse and complex an idea as this; but to me it looks as if the one was the legitimate outgrowth of tho other, that one could not exist without the other; one an excrescence that has grown upon the trunk so large that to sever it from the main body would be death to the entire structure, the tlisease having perme ated every part of the system until all is seriously affected. Competition has been called "the life of trade;'' to keep up that "life," monopoly has grown to gi gantic proportions, until its octopus arms reaches out into every avenue of life —trade, social, economic, industrial and productive. Monopoly thrives because competition, the mother of the evil, re ceives back into her system the new blood of her offspring. Strike the death blow of one, and the other lies prone and lifeless. It is apparent that it is not the absence of ~ne, but a commingling of the interests of each, that sustains the whole. The error of the labor exchange, as regarded by the uninitiated, is that they "erroneously ascribe the present deplorable condition of labor to the competitive system; whereas it is due to the monopolistic system." Is not that the reasoning of a truly sophistical mind? Supposing the co-operative com monwealth had been the system under which the nation had grown prosperous and happy; could monopoly have existed or even found a foothold? Certainly not. If the land, without the "single tax," was held in common —that is, if the land, the heritage of all, belonged to the people— the government apportioning to each, as he is best adapted, so much of the productive soil as his needs require, with surplus acre age used by the whole to meet the wants of those whose adaptation calls them in other fields ot faction, could tiiere have been under such a system the growth of monopoly? It is under the competitive system that opens an avenue to one to close it against another that monopoly can thrive: one industry is pushed to the wall to be absorbed by a stronger, it makes no difference what may be the business or occupation. My neighbor is competing with me. One or the other is the loser in the game, my means are limited, he has more at his command and undersells, and I along with my goods fall under the sher iff's hammer. In a few months larger and more extensive business is opened adja cent tomy former competitor. Competi tion is now forcing a monopoly in our line and despite a long trouble to keep his head above water he too goes under, and falls back into the ranks of the working man wiith me, where a short time before he forced me. Competition is now lively with the new trade as others of still larger growth, capacity and facilities are stepping in; aggregate wealth is absorbing the weaker firms though they once felt secure; and so the wheels revolve, grinding out the poor, and wealth has become an autoc racy. I presume the single tax adherent believes in free competition. Let us see. If we were all in ttie field in our separate lines of trade, still we are jostling acainst each other, striving to see who will win the race, because competition, free or limited, is an incentive to reach a certain goal we have set before us; no matter what ob stacles are In the way or who may fall by the wayside, we are going to get there. "Let him look out for himself, my interest is at stake," and it is so easy to quiet our conscience that we are injuring no one so long as it is a legitimate business transac tion. The Labor exchange, as I understand it, has come with the avowed purpose, to bring peace and good-will to man, to avert, war, bloodshed, blighted hopes and ruined lives, and establish concord, security and free exchange of all goods and products among those who advocate the principles of justice and equity. To explain. I have a ton of apples. I wish to sell; the mar ket, they tell me, is overstocked. I go from place to place, but it is fruit less. They tell me again it is overproduc tion. I wonder if every one in the city has more of this fruit than is needed—if every family is well supplied with a fruit that is so readily converted into many a delicious and appetizing dish. To my sorrow and pain I find thousands unable to buy, and the little ones longing for an apple. The reason is apparent. I am running against competition and monopoly in vari ous stages, even in apples, which leaves me with the the fruit on my hands. They tell me to convert my choice, luscious fruit intc cider or vinegar. Well, here again 1 run against the same shoals. Hut, presto! here is a labor exchange. I go in. They say: "Why,yes, we'll take your apples, tome