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You Can Hake Money
$ $ % By advertising In The Herald % % t any day in the year. Next % % % Sunday's run will be the % % % largest edition The Herald $ $ $ has ever issued. TWENTY-FIFTH YEAR. NO. 331. MAJOR M'KINLEY WRITES A LETTER Accepting the Republican Nomination I TANGLE OF CONTRADIGTIONB Calculated to Mislead Only the Unthinking FREE COINAGE MEANS RUIN Because tbe Parity Could Not Possibly Be Maintained Vet He Always Has and Still Does Favor Silver We Can Have Bimetallism Whan England Will Consent, and Must Have a Tarllt In splte ol Her Opposition Associated Press Special Wire CANTON, 0., Aug. 20.—Major Mc- Klnley's letter of acceptance was issued today: It is as follows: Hon. John M. Thurston and Other Members of the National Notification Committee: Gentlemen—ln pursuance to the prom ise made to your committee when noti fied of my nomination as the Republican candidate for president, I beg tn submit this formal acceptance of that high hon or and to consider In detail questions at issue In the pending campaign. Perhaps this might be considered unnecessary, In view of my remarks on that occasion and those I have made to delegations that have visited me since the St. Louis convention, but in view of the momen tous importance of the proper settlement of the Issues presented In our future prosperity and standing as a nation con sidering only the welfare and happiness of our people, I couhl not be content tq omit again calling attention to the ques tions which. In my opinion, vitally affect our strength and position among the governments of the world and our mo rality, Integrity and patriotism aa citi zens of that republic which for a cen tury past has been the best hopes of the world and the inspiration of mankind. We must not now prove false to our own high standards in government nor un mindful the noble example and wise pre cepts of the fathers, or of the confidence and trust which our conduct in the past has always inspired. THE FREE COINAGE OF SILVER For the first time since 186S, If ever be fore, there la presented to the American people this year a clear and direct issue as to our-monetary system, of vast im portance in its effects and upon the right settlement of which rests largely the financial honor and prosperity of the country. It ls proposed by one wing of the Democratic party and its allies, the People's and silver parties, to inaugu rate the free and unlimited coinage of silver by Independent action on the part of the United States at a ratio of sixteen ounces of silver to one ounce of gold. The mere declaration of this pur pose is a menace to our fianacial and In dustrial interests and has already creat ed universal alarm. It involves great peril to the credit and business of the country, a peril so grave that conserva tive men everywhere are breaking away from their old party associations and uniting with other patriotic citizens in emphatic protest against the platform of the Democratic national convention as an assault upon the faith and honor of the government and the welfare of the people. We have had few questions in the lifetime of the republic more serious than the one which is thus presented. NO BENEFIT TO LABOR. The character of the money which shall measure our values and exchanges and settle our balances with one anoth er and with the nations of the world, Is of such primary Importance and so far reaching In Its consequences as to call for the most painstaking investigation, and in the end a sober and unprejudiced Judgment at the polls. We must not be misled by phrases nor deluded by false theories. Free silver would not mean that silver dollars were to be freely had without cost or labor. It would mean the free use of the mints of the United States for the few who are own ers of silver bullion, but would not make silver any freer to the many who are en gaged In other enterprises. It would not make labor easier, the hours of la bor shorter, or the pay better. It would not make farming less laborious or more profitable. It would not start a factory or make a demand for an addi tional day's labor. It would create no new occupations. It would add nothing to the comfort of the masses, the capital of the people or the wealth of the nation. It seeks to Introduce a new measure of value, but would add no value to the thing measured. It would not conserve values. On the contrary, lt would de range all existing values. It would not restore business confidence, but its di rect effect would 1 be to destroy the little which yet remains. WHAT IT MEANS. The meaning of the coinage plank adopted at Chicago is that any one may take a quantity of silver bullion, now worth 53 cents, to the mints of the Unit ed States, have lt coined at the expense of the government, and receive for it a silver dollar, which shall be legal ten der for the payment of all debts, public and private. The owner of the bullion would get the silver dollar. It belongs to him and nobody else. Other people would get lt only by their labor, the products of their land, or something of valua. The bullion owner, on the basis of present values, would receive the sli ver dollar for 53 cents' worth of silver, and other people would be required to receive lt as a full