Bt THB HERA LI) PabllshlSC Comp»or.
WILLIAM S. CREIGHTON
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jMp*>. APRILS, I»p6-
THEN AND NOW
Tha auertion is often made by Repub
licans tbat protectionism is one of tbe fun
damental principles on which the "grand
old party" was founded, and that in these
days the party in upholding protectionism
is properly and Consistently doing that for
which it was originally organized. To as
certain the hoflowness of this pretense one
need only consult tbe early history of the
g. o. p.
The organisation of the Republican party
was perfected by its first national conven
tion, which was held in ' Philadelphia in
June, 1836." Chattel slavery in the south,
and its champions' encroachments upon
free territory in tbe north, created a neces
sity for an anti-elavery party. Not an
abolition party, but a party that should
form a barrier to prevent the extension of
the "peculiar institution" into new terri
tory. The sentiment against slavery ex
tension was greatly augmented by the
passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and
finally It resulted in a call for a national
convention, as already stated. The pri
mary and sole object for which tbat con
vention was called was the organisation of
a new party to oppose slavery extension.
It had no reference whatever to the tariff
question, and the men who composed tbe
convention represented all shades of
opinion as to the proper method of rais
ins; revenue for federal purposes. The
call for the convention was an invitation
"to the people of the United States, with
out regard to .past political differences or
divisions, who are opposed to the repeal of
the Missouri Compromise, to the policy of
the presets) (Pierces) administration, to
the extension of slavery into free territory,
in favor of sidmitting Kansas as a free
state, and of restoring the action of the
Federal government to the principles of
Washington and Jefferson," to assemble
in convention and unite in presenting
candidatear. fsr president and vice-presi
The convention assembled under the
call and after adopting, a platform nomi
nated John C. Fremont and William L.
Dayton . for those offices, .respectively.
Tbe platform consisted of a strong arraign
ment of the slave power, opposition to
slavery extension, and an, expression iv
favor of the admission of Kansas as a state
with her free constitution. It also favored
congressional appropriations for river and
harbor improvements, and the building of
a railroad to the Pacific ocean. The clos
ing resolution contained these words:
"We invite affiliation and co-operation of
the men of all parties in support of the
principles herein declared."
Nowhere in the platform was there one
word touching the tariff question in any
way. Such a thing as protectionism had
no place in the deliberations or platform of
Then and there the Republican party was
born. Nobody, either in or out of the new
party, could misunderstand its principles
or its purposes. In the iight of these his
torical facts, what becomes of the assump
tion that the so-called Republican party of
today had protectionism for one of its origi
■al corner stones? But this is not all. The
national Kepublican conventions of 1800,
1864 and 1868 also failed to endorse pro
tectionism. The convention of 1860 dealt
almost exclusively with the slavery ques
tion, but did incidentally favor the raising
of public revenue by duties on imports,
though saying not a word about "protect
ing home industries" by tariff laws.
The national Republican convention of
1864 dealt with the war, which was then
pending, and tbe tariff was not once men
tioned in the platform. The convention of
1868 expressed itself fully on reconstruc
tion measures, and several other matters,
but ignored the tariff question entirely.
These are political facts of which there
Is ample proof. What audacity, then, is
Involved in the persistent declaration from
certain quarters that tbe Republican party,
managed by such bosses as McKinley,
Bead, Sherman, Harrison and similar
Champions of special privilege, is carrying
out the tariff policy adopted by the real
Kepublican party at its organization.
Tbe cold fact is that the present organ
isation, which carries and disgraces the
game of Republicanism, is a very different
party from that of which such statesmen
SS Lincoln, Seward, Sumner, Chase and a
lew others were the founders and leaders.
