4 The Herald mine MiHi SALua The Herald Publishing Company WILI.IAn A. SPALDING, President and General Manager. EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT: 221 East Fourth street. Telephone 156. BUSINESS OFFICE: Bradbury Building, 222 West Third street. Telephone 21". RATES OF SUffICRTPTION Dally, by carrier, per month S 75 Dally, by mall, one year 9.00 Dally, by mail, six months 4.50 Daiiy, by mail, three months 2.25 Sunday Herald, by mail, one year 2.00 Weekly Herald, by mall, one year 1.00 POSTAGE RATES ON THE HERALD 48 pages 4 cents I 32 pages 2 cents 36 pages 3 cents \ 2S pages 2 cents 24 pages 2 cents | 16 pages 2 cents 12 pages 1 cent EASTERN AGENTS FOR THE HERALD A. Frank Richardson, Tribune building. New York: Chamber ot Commerce build ing, Chicago. SAN FRANCISCO OFFICE: (28 Market street, opposite Palace Hotel. FRIDAY, riAY 38, 1897. HAVEMEYER'S ESCAPE The phenomenon cf the wheels of Jus tice In motion with a millionaire ln th? hopper has been on exhibition in Wash ington. H. O. Havemeyer, the sugar king, who pompously declined to an swer the queries propounded to him by the 3enate investigating committee, in 1894, touching campaign funds fur nished by his sugar company, was th? commodity that should have been re duced in the mills of the gods. Trustee Havemeyer's position had not been at all assuring. His confederate in contra band methods, E. R. Chapman, is in Jail for the like offense for which Have meyer has been acquitted, and the facts in the two cases were about the sam —they were in contempt of the Judicial authority of the senate committee, by refusing to answer proper questions. A most imposing: array of counsel gathered from New York, Philadelphia and Washington, was on hand to de fend the distinguished culprit. The suc cessful defense was purely technical, and such as would have obtained scant consideration it the prisoner and his counsel had been plain John Smith ana Joe Brown. The court was asked to consider the hypothetical circumstance as to whether it was obligatory upon the accused to answer a question proposed by a mem ber of the senate committee unless It was apparent at the lime that the ques tion was the choice of the whole com mittee. In other words, the court was expected, In a deep, reflective sort of a way, to say to the accused, in lan guage that may have been very learned, but also wholly incomprehensible, thus, in effect: "Prisoner at the bar, your guilt under the main charge Is clearly apparent, but It' Is in no manner ap parent that this august committee did, in your immediate presence and hear ing, pass upon the materiality of, and mutually adopt the question, your re fusal to answer which is the head and front of your offending. Therefore, the intent doth not judicially appear. You will accordingly go hence discharged. Call the next case." According to this program of counsel, Havemeyer thanks everybody in sight, wearing, meanwhile, an expression of great humility until the period of con gratulation s-hould have passed, when the yawning jail goe=- hungry and Have meyer leturns to his home. Had the power of authorized federal investigating committees to punish con tumacious witnesses been confirmed as a settled question, there would have been some old scores that might have been balanced. Unless time limitation, or some other trchnical defense can be in terpcsed to shield the offenders, Vice President Sterling of the Illinois Steel company and Director Frick of Carne gie's Homestead company might be given a chance to explain. The former gentleman refused to submit the com pany's books to the inspection of tho interstate commerce commission in 1592. and Frick, about the same time, refused to answer the questions proposed by the congressional investigating committe? relative to the cost of production at the Carnegie works. Chairman Oates in formed Frick at the time that the com mittee would hold under advisement his j refusal to answer, and he has kept hU word, for It is still under advisement. The evil example set by Sterling and Frick focused in Chapman and Have ir.pyer two years later, and now the on-; is ir. the toils and the other has escaped en a quibble. Mr. Havemeyer Is reported to have said at the conclusion of the trial, "The verdict is satisfactory to me and every decent man in the community." The su gar baron may find consolation In such self assurance, but he doubly errs. In the first place he has not proved that he has any right to couple himself, with decent men, - and. in the second, it Is tolerably certain that the majority of decent men will view the verdict with distinct dissatis faction. MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT IN GREATER NEW YORK Greater New York will not have an actual existence until January 1, 189S, but Governor Black has already signed the big community's new charter, and the Instrument Is ln the hands of the. cities, who are showing It little mercy. Dr. Albert Shaw, editor of the Review of Reviews, declares that the charter destroys home rule, "the very thing we are trying to avoid." The machinery Is too cumbrous, and the general result is that all legislation relating to the city will be given into the hands of the state legislature at Albany. Dr. Shaw is an acknowledged author ity on the Important subject of civics, and his books, "Municipal Government in Great Britain" and "Municipal Gov ernment ln Continental Europe" are standard works. Any criticisms he may make in relation to the subject may not be ignored. It would appear that, as usual, the politicians, the bosses and their pro fessional henchmen saw to