dollar In the payment of debts. The government would get nothing from the transaction. It would bear the expense of coining the silver, and the community would suffer loss by Its use. THE DOLLARS COMPARED. We have coined since 1378 more than 400,000,000 of silver dollars, which are maintained by the government at parity with gold, and are a full legal tender for ithe payment of all debts, public and private. How ore the silver dollars now in use different from those which would be In use under free coinage? They are to be of the same weight and fineness; they are to bear the same stamp of the government. Why would they not be of the same value? I answer: The sil ver dollars now In use were coined on account of the government, and not for private account or gain, and the govern ment has solemnly agreed to keep them as good as the best dollars we have. The government bought the silver bulilon at Its market price and coined it. Having the exclusive control of the mint, it only coins what lt can hold at a parity with gold. The profit representing the difference between the commercial value of the sliver bullion and the face value of the silver dollar goes to the government for the benefit cf the people. The govern ment bought tho silver bullion contain ed In the silver dollar at very much less than its coinage value. It paid it out to its creditors and put in circulation among the people at Its face value of 100 cents, or a full dollar. It required the people to accept it at a legal tender and ls thus morally bound to maintain it at a parity with gold, which was then as now the recognized standard with us and the most enlightened nations of the world. The government, having issued and circulated the silver dollar, it must in honor protect the holder from loss. This obligation It has so far sa credly kept. Not only is there a moral obligation but there is a legal obliga tion expressed In public statute to main tain the parity. COULD NOT BE KEPT AT PAR. These dollars In the particulars I have named are not the same as the dollars which would be issued under free coinage. They would be the same in form, but different in value. The gov ernment would have no part in the transaction, except to coin the silver bullion into dollars. It would share no part of the profit. It would take upon itself no obligations. It would not put the dollars Into circulation. It could only get them as any citizen would get them, by giving something for them. It would deliver them to those who de posited the silver and its connection with the transaction there end. Such are tho silver dollars which would be Issued under free coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to L Who would then maintain the parity. What would keep them at par with gold? There would be no obligation resting upon the gov ernment to do it, and if there were it would be powerless to do it. The sim ple truth ls, we would be driven to a silver basis—to silver monometallism. These dollars, therefore, would stand upon their real value. If the free and unlimited coinage of silver at a ratio of 16 ounces of silver to 1 ounce of gold would, as some of its advocates assert, make 53 cents In silver worth one hun dred cents, and the silver dollar equal to the gold dollar, then we would have no cheaper money than now and it would be no easier to get. But that such would be the result is against reason and is contradicted by experience In all times and in all lands. It means the debasement of our currency to the amount of the difference between the commercial and coin value of the silver dollar, which is ever changing, and the effect wotfd be to decrease property values, entail untold financial loss, destroy confidence, impair the obligations of exist ing contracts, further impoverish the la borers and producers of the coutnry, create a panic of unparalleled severity, and inflict upon trade and commence a deadly blow. To any such policy lam unalterably opposed. BIMETALLISM. Bimetallism cannot be secured by In dependent action on our part. It cannot be obtained by opening our mints to the unlimited coinage of the silver of the world at a ratio of sixteen ounces of sil ver to one ounce of gold, when the com mercial ratio is more than thirty ounces of silver to one ounce of gold. Mexico and China have tried the experiment. Mexico has free coinage of silver and goid at a ratio slightly in excess of 16 l /2 ounces of silver to one ounce of gold when her mints are freely open to both metals at that ratio, not a single dollor in gold bullion ls coined and circulated as money. Gold has been driven out of cir culation in these countries and they are on a silver basis alone. Until interna tional agreement is had it is the plain duty of the United States to maintain the gold standard. It is the recognized and sole standard of the great commer cial nations of the world with which we trade more largely than any other. Eighty-four per cent of our foreign trade for the fiscal year 1895 was with gold standard countries, and our trade with other countries was settled on a gold basis. MORE SILVER THAN GOLD Chiefly by means of legislation during and since 187S there has been put in cir culation more than $624,000,000 of silver or its representative. This has been done in the