The corrupt, bloated and oppressive cm-
Bern now masquerading under a Once bon
sted name is as unlike the original
Republican party as darkness is unlike the
JtsicT UgJ't of n»i<k!»y- The origigal party
took the initiatory stop which resulted In
the overthrow of chattel slavery In southern
states. The bogus Republican party to
day ia doing its) best to fasten upon the
people of all tbe states a condition of in
dustrial slavery, by means of trade re
striction, government partnership with in
dividual cormorants, the bolstering up of
great monopolies, class legislation, legal
interference with natural rights, and
various other devices such as selfish dem
agogues and political tricksters know so
well how to use. If the people are wise
they will relegate this party of false pre
tenses to the shades of oblivion.
CONFUSING THE ISSUE
A futile attempt is being made by a
newspaper of this city and a few noisy in
dividuals, prolific in language but deficient
in logic and facts, to confuse the harbor
issue as presented in Congressman Mo-
Lachlau's telegraphic effusion. These local
agents of Collis P. Huntington persist in
representing that the refusal of the people
of Southern California to abdicate their har
bor choice in favor of that of the railroad
lobbyist imperils the prospect of Los An
geles county ever having a deep sea har
bor, threatens the prosperity of this section
and robs labor of employment.
To the people of this part of the state it
is not really necessary to reiterate what
The Herald has so often set forth, that
the real peril to their prospects of securing
a deep sea harbor is found in the scheme
to secure federal aid in the construction of
the Southern Pacific harbor at Santa
Monica. Every dollar that is appropriated
from the federal treasury for ths building
of the Santa Monica harbor endangers the
San Pedro proposition; is expended iv de
fiance of the will of the people of this sec
tion and for the exclusive benefit of Mr.
Huntington and his business associates.
A most casual survey of the situa
tion at Santa Monica cannot fail to impress
the least observant with the unalterable
fact that a harbor constructed there, as
proposed by Huntington, will not be for
the people of Southern California, but for
the Southern Pacific company of Ken
tucky. And it does not require any exalted
degree of intelligence to understand that if
the United States government builds a
harbor in front of the Southern Pacific
property at Santa Monica, it will not build
one at San Pedro. The people of the re
mainder of the United States would right
fully resent with indignation the preposter
ous proposal to ex pend the many millions
needed to build two deep-sea harbors on
the Los Angeles county coast within
twenty-five miles of each other. The
citisena of Southern California could
not decently ask for such concession
and they would not get it if tbey did. So
the issue is not "shall Los Angeles have
two harbors or none?" but, shall the fed
eral government construct a deep-sea
harbor for Los Angeles or fur the Southern
Pacific? The issue is nowhere better
stated than in Mr. McLachlan's last dis
patch, wherein he says that appropria
tions can be secured, not to construct deep
sea harbors at both San Pedro and Santa
Monica, but "to complete inside harbor at
San Pedro and construct deep-spa harbor
at Santa Monica," or "Huntingtouville,"
as it might be more appropriately called.
Even Mr. McLachlan has too much sense
to telegraph a fairy tale about two deep
sea harbors at government expense.