with us and help us carry ou our good work." I leave the apples, taking a certified check of deposit, exchangeable for any other protluct, wares or goods they may have on hand, or procurable through other branches. Weary of my long tramp' I breathe a sigh of relief that here is a ha ven. I learn their membership is on the increase, and stranger still, that the metal money, gold and silver, is only rec- I ognized as a commodity, the same as my apples; that the intrinsic value of any commodity depends solely upon its use and demand to supply the necessi ties of man. It dawns upon me that gold and silver, by fierce competition, has be come a gigantic monopoly. I want shoeß for the children, and the larder needs sup plies, but my purse is empty of the much lauded gold and silver; how will I meet the demand? The Labor ICxehange comes to my help. I have these certified checks in my purse, received for my apples, and the children are happy, the larder is replen ished, content, comfort and peace has come to the home, and money, metal money, has had no part in bringing this satisfaction and joy. Does this look like war, my brother toil er? Does it look as if such a movement would drive you to despair, and suicide; to war and destruction of your fellow man; will it subvert the welfare of the nation? ' No! It is the only way out of the competi tive system, that lias fastened the octopus of monopoly upon a too confiding people. There are many other misleading state ments by the writer, so mixed with truth and interest in the welfare of the laboring man that it may be hard to discriminate between the true and the false. You have seen and felt the beauties and merits, fel low-workman, of the competitive system, would it not be well to investigate for your self, not relying upon the judgment of oth ers, whether competition, with all its con comitant evils, or co-operation through the labor exchange, will return to you the fruits of your toil iv larger fold, and the assurance that you have helped establish the commonwealth in the brotherhood of man. May E. Bensen. West Vernon. Mr. Woolwlne Write* Editor Hekai.u:—As a loyal Southern Californian I want, first, to express my ad miration of The Hekald and its able editorial management for the stand taken by you for the people on the matter of the free harbor at San Pedro. Further, I wish to say that we shall win our Iluht for the location of the government harbor at the port recommended by the government's engineers. We have been recognized by the rivers and harbors committee to a lim ited extent already, and Senator White as sured me that should we get any recom mendation in Ihe house be would agree to put us through the senate for the full amount asked, viz.. $302,725, on the con tinuing contract plan. And I, for one, be Do Not Fail to Visit .... Hotel del Coronado "The Mecca Ol All Tourists." The Finest Fishing and Boating. CORONADO BEACH, San Diego County, Cal. l.os Aneeles office, 129 NT. Spring st. H. F. NORCROSS, Agent lieve he is able to carry out this statement. I interviewed many members of the United States senate while in Washington, asking co-operation in our cause, and the uniform response to me was that with Senator White as our champion we would succeed. I am for the "double standard"—first the inner, then the outer harbor for San Pedro. After that I am with enthusiasm for har bors at Santa Monica, Redondo and else where along the coast, and I will join any league cr combination to procure them. W. D. WOOLWTNB. REMARKS BY LEDRU B. KINNEY General Weyler appears to hay* got his wires crossed. It seems as though the death knsll of pugilism has been sounded—maybe. Another favorite son has been bowled down. Thus runs the world away. That wide-tire movement which agitated the whole country a short time ago must have been pneumatic and struck a tack. The question is being seriously asked far and wide: "Will the coming woman marry?" We do not know. Men are be ginning to be moderately particular. It is not a theory nor a condition, but a countless and inextricable assortment of alliances that is confronting Europe at the present juncture. The Kansas senator, Mr. Peffer, ssys the People's party cannot elect a president un til 1900. It looks as if Mr. Peffer has de cided to wait till 1900 before accepting the Populist nomination. There is no danger of Gov. Altgeld going duck hunting or on a fishing trip. We might miss him with too much gaiety. It has been positively vouchsafed that during one whole day last week Mr. Mor gan did not utter a word in the senate. It seems he was compelled to be absent. The novel. Jude Ihe Obscure, has been suppressed in several eastern libraries. Now start on the dead run for tbe nearest bookstore and secure a copy before the edition is exhausted. It will be remembered that while minis ter to France Mr. Morton had one of his toes amputated. This seems to account for his lagging behind in tbe presidential march. In thin country our statesmen have a wild hankering for the presidential bee, but the Chinese statesman, Li Hung Chang, is perfectly contented when he can retain his yellow jacket. The success of the great Paris exhibition of 1900 is assured. 