honest effort to give to silver, if possible, the same bullion and coinage value, and encourage the concurrent use of both gold and silver as money. Prior to that time there had been less than 9, --000,000 of silver dollars coined in the en tire history of the United States, a period of eighty-nine years. This legislation secured the largest use of silver consist ent with financial safety and the pledge to maintain Its parity with gold. We have today more silver than gold. This has been accomplished at times with grave peril to the public credit. The so called Sherman law sought to use ail the sliver production of the United States for moneylat its market value. From 1890 to 1893 the government purchased 4,500.000 ounces of silver a month, or 54. THE HERALD LOS ANGELES, THURSDAY MORXING* AUGUST 27, 1896.-TEX PAGES 000,000 ounces a year. This was one third of the product of the world and practically all of this country's product. It was believed by those who then and now favor free coinage that such use of silver would advance Its bullion value to its coinage value, but this expectation was not realized. In a few months, not withstanding the unprecedented market for the silver produced in the United States, the "rice of silver went down very rapidly, . aching a lower point than ever before. Then upon the recommen- datlon of President Cleveland both polit ical parties united in the repeal of the purchasing clause of the Sherman law. We cannot with safety engage in further experiments In this direction. THE DOUBLE STANDARD. On August 22, 1891, in a public address, I said: "If we could have an interna tional ratio, which all the leading na tions of the world would accept, and the true relation be fixed between the two metals, and all asree upon the quanti ty of silver which should constitute a dollar, then silver would be as f'JJe and unlimited in its privileges of coinage las gold is today. But that we have not | been able to secure, and with the free and unlimited coinage of silver adopted in the United States at the preent ratio, we would be still further removed from any international agreement. We may never be able to secure! it if we enter upon the isolated coinage of silver. The double standard implies equality at a ratio, and that equality can only be es tablished by the concurrent law of na tions. It was the concurrent law of na tions that made the double standard; lt will require the concurrent law of na tions to reinstate and sustain it." FAVORS THE USE OF SILVER. The Republican party has not been, and is not now, opposed to the use of sil ver money, as Its record abundantly shows. It has done all that could be done for Its increased use with safety and honor by the United States acting apart from other governments. There are those who think it has already gone be yond the limit of financial prudence. Surely we can go no further, and we must not permit false lights to lure us across the danger line. MORE THAN OTHER COUNTRIES. We have much more silvei*in use than any other country In .the world, except India or China—ssoo,ooo,ooo more than Great Britain; $150,000,000 more than France; $400,000,000 more than Ger many: $325,0000,000 less than India, and $125,000,000 less than China. The Re publican party has declared: In favor of an International agreement, and if elec ted president, lt will be my duty to use all proper means to promote it. The free coinage of silver In this cotintry would defer, if not defeat, international bimetallism, and until an international agreement can be had, every Interest re quires us to maintain our present standard. Independent free coinage of silver at a ratio of sixteen ounces of silver to one ounce of gold would insure the speedy contraction of the volume of our cur rency. It would drive at least 500,000,000 of gold dollars, which we now have, per manently from the trade of the country and greatly decrease our per capita cir - culation. It is noH proposed by the Re publican party to take from the circulat ing medium of the country any of the silver we now have. On the contrary. It is proposed to keep all of the silver money now in circulation on a parity Tvith gold by maintaining the pledge of Che government that all of it shall be equal to gold. This has been the un broken policy of the Republican party since 1878. It has inaugurated no new policy. It will keep In circulation and as good as gold all of the silver and pa per moneys which are now Included in the currency of the country. It will maintain their parity. It will preserve their equality in the future as it has always done in the past. It will not con sent to put this country on a silver basis, which would Inevitably follow indepen dent .Tree coinage at a ratio of 16 to 1. It will oppose the expulsion of gold from our circulation. FARMERS AND LABORERS SUFFER MOST. If there ls any one thing which should be free from speculation and fluctuation It is ths money of a country. It ought never to be the subject of mere partisan contention. When we part with our la bor our products or our property, we should receive in return money which Is as stable and unchanging in value as the Ingenuity of honest men can make it. Debasement of the currency means destruction of values. No one suffers so much from cheap money