Tbe only menace to the prosperity of this
part of the state, that is extant in conse
quence of the harbor discussion, is the
threat conveyed in the design of Hunting
ton et al. to persuade the American con
gress to assist him in owning the harbor
facilities upon which this section must de
pend to achieve the full measure of pros
perity that a lavish nature has made pos-
To tbe people acquainted with the work to
be done at Santa Monica and the employ
ing customs of the Southern Pacific philan
thropists, the news that the Huntington
project would be a boon to labor will be
nothing less than startling. As a matter
of fact the chief beneficiaries not only
of the harbor, if it is built at Santa
Monica, but of the work of constructing it
would be the Southern Pacific crowd. In
the estimates submitted to the committee
on rivers and harbors with the plea that
was made for Santa Monica harbor, it will
be found that it is the expectation of Hunt
ington to furnish from a quarry owned by
the railroad at a royalty of $300,000 the
very rock essential in the construction of
tiie Santa Monica breakwater. The ma
terial would have to be transported over
the Southern Pacific lines at the railroad's
own price—all the traffic would stand —
and the work of construction would be
done as all the Southern Pacific work of a
laboring character has been done-by
Mexican peons. Mr. Huntington has al
ways been a patron of cheap labor, foreign
labor—in the north Chinese, in the south
peon. The American laborer is "not iv it"
THE BUCKLEY RAILROAD
The political situation in California has
again united the venal politicians of all
political professions. These persons con
tinue to masquerade under the flags of the
different party organizations so that by
combines and treasons they can achieve
the results they are paid for. Strikers
working openly and together as a venal
body could accomplish only their own des
truction and probably would end up
promptly in San Quentin. It is only by de
ceiving the people through apparent oppo
sition to each other and by constant ap
peals to partisan prejudice that our boss
element keeps out of jail, for their many
robberies in contracts and expenditures,
and for the degradation of political life
which is undermining the whole moral
foundation of our freedom and of our gov
The machinery of the Republican party
has already been partly captured by these
traitors to our country. Indeed, were it
not for the political ambition of John
D. Sprockets they would now have the en
tire Republican organization in hand. The
Democratic parly situation is essentially
different. The party organization is in the
hands of courageous and self-respect
ing men whose souls are owned by no cor
poration and who are beyond the influence
of corrupt combines. Nevertheless there
are a number of the Buckley type in posi
tions of party trust. The awakening ot this
type is due to a fear on the part of Burns,
Kelly and Herrin that many honest Re
publicans will bolt the present program,
consequently they deem it very necessary
to either divide the Democracy and thus
insure the election of Kepublican tools,
or else so control the Democratic primaries
and conventions that men after their own
pattern will secure the party leadership
and become the party's candidates. In
fact, their aim is to absolutely control both
the great political parties of the state, di
rectly if possible, indirectly'if necessary.
The party that cannot be rounded up and
herded into tbe bosses' corral is to be di
vided and defeated.
Via* ra-entry of Chris RijnkUj int.. Cali
LOS ANGELES HERALD: SUNDAY MORNING. APRIL 5, 1896.
fornia politics marks the beginning of the
attempt to either control or divide the
Democracy of the state. Mr. Hunting ton
and associate, are again in politics. It is
doubtful If tbey have ever been
out, but if they bare been, they are
in again with all the vigor that character
ized the old-time activity that made them
forever infamous. They have selected
the "blind white devil" aa their political
agent and rely upon his skill to so manipu
late things as to either muzzle and manacle
the Democratic party so that it will not as
sist in thwarting railroad designs or to so
disrupt the organisation as to guarantee a
walkover for the Republican party, the
mastery of which the transportation Me
phistopholes seems certain of.
The first round in their fight to put Buck
ley in control of the Democracy was
fought before tho state central committee
at the tatter's recent meeting in San Fran
cisco, and through the courage and ability
of W. W. Foote, Gavin McNab, Frank H.
Gould and a few other active champions of
clean partisanship, the machinations of
the Buckley-railroad combine were de
feated. The members of the committee
from outside of San Francisco, almost to a
man, stood out against the scheme to re
habilitate Buckley. It was left to the dele
gation from Los Angeles county to furnish
some exceptions, all but one delegate from
this county seeminp to stand with the
forces of the late boss.
But, as has been said, the round before
the state central committee was but the
first. Others are to follow, and it is for
these that the real Democrats of Califor
nia must prepare. It is a matter of com
mon report in political circles that the
Buckley-railroad crew are laying the plans
whereby they hope to capture a sufficient
number of delegates to the Domocratic
convention to he held at Sacramento in
June to enable them to either secure the
admission of Buckley's San Francisco
delegation or to create a split in the party
over the planks of tbe platform that the
convention will be called on to adopt.