it that their nterests were taken care of ln the new charter. The tendency of late years has been toward home rule in city gov ernment, the centralization of author ity in the mayor and the divorcement jof state legislatures from municipal af- I fairs. Every recent charter revision j that has been made for the large cities of the country has had home rule for its central idea. The reason is that when the executive power is concentrated in the mayor, who is chosen by the people, and the legislature is prohibited from interference, the people have a better chance to fix the responsibility for good government and to institute reforms in bad government. The professional politicians in New York seem to have also noted this idea, else they would not have accomplished the defeat of home rule. At the same time it was not to be expected that in a state like New York a perfect char ter for such a gigantic municipality would be evolved at the first attempt. The new instrument will doubtless need a great deal of patching, and may re semble the boy's Jack knife in a few years. The prevailing conditions ln New- York have evolved a brand new party, which calls Itself the Public Franchise association, and whose aim is to gov ernmentize all branches of the public service that operate by franchise. It is characterized by one writer as "the populism of the west applied to civic life In the east," and has distinct social istic tendencies. The association would have the car lines, gas companies, tele graphs and telephones, that are made monopolies by franchise, run at cost for the benefit of the people. It is certain that the experiment of Greater New York will be of great in terest and value in the important 6tudy of municipal government. JINGOISM The word jingo, so much ln use now adays, Is an importation from England, where It was coined about twenty years ago, and applied to a party in that coun try that urged giving armed support by the British government to the Turks In the then pending Russo-Turkish war. It has become a term of ridicule and iprobrlum, and In this country It is indiscriminately applied to those who would make our influence felt in inter- national affairs through a distinctive and vigorous foreign policy, as well as to those who seemingly would reck lessly force the country Into war on the slightest pretext. If the word had then been known, the ptople of New England would have called Jefferson a Jingo when he laid the embargo; Madison a Jingo when he asserted American rights at the risk of war with Great Britain, and Monro.? would have been regarded as a prince of jingoes when he declared for the doc trine that bears his name. All would have been called jingoes who favored the expulsion of the French and Maxi milian from Mexico, that a republican government might be restored to that country. The Spanish have learned the word, and they apply it to all of our people who favor granting aid in any form to the Cuban patriots or who sym pathize with them in their struggle for freedom. When Mr. Cleveland inter posed in behalf of Venezuela in her con troversy with Great Britain, the pro- British among us sneered, and called his act jingoism. A little more than half a century ago Jonathan Sewall of Maine wrote: "No pent up Ctica contracts our powers; The boundless continent is ours." And the great body of the American people sang the couplet. Then there was Jingoism en masse. The spirit that prompts to the assumption and maintenance of a position among ni tions worthy of the freest and greatest of republics cannot be laughed down nor suppressed by anything the fogies among us can do. THE OPENING DEBATES The opening debates on the tariff bill should be carefully read by seekers after light and the truth. It is said that the average man wears a mask in every day life, ar.d that his real nature can not be seen until he is caught oft his guard, speaking and acting according to his natural instincts, freed from con ventionality. So with the tariff hill and those who are responsible for it. The people are told that the tariff is a beneficent meas ure, intended entirely for their inter ests. It is only when the makeup of the bill is under consideration and the nat ural impulses and selfish wishes of the a liferent sections are held up to view, that a correct understanding of the measure and lta underlying elements is obtained. In the course of Monday's debate Sen ators Piatt of New York, Hanna of Ohio and Spooner of Wisconsin were "espe cially vigorous ln their opposition to the increased tax on beer." Was It because the senators are opposed on principle to the Increased tax? Certainly not. It was merely because the brewers of New York, Cincinnati and Milwaukee are opposed to it. Then Senator Warren of Wyoming declared that 'the duties on wool were inadequate. Wool-growing Is one of the chief Industries of that state. He wai followed by Senator Lodge of Massa- chusetts, who spoke against the duty on hides, wanting them placed on the free list. The making of boots and shoes is one of the principal industries in Massachusetts. These pleas made the western men angry,, and they declared that if such thtng9 were to be done they would vote to place on the free list other articles which their states purchased but did not produce. Not a word was said about passing. " as quickly as possible, a bill that would produce.