as the farmers and laborers. They are the first to feel its bad effects and the last to recover from them. This has been the uniform experience of all countries, and here, as elsewhei p, the poor and not the rich are the grea ier sufferers from every attempt to debase our money. It would fall with alarming severity upon investments al ready nvSde; upon insurance companies and the!;r policy holders; upon savings banks and their depositors; upon build ing and loan associations and their mem bers; upon the savings of thrift; upon pensioners and their families, and upon wage earners and the purchasing power of their wages. UNLIMITED IRREDEEMABLE PA PER MONEY. The silver question is not the only issue affecting our money in the pending con test. Hot content with urging the free coinag? of silver, Its strongest cham pions demand that our paper money shall be issued directly by the govern ment of the United States. This is the Chicago Democratic declaration. The St. Louis People's party declara tion is that "our national money shall be issued by the general government only, without the intervention of banks of is sue, be full legal tender for the payment of all debts, private and public, and be dlJtributed direct to the people and through lawful disbursements of the government." Thus, in addition to the free coinage of gold and silver, we are asked to enter upofi an era of unlimited Irredeemable paper currency. The ques tion which was fought out from 1865 to 1875 ls thus to be reopened with ail its cheap money experiments of every con ceivable form foisted upon us. This In dicates a most startling reactionary pol icy, strangely at variance with every re quirement of sound finance; but the dec laration shows the spirit and purpose of those who by combined action are con AIcKINLEY LEAVES NOTHING UNTOUCHED—NOT EVEN HANNA tending for the control of the govern ment. Not satisfied with the debase ment of our coin which inevitably fol lows the free coinage of silver at 16 to 1, they would still further degrade our cur rency and threaten the public honor by the unlimited issue of an irredeemable paper currency. A graver menace to our financial standing and credit could hard ly be conceived, and every patriotic cit izen should be aroused to promptly meet and effectually defeat. HIGHLY REPREHENSIBLE. It is a cause for painful regret and so licitude that an effort is being made by those high in the councils of the allied parties to divide the people of the coun try into classes and create distinctions among us, which in fact, do not exist and are foreign to our form of govern ment. These appeals to passion and to prejudice are beneath the spirit and in telligence of a free people, and shoul 1 be met with stern rebuke by those they seek to Influence, and I believe they will be. Every attempt to array class against class, "the classes against the masses," section against section, labor against capital, the poor against the rich, or interest against interest, in the United States is in the highest de gree reprehensible. It Is opposed to the national Instinct and interest, and should be resisted by every citizen. We are not a nation of classes but of sturdy, free, Independent and honorable peopl", despising the demagogue and never capitulating to dishonor. This ever re curring effort endangers popular gov ernment, and is a menace to our liber ties. It is not a new campaign device or party appeal. It is old as the govern ment among men, but was never more untimely and unfortunate than now. Washington warned us against it. and Webster said in the senate in words which I feel are singularly appropriate at this time: "I admonish the people against the object of outcries like these. I admonish every industrious laborer of this country to be on his guard against such delusion. I tell him tho attempt is to place his passion against his interest, and to prevail on him, in the name of liberty, to destroy all the fruits of liberty." PROTECTION OP SUPREME IM PORTANCE. An issue of supreme importance ls that of protection. The peril of free sil ver Is a menace to be feared; we are al ready experiencing the effects of par tial free trade. The one must be avert ed; the other corrected. The Republi can party ls wedded to the doctrine of protection, and was never more earnest in its support and advocacy than now. If argument were needed to strengthen its devotion to the "American system" or Increase the hold of that system upon the party and people, it is found In the lesson and experience of the past three years.. Men realize in their own daily lives what before Avas to many of them only report, history or tradi tion. They have had a trial of both systems and know what each has done for them. DEMANDED BY PUBLIC EXIGEN , » CIES. Wshington, In his farewell addres;, September 17, 1776, a hundred years ago, said: "As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible; avoid ing the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoid able wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear." To facilitate the enforcement of the maxims which he announced he declar ed: "It is essential that you should prai I tically bear in mind that toward the payment of debts", there must be reve nues; that to have revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised which arc not more or less inconvenient or unpleasant; that the intrinsic embar rassment Inseparable from the selec tion of proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties) ought to be a de cisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct o fgovernment in mak ing it and for a spirit of acquiescenca in the measure for obtaining revenue which the public exigencies may at any time dictate." Animated by like sentiments the peo ple of the country must face tha conilu Hons which now beset them. "The pub lic exigencies demand prompt protective legislation which will avoid the accu mulation of further debt by providing adequate revenues for the expenses of the government. This is manifestly the requirement of duty. If elected pres ident of the United States it will be my aim to vigorously promote this object and give that ample encouragement to the occupation* of the American people, which, above all else, ls Imperatively demanded at this juncture of our na tional affairs. CONDITIONS IN 1892. Our condition In December, 1592 was set forth by President Harrison In his last message to congress. It was an able and exhaustive review of the con dition and resources of the country. It stated our situation so accurately that I am sure that it will not be amiss to recite his official and valuable testi- mony: ' There has never been a time in our history," he said, "when work was so abundant, nor when wages were so high, whether measured by the currency in which they are paid, or by their power to supply the necessaries and comforts of life. The general average of prices has been such as to give to agriculture a fair participation in the general pros perity. The new industrial plants es tablished since October 6, IS9O, and up to October 22, 1892, number 345, and the extension of existing plants MS. The capital invested amounts to $40,416,070. and the number of additional employes 37,285. During the first six months of the present calendar year 135 new factories were built, of which 40 were cotton mills and 48 knitting mills, 26 were woolen mills, 15 silk mills, 4 plush mills and 2 linen mills; of the 40 cotton mills 21 have been built in the southern states." This fairly describes the happy condi tion of the country in December, 1892. What has it been since; and what is lt now? EIGHT MONTHS LATER. The messages of President Cleveland from the beginning of his second ad ministration to the present time abound with descriptions of the deplorable In dustrial and financial situation of the country. While no resort to history or official statement Is required to advise us of the present condition and that which has prevailed during the past three years, I venture to quote from President Cleveland's first message, Au gust 8, 1593, addressed to the Fifty-third congress, which he called together In extraordinary session: "The existence of an alarming and extraordinary business situation," said be, "involving the welfare and prosper ity of al! of our people has constrained me to call together in extra session the people's representatives in congress, to the end that throush wise and patri otic exercise of legislative duties with which they are solely charged, the present evils may be mitigated and dan gers threatening the future may be averted. Our unfortunate financial plight is not the result of untoward events, nor of conditions related to our natural re sources, nor is it traceable to any of the afflictions which frequently check nat ural growth and prosperity. With plen teous crops, with abundance promise of remunerative production and man ufacture, with unusual .invitation to in vestment and with satisfactory assur ances to business enterprises, suddenly financial fears and distrust have sprung up on every side. Numerous moneyed in stitutions have suspended because abundant assets were not immediately available to meet the demands of fright ened depositors. Surviving corporations md individuals are content to keep in hand the money they are usually anx ious to loan, and those engaged In legi timate business are surprised to find the securities they offer for loans, though heretofore satisfactory, are no longer accepted. Values supposed to be fixed are fast becoming conjectural, and loss and failure have invaded every branch of business. CAUSE OF THE CHANGE. What a startling and sudden change within the short period of eight months from December, 1892, to August, 1!>93. What has occurred? A change of ad ministration. All branches of govern ernment had been Instrusted to the Domricratic party. which waa commit J It Don't Cost /Inch $ S $ To Tench one-half the people S S $ in l.os Anfcflesnnd Southern I s $ s California, If advertisers use j J $ $ the columns of The Herald, S $ S and it always pays. ted against the protective policy that had prevailed uninterruptedly for more than thirty-two years und brought un exampled prosperity t t the country.and firmly pledged to Its complete overthrow and a substitution for tariff for revenue only. The change having been decreed by the election ill November, its effects were at once anticipated and felt. We cannot close our eyes to these altered conditions, nor would it be wise to ex clude from contemplation and investi gations