The Herald will give this program some
attention at another time, and the atten
tion given will be pointed. Ths Herald
will hew to the line in this matter of such
vital consequence to the Democratic party,
in the way that it does in all other mat
ters, without regard to the persons and
the interests that are littered with chips.
Senator Thurston rises to remark,
with severity, that "he who is not for Mc-
Kinley is against him." Aye, aye, sena
ator, throo for ye; and the number of
American citizens ferninst William of the
Tariff will never he fully known until they
get a "crack at him" as a presidential can
Editor Henry Watterson is reported
to have realised $35,000 from his lecture
on Money. The Star-eyed Goddess is on
the American coins, Henry. Money talks.
The misanthropic Col ton said: |This is the
only deity worshiped in all lands, without
a single temple and without a single hypo
Some of the agile favorite sons may lead
Govenor Morton in the first quarter, but,
despite his decrepitude, the old gentleman
is liable to overtake them in the I«-*t dol
Ohio has legislated that high theater
hats must come off. Will the Buckeyes
turn around now and stultify themselves
by voting that a high tariff must come on?
Oh, come off! Come on! Be consistent.
The Herald's lirst page this moroing is
imprinted from linotype "slugs." On next
Sunday morning the entire paper will be
set by Merganthaler machines.
The origin ol Easter eggs.
Both in and out of season.
An explanation sometimes heirs
That's based on truth and reason.
Bark in the dim and distant past,
Tiie church, as now tod .y,
Enjoined tbe strictest sort of fast,
Or the devil was to pay.
A hurting diaphragm was thought
To pave a way to heaven; *
An aclinic; void had always caught
A little oi tne leaven
That, s:orning all ot hell's alarms,
(And no htng could be neater).
Had raised one right into tne arm.
01 critic, 1 Saint l'eter.
A fast of forty hungrydays
Was by the pupe proclaimed;
A time in which to me id one's ways
And cure the sins retained.
Nor flesh, nor pie, nor fowl, nor cake
Might rightly then be taken,
Though fish and t'aiih and stomachache
Incipient good uiignt wakeu.
Nature's best gifts must all be spurned;
Oood tilings tiie good reject
To save themselves flora being burned,
And live with the elect.
The word went forth. Both meat and egg
Had soon no ready sale,
Fcr every one would buy or beg
A stickleback or whale
To stay tha wretched hunger-pair
In trout of every back-
Thus working an eternal gain,
but making trade quite slack.
The meat went roaming through the field
The forty days ot Lent,
While heretic chickens to their yield
The best of efforts bent.
The eggs piled high In every home,
And when the fast waa o'er,
Men had of me*t in them alone
An overburdened store.
So all ate eggs—the kids as well—
The latter, though, objected
To being asked nay, made to swell,
on eggs—by thriit projected.
Day in. day out. the same old fare
Grew harder yet to tackle;
They asked to climb the celestial stair.
Or privilege to cackle.
And then a mother had a thought—
(You'll see she was no dullard)
The children's fancy might be caught
lieggs could but be colored.
To make attractive then the fruit
Each one was gaily tinted,
And boys and girls in wonder mute
't hen ate them all unstinted.
And thus the many colors bright
became the much sought medium
By whicli the eggs all passed from Bight
And quickly reached a premium.
The form ol giving eggs remains
And always wilt abiae;
And they, with all their pretty stains
Make glad our Easier-tide.
All pieces of wallpaper greativ reduced. A
A. Xi kiirom, 3iU South spring street
TO THE EDITOR
(Tri Herald under this heading prints
communications, but does not assume re
sponsibility lor the sentiments expressed.]
That Labor Exchange Idea
Editor Herat d: I feel like stepping in
and filling up the vaccuum between James
Semple and W. C. B. Randolph, in their
argument on the "Labor Exchange." How
easy it ia for some to mix truth with error,
sophistry with rain platitudes, in attempt
ing the refutation of a question of which
one has so limited a conception.