1 f work on the med als to be awarded to prise exhibitors Is begun immediately there will be some pos sibility of having them ready by 1002. Mr. Gladstone, unlike the aspirants for office In this country, never appears to be San ing wood. It, however, must be ad mitted that his mania for chopping wood is exceedingly alarming at times. The number of redhanded murderers who continue to go scot free is appalling. T heir cheating of even Judge Lynch sug gests that an appropriate motto above their cells would be: Those who enter here leave rope behind. The "Wizard" Edison tells of the day when by means of Roentgen rays everyone shall have the pleasure of looking through all substances. We are afraid, however, that it will be in the dim and far away fu turity ere the Roentgen rays become so perfected as to enable them to give a de scription of a political "boom," or even to convey to us some idea of what that mys terious and wildly mixed thing is, anyway. In the land once drenched with the blood of slaveholders and free-soilers, where prairie tires have with insatiable maw wiped out everything in sight, where grasshoppers have cried havoc and bit off more than they could chew, where the fes tive cyclone has left behind its path of deatli a total wreck of things, where uni versal strife has run riot without a single armistice, where legislators have smitten each other witli a sickening thud, where burning " Mary" has whooped and sang— in this land of affliction—poor bleeding Kansas—it is now reported that Populism is dying out. Oh, ye gods, what next? SEMPER FIDELIA Though the golden bowl be broken I hat held love's rosy wins. Though the lest fond words be spoken i'liat held tliee once as mine; Kond memory still will cherish 'I lie dreams so sweet to me. And till each pulseshall perish My heart will cling to thee. IL Though the silver chord be silent That thrilled beneath thy band- As i ii a far-off city ' Neath ruined hopes I stand, Still, yet, where'er I wander 1 hy beauty 1 shall see, And its the past I ponder. My heart still clings to thee. Ah 1 each forgotten token— 'Twere vain ray love to tell. Though the golden bowl be broken, And the silver chord at well; Fond memory still will cherish The dream so sweet to me. And till each pulse shall perish Mv heart will cling to thee. BRAXSCOHSB AiHLET. A Voice From Below Whitelaw Reed is needed at home In New York to manage the Tribune, which recently had c. head line beginning. Hell fire and Politics! Tbe presistent wicked ness of the McKinley managers has aroused the Tribune to unwonted earnest ness.—Mexican Herald. San Francisco claims tbe Wilmerding school on the ground that she baa one third the population of the state. It is well to put in this claim early, for the center is shifting so raoidly to Los Angeles, that the claim, if true now, will not be so very long.—l'asadena Star. In a speech at Los Angeles yesterday Dr Qeiiew said that if Major McKinley "could be elected on the llrst ballot that would settle the whole trouble." Hall to Dr. Depew! He has discovered a universal panacea for the Republican colic—Buffalo Times. McKinley found a Reed (not shaken by tne wind) in Texas—New York Journal. "Th* Btlt U the Ca.«se»t" BOSTON GOODS STORE TELEPHONE 004 < South Broadway Opposite City Hall I The Store Will Be Open I II as Usual | ii J I flonday Morning I l EiSIBJaiE^ BOSTON & STORE YOU May not expect the Newest. Styles of Ladies' Shoes For $3.00 But we have them for you. Long drawn-out shapes, pointed or medium round toes, button or lace. 110 SOUTH SPRING Su. ' LXBs®®rJXi)<l>®®®®®®®®®® ?® ® ® 3>® s ®®®®®S>®® S®®®®®®®®* pfJBJBBJBJB^BBBBJffBJffBa Hs3.sPQ\Vi9.l*C I Per Cent Discount for I Cash Until April 25th Rubber Hose.... 5c per Foot Rubber Hose 8c per Foot Rubber Hose 10c pet Foot Thomas Bros. 230 S. Spring St. •- -THE LOS ANGELES • I DAILY HERALD SUNDAY HERALD • —-ADVERTISERS a Wh« patronize The Herald find that It pays them to tell the story of ths bargains to Its thousands of readers.