the Causes Whlefa produced them. They ar,» facts which we cannot, ns a peopl". disregard, and we can only hope to Improve our preaeaj) condition by a study of their causes, in December, IMS, we had the same currency and practically the same volume of currency that we have now, It aggregated in 1802. $2,:;72.53:J,501; in ISM, $2.22:5.000,000; In 1594. $2,323,442.3f>2. and in December, 183 S. $2,!fi4,000,0r0. The per capita of money has been practically the same during this wlinle period. The quality of the money has been identical, all kept equal to gold. There is nothing connected with our money, therefore, to account for this sudden, aggravated industrial change. Whatever Is t" be deprecated in our financs. It must be every where admitted that our money * ias been ab solutely good and has broupht neither loss nor inconvenience to its holders. A depreciated currency has not existed further to vex the troubled business situation. WHAT MAKES HARD TIM ES. A pretense is made to attribute the haid times to the fact that all our cur rency ls on a gold basis. Good money never made times hard. Those who as sert that our present Industrial and financial depression is the result of the gold standard have not read American history aright, or been careful students of events of recent years. We never had greater prosperity in this country in ev ery Held of employment and industry than in the busy years from 1S C oto ISH2, during all of which time this country .was on a gold basis and employed more gold money in its fiscal and business op erations than ever before. We had, too, a protective tariff, under which amide revenues were collected for the govern ment. Hind an accumulating surplus which was constantly applied to the payment of public debts. Let us hold fast to that, system which wo know is good. It Is not more money we want. What we want is to put this money we already have nt work. When money is employed, men are employed. Both have always been steadily and remuneratively engaged during all the years of protective tariff legislation. When those who have money lack confidence in the stability of values and investments, they will not part with their money. Business is stagnated, the llfeblood of trade is checked and con gealed. We cannot restore public con fidence by an act which would revolu tionize all statutes, or an act which en tails a deficiency In the public revenues. We canot Inspire confidence by advocat ing repudiation or practicing dishon esty. A TARIFF NEEDED. We eanot restore confidence either to the treasury or to the people without change In our present tariff legislation. The tariff of 1895, the only measure of a general nature that affected the treasury and the employment of our people passed by the fifty-third congress, was that general tariff act which did not receive the approval of the president. Whatever virtues may be claimed for that act, there is confessedly one which it does not possess. It lacks the essen tial virtue of its creation, the raising of revenues sufficient to supply the need of the government. It has at no time provided enough revenue for such needs, but it has caused a Constant deficiency in the treasury and a steady depletion in the earnings of labor and lands. It has contributed to swell our national debt more than $262,000,000, a sum near ly as great as the debt of our.govern ment from Washington to Lincoln, In cluding all our wars from the revolution to the rebellion. Since its passage work at home has been diminished, prices of agricultural products have fallen, confi dence has been arrested, and distress ls seen on every hand. TARIFF CONTRASTS. 1 The total receipts under the tariff act of 1894 for the first twenty-two months of its enforcement, from Sentember, 1894 to June, 189G, were $537,615,328, and the expenditures $640,418,363, or a deficiency of $82,803,035. The decrease in our ex ports of agricultural products and man ufactures during the first fifteen months •of the present tariff, as contrasted with the exports of the first fifteen months of the tariff of IS9O was $220,353,320. Tho excess of exports over imports during tne llrst fifteen months of the tariff of IS9O was 3213,972,968, but only $36,758,4233 under the first fifteen months of the tariff of 1594, a loss under the latter of $137,214,345. The net loss in the trade balance of the United States has been $106,983,607 during the first fifteen months' operation of the tariff of IX9I as compared with the first fifteen months of the tariff of 1890. The loss has been large, constant and steady, at tho rate of $13,130,000 per month, or $50,000 for ev ery business day of the year. LOSING BOTH WAYS. We have been sending too much money out of the country or getting too lit tle in. or both. We have lost steadily in both directions. Our foreign trade has been diminishing and our domestic has suffered incalculable loss. Does not this suggest the cause of our present depres sion and indicate its remedy? Confi dence in home enterprise has almost wholly disappeared. Our shops are dosed or running at half time at reduced wages and small profits if not actual loss. Our men at home are idle, and while they are idle men abroad are oc cupied in supplying us with goods. Our unrivaled home market of the farmer has