One of the arguments of the single tax
advocate, "If competition is wronz, mo
nopoly must be right; if monopoly is
wrong, competition must be right: for the
one is simply the absence of the other." 1
may be lacking in mental discernment,
unable to unravel so abstruse and complex
an idea as this; but to me it looks as if the
one was the legitimate outgrowth of tho
other, that one could not exist without the
other; one an excrescence that has grown
upon the trunk so large that to sever it
from the main body would be death to the
entire structure, the tlisease having perme
ated every part of the system until all is
seriously affected. Competition has been
called "the life of trade;'' to keep up that
"life," monopoly has grown to gi
gantic proportions, until its octopus
arms reaches out into every avenue of life
—trade, social, economic, industrial and
productive. Monopoly thrives because
competition, the mother of the evil, re
ceives back into her system the new blood
of her offspring. Strike the death blow of
one, and the other lies prone and lifeless.
It is apparent that it is not the absence of
~ne, but a commingling of the interests of
each, that sustains the whole. The error
of the labor exchange, as regarded by the
uninitiated, is that they "erroneously
ascribe the present deplorable condition of
labor to the competitive system; whereas
it is due to the monopolistic system." Is
not that the reasoning of a truly sophistical
mind? Supposing the co-operative com
monwealth had been the system under
which the nation had grown prosperous
and happy; could monopoly have existed
or even found a foothold? Certainly not.
If the land, without the "single tax," was
held in common —that is, if the land, the
heritage of all, belonged to the people—
the government apportioning to each, as he
is best adapted, so much of the productive
soil as his needs require, with surplus acre
age used by the whole to meet the
wants of those whose adaptation calls
them in other fields ot faction, could tiiere
have been under such a system the growth
of monopoly? It is under the competitive
system that opens an avenue to one to
close it against another that monopoly can
thrive: one industry is pushed to the wall
to be absorbed by a stronger, it makes no
difference what may be the business or
occupation. My neighbor is competing
with me. One or the other is the loser in
the game, my means are limited, he has
more at his command and undersells, and
I along with my goods fall under the sher
iff's hammer. In a few months larger and
more extensive business is opened adja
cent tomy former competitor. Competi
tion is now forcing a monopoly in our line
and despite a long trouble to keep his
head above water he too goes under, and
falls back into the ranks of the working
man wiith me, where a short time before he
forced me. Competition is now lively with
the new trade as others of still larger
growth, capacity and facilities are stepping
in; aggregate wealth is absorbing the
weaker firms though they once felt secure;
and so the wheels revolve, grinding out the
poor, and wealth has become an autoc
racy. I presume the single tax adherent
believes in free competition. Let us see.
If we were all in ttie field in our separate
lines of trade, still we are jostling acainst
each other, striving to see who will win the
race, because competition, free or limited,
is an incentive to reach a certain goal we
have set before us; no matter what ob
stacles are In the way or who may fall by
the wayside, we are going to get there.
"Let him look out for himself, my interest
is at stake," and it is so easy to quiet our
conscience that we are injuring no one so
long as it is a legitimate business transac
The Labor exchange, as I understand it,
has come with the avowed purpose, to
bring peace and good-will to man, to avert,
war, bloodshed, blighted hopes and ruined
lives, and establish concord, security and
free exchange of all goods and products
among those who advocate the principles
of justice and equity. To explain. I have
a ton of apples. I wish to sell; the mar
ket, they tell me, is overstocked. I
go from place to place, but it is fruit
less. They tell me again it is overproduc
tion. I wonder if every one in the city has
more of this fruit than is needed—if every
family is well supplied with a fruit that is
so readily converted into many a delicious
and appetizing dish. To my sorrow
and pain I find thousands unable to buy,
and the little ones longing for an apple.
The reason is apparent. I am running
against competition and monopoly in vari
ous stages, even in apples, which leaves me
with the the fruit on my hands. They tell
me to convert my choice, luscious fruit
intc cider or vinegar. Well, here again 1
run against the same shoals. Hut, presto!
here is a labor exchange. I go in. They
say: "Why,yes, we'll take your apples,
tome with us and help us carry ou our
good work." I leave the apples, taking a
certified check of deposit, exchangeable
for any other protluct, wares or goods they
may have on hand, or procurable through
other branches. Weary of my long tramp'
I breathe a sigh of relief that here is a ha
ven. I learn their membership is on the
increase, and stranger still, that the metal
money, gold and silver, is only rec- I
ognized as a commodity, the same
as my apples; that the intrinsic value
of any commodity depends solely upon
its use and demand to supply the necessi
ties of man. It dawns upon me that gold
and silver, by fierce competition, has be
come a gigantic monopoly. I want shoeß
for the children, and the larder needs sup
plies, but my purse is empty of the much
lauded gold and silver; how will I meet the
demand? The Labor ICxehange comes to
my help. I have these certified checks in
my purse, received for my apples, and the
children are happy, the larder is replen
ished, content, comfort and peace has
come to the home, and money, metal
money, has had no part in bringing this
satisfaction and joy.
Does this look like war, my brother toil
er? Does it look as if such a movement
would drive you to despair, and suicide; to
war and destruction of your fellow man;
will it subvert the welfare of the nation?
' No! It is the only way out of the competi
tive system, that lias fastened the octopus
of monopoly upon a too confiding people.
There are many other misleading state
ments by the writer, so mixed with truth
and interest in the welfare of the laboring
man that it may be hard to discriminate
between the true and the false. You have
seen and felt the beauties and merits, fel
low-workman, of the competitive system,
would it not be well to investigate for your
self, not relying upon the judgment of oth
ers, whether competition, with all its con
comitant evils, or co-operation through the
labor exchange, will return to you the
fruits of your toil iv larger fold, and the
assurance that you have helped establish
the commonwealth in the brotherhood of
man. May E. Bensen.
Mr. Woolwlne Write*
Editor Hekai.u:—As a loyal Southern
Californian I want, first, to express my ad
miration of The Hekald and its able
editorial management for the stand taken
by you for the people on the matter of the
free harbor at San Pedro. Further, I wish
to say that we shall win our Iluht for the
location of the government harbor at the
port recommended by the government's
engineers. We have been recognized by
the rivers and harbors committee to a lim
ited extent already, and Senator White as
sured me that should we get any recom
mendation in Ihe house be would agree to
put us through the senate for the full
amount asked, viz.. $302,725, on the con
tinuing contract plan. And I, for one, be
Fail to Visit ....
Ol All Tourists."
Fishing and Boating.
San Diego County, Cal.
l.os Aneeles office, 129 NT. Spring st.
H. F. NORCROSS, Agent
lieve he is able to carry out this statement.
I interviewed many members of the United
States senate while in Washington, asking
co-operation in our cause, and the uniform
response to me was that with Senator
White as our champion we would succeed.
I am for the "double standard"—first the
inner, then the outer harbor for San Pedro.
After that I am with enthusiasm for har
bors at Santa Monica, Redondo and else
where along the coast, and I will join any
league cr combination to procure them.
W. D. WOOLWTNB.
BY LEDRU B. KINNEY
General Weyler appears to hay* got his
It seems as though the death knsll of
pugilism has been sounded—maybe.
Another favorite son has been bowled
down. Thus runs the world away.
That wide-tire movement which agitated
the whole country a short time ago must
have been pneumatic and struck a tack.
The question is being seriously asked far
and wide: "Will the coming woman
marry?" We do not know. Men are be
ginning to be moderately particular.
It is not a theory nor a condition, but a
countless and inextricable assortment of
alliances that is confronting Europe at the
The Kansas senator, Mr. Peffer, ssys the
People's party cannot elect a president un
til 1900. It looks as if Mr. Peffer has de
cided to wait till 1900 before accepting
the Populist nomination.