also greatly suffered because they who constitute.it the great army of wage earners, are without the work and wages they formerly had. If they cannot earn wages they cannot buy products. They cannot earn if they have no employment, and when they don't earn the farmers' home market is lessened and impaired and the loss is felt by both producer and consumer. The loss of earning power alone in this country in the past three years is sufficient to have produced our unfortunate busigess situation. If our Q*ntiniuul a*v Biynnii Pnaa. cirv P7I3H.P :; *i* i'.ici >v. on WA.yspoßrArio* lhss. 5 c^irs THE CHAMPION OF FREE SILVER Diligently Prosecuting the People's Campaign THOUSANDS Of MME CHENS Gather to Listen and to Applaud AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS Too Glorious to De Subverted by Sycdl. cale Gcvernnunt American People Too Brave to Submit to Foreign Domination A Patriotic anJ Lo/ical UxpojUlon of the Coin, aje Ouestion Orijtjd With Aj olacse by flan "fired of Honopoiy Rule Associated Press Special Wire BRIE, Pa.. Ati?. HC—William J. Bry an mado speeches today in three citiea of two states—Syracuse and Rochester, N. V.. and Erie, Pa.—and incidentally traveled several hundred miles to meet" the thousands who gathered from the surrounding country to hear him at each place. 1 Today's demonstration culminated in Erie, where the meeting of 350 delegates of the Democratic societies of Pennsyl vania made the presence of the candi date particularly opportune. Here Mr. Bryan made three stirring speeches to as many different audiences in the even ing being driven quickly from one hall to another. The first meeting was at Maenner choir hall, which held 2500 persons, to whom Mr. Bryan appealed to study the issue of the campaign and vote their convictions. His second appearance was on the stage nf the AudiU.Vum, where he faced an audience of equal size, and the second speech was, like the llrst, brief but stirring. Outside of the Erie Opera liouse thousands more had as sembled for a glimpse of the candidate, when the people were admitted they I filled the house in five minutes, and tho I doors were closed upon hundreds. The entrance of the presidential candidate I upon the arm of ex-Congressman Jo j scph Sibley Inspired a wild scene of en thusiasm, which lasted several minutes, and Mrs. Hryan's appearance in a box with Mrs. Sibley produced mure enthus iasm. AT SVHACUSE Thousands Slow Enthusiastic AD.nreclatlonot Patriotic Sentiment SYRACUSE, N. V., Aug. 25.— W. 3. Bryan took up campaigning today al most before the sun was up. After a few hours' rest following the Utlca meeting, which did not end until midnight, and alter a hurried breakfast, he and Mrs. Bryan boarded a local passenger train which left Utlca at 7:15. Bryan had little to say about the din ner with Senator Hill, undoubtedly ono of the most important events of his New York tour. "It was merely a social af fair," he said. Although the absence of Hill from the political meeting which followed the dinner was commented upnn, a remark made by Bryan in his Albany speech, that the support of thoso Democrats who did not indorse every plank in the platform was expected, was commented upon as significant. There is a general impression among those with the candidate that he re ceived assurances that Hill would de clare for the ticket. On Hanover square, Syracuse, 5000 people gathered to hear Bryan. He said, in part: "Mr. Chairman and Fellow Citizens— In this land of ours, where government derives its powers from the consent of the governed and where an official for a short time exercises an authority lv law, it is only fair that those who are to choose by ballot should be permitted to come in contact with those who are candidates for so hlsh a position, and as in this campaign it is difficult for all our people to find the necessary money either of gold or silver, to visit the can didate, I thought it might be worth whiie for a candidate to visit the people. Then, too, I thought it might be well for one accused of being a candidate of a body of anarchists to show himself in order that you may judge whether he looks like one bent upon destroying the gov ernment under which he lives. "I bellve, my friends, there is no one in this land more in love with our insti tutions than I. • 1 glory in, the liberty of our people and In the opportunities which our na tion presents to every citizen and to the children of all who live beneath our Hag; that we can say to our children. Whatever be our walk In life, whethher we be rich or poor, whether we stand among the known or unknown, we can say to our children, 'AH the avenues of industry are open to you if you can pre vent the trust from closing these aye* nues, and all the honors that r.re in the hands of the people have a right to choose their officials and rot the cor porations and syndicates." Our opponents—l do not mean the lit tle ones who stand about sometimes up on the street corners in the hope of soma petty office and find fault with those. Who are candidates —but 1 mean some of the conspicuous opponents Whom wo meet in this campaign, who have de clared openly and publicly that they must exert themselves to keep anarchy and socialism from dominating in tha United States, I want to assure you.