There is no danger of Gov. Altgeld going
duck hunting or on a fishing trip. We
might miss him with too much gaiety.
It has been positively vouchsafed that
during one whole day last week Mr. Mor
gan did not utter a word in the senate. It
seems he was compelled to be absent.
The novel. Jude Ihe Obscure, has been
suppressed in several eastern libraries.
Now start on the dead run for tbe nearest
bookstore and secure a copy before the
edition is exhausted.
It will be remembered that while minis
ter to France Mr. Morton had one of his
toes amputated. This seems to account
for his lagging behind in tbe presidential
In thin country our statesmen have a
wild hankering for the presidential bee,
but the Chinese statesman, Li Hung Chang,
is perfectly contented when he can retain
his yellow jacket.
The success of the great Paris exhibition
of 1900 is assured. 1 f work on the med
als to be awarded to prise exhibitors Is
begun immediately there will be some pos
sibility of having them ready by 1002.
Mr. Gladstone, unlike the aspirants for
office In this country, never appears to be
San ing wood. It, however, must be ad
mitted that his mania for chopping wood
is exceedingly alarming at times.
The number of redhanded murderers
who continue to go scot free is appalling.
T heir cheating of even Judge Lynch sug
gests that an appropriate motto above
their cells would be: Those who enter here
leave rope behind.
The "Wizard" Edison tells of the day
when by means of Roentgen rays everyone
shall have the pleasure of looking through
all substances. We are afraid, however,
that it will be in the dim and far away fu
turity ere the Roentgen rays become so
perfected as to enable them to give a de
scription of a political "boom," or even to
convey to us some idea of what that mys
terious and wildly mixed thing is, anyway.
In the land once drenched with the blood
of slaveholders and free-soilers, where
prairie tires have with insatiable maw
wiped out everything in sight, where
grasshoppers have cried havoc and bit off
more than they could chew, where the fes
tive cyclone has left behind its path of
deatli a total wreck of things, where uni
versal strife has run riot without a single
armistice, where legislators have smitten
each other witli a sickening thud, where
burning " Mary" has whooped and sang—
in this land of affliction—poor bleeding
Kansas—it is now reported that Populism
is dying out. Oh, ye gods, what next?
Though the golden bowl be broken
I hat held love's rosy wins.
Though the lest fond words be spoken
i'liat held tliee once as mine;
Kond memory still will cherish
'I lie dreams so sweet to me.
And till each pulseshall perish
My heart will cling to thee.
Though the silver chord be silent
That thrilled beneath thy band-
As i ii a far-off city
' Neath ruined hopes I stand,
Still, yet, where'er I wander
1 hy beauty 1 shall see,
And its the past I ponder.
My heart still clings to thee.
Ah 1 each forgotten token—
'Twere vain ray love to tell.
Though the golden bowl be broken,
And the silver chord at well;
Fond memory still will cherish
The dream so sweet to me.
And till each pulse shall perish
Mv heart will cling to thee.
A Voice From Below
Whitelaw Reed is needed at home In
New York to manage the Tribune, which
recently had c. head line beginning. Hell
fire and Politics! Tbe presistent wicked
ness of the McKinley managers has
aroused the Tribune to unwonted earnest
San Francisco claims tbe Wilmerding
school on the ground that she baa one
third the population of the state. It is well
to put in this claim early, for the center
is shifting so raoidly to Los Angeles, that
the claim, if true now, will not be so very
In a speech at Los Angeles yesterday Dr
Qeiiew said that if Major McKinley "could
be elected on the llrst ballot that would
settle the whole trouble." Hall to Dr.
Depew! He has discovered a universal
panacea for the Republican colic—Buffalo
McKinley found a Reed (not shaken by
tne wind) in Texas—New York Journal.
"Th* Btlt U the Ca.«se»t"
BOSTON GOODS STORE
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