*'revenue sufficient to stop th* treasury deficiency and avert further bond Issues. Indeed, the revenues seem to be entirely absent from the minds ot the Republican leaders. The bill Is mere ' ly a grab bag of bargain and sale, where in each section hopes to profit at the ex pense of all the others. The treasury can go to the dogs for all they care. * Else why should they permit the Im portation of a year's supply of foreign 1 'goods, pending the passage of the bill? ' Even so persistent a protection organ 1 as the Los Angeles Times is getting res- I live under such a disastrous policy, and is declaring that congress is acting 1 mainly for the benefit of the importers. Repentance Is good for the soul, but it conies too late In the case of the clam orers for a new high protective tariff. The mischief is already done. I — THE HARBOR'S THE THING The chief aim and purpose of the peo ple of Los Angelesand Southern Califor nia is to secure immediate favorable ac tion by congress on the San Pedro har bor matter ln the shape of instructions worded In such terms that Secretary Al i ger will no longer dare to make delay. Our people are not In the habit of glv ! Ing up any worthy purpose that they , set out to accomplish. They may not i avoid delay, but they can avert defeat. The very fact that the battle must be fought over again If but an added Incen tive, while the fact that they were be trayed by a pliant tool in office will but cause them to redouble their efforts. Nor will the people of Southern Cali fornia be mystified as to this unwar \ ranted de.ay. They have already placed | the blame where it belongs. Alger is a mere factor. Huntlngaon could not seduce congress Into obeying his will. I But when the Republican party came Into power and a Republican adminis ! tratlon held the reins of government, the task was easy. A word in the ears of Alger and McKinley and the matter was fixed. Another Installment of the debt owed by the Republican party to ; ■ Trusit, Monopoly & Co. was then and there paid. The people can hope for no better treatment lis long as the Republican party is in power. Their interests are not safe in its hands. The Republican party Is the harbor of refuge and of commerce for our worpt enemies. MR. FOO'S CAMPAIGN The "First Voice of the Americanized Chinese of the United States to the pub lic" is the title of a grandiloquent ap peal published by the Chinese Equal Rights league. Wong Chin Foo, the president of the league, which has lately been formed with headquarters at Chi cago, waxes eloquent and pathetic in inauguration of a campaign for equai franchise. Of course the Geary act is stigmatized as outrageous, monstrous and utterly un-American, the exis-tence of which Mr. Foo claims is not knowr. by one among a thousand citizens. If Mr. Foo sojourned in California for any length of time he would realize that there is probably not one among a j thousand citizers who does not know J and appreciate Its existence. But the majority of Mr. Foo's claims £.re equally false and not calculated to deceive anyone who has had the leas; experience of Chinamen and their man ners. It is asserted of the majority of the Chinamen that "their financial and rocial interests are all in the United States, and that they learn to love this j country better than they did the old i They have acquired American ideas and habits which have- rendered their resi | dence in China almost impossible." While the Japanese Invariably endeav or and usually succeed in rapidly assimi lating themselves to customs and con ditions of the country to which they migrate, the reverse is almost always true of the Chinaman. The comparative I 'eolation of the Mongolians, the exist- I ence of Chinese quarters in all the cities which they frequent in any number, Is the surest answer to Mr. Foo's pretens>e that the race can ever be blended with the American people. Such segrega tion is an arrangement that is> reciprocally agreable. Mr. Foo further asserts that "we have absolutely no sympathy for those of our countrymen who persist ln their own civilization and refuse to become Amer icanized and whose only aim is to earn enough money to return to China; with these we have nothing to do." Then Mr Foo and his league "have nothing to do" with ninety-nine out of every hun dred Chinamen in America. The omnip otent ambition of the ordinary China man is to make enough money to re turn to the flowery kingdom and enjoy "opium cum dignitate." Even if they fail in this laudable enterprise their bones must be transported to China that their souls may rest in peace. Such a distinction as the Chinese LOS ANGELES HERALD* FRIDAY MORNING, MAY 28* 1*97 A Herald correspondent says: "An asphalt pavement should never be sprinkled. It e>hould be washed—washed exactly as a man-of-war's deck Is washed —scrubbed, if you please. . . . Use water from Are hydrants with Are hose." Such a plan would undoubtedly give us cleaner streets, but many think it rots asphalt paving to slush It frequent ly with a Are hose. It uced to be treated that way in Denver, but it was Anally abandoned for the reason given. At presertt the business streets of Denver are kept clean by the block-to-block plan. One man is given one or two blocks to keep clean and he works at them all day. Thus Alth and dirt can not accumulate, and the streets are al ways in good condition to be sprinkled. This method has given excellent satis faction in the city named and elsewhere. Why not set apart a few blocks and try the experiment in Los Angeles? Secretary Alger said in a recent inter view: In my opinion the hard times are largely due to the universal practice of more rigid economy than has here tofore prevailed. People became appre hensive that financial and business troubles would grow worse, and as a consequence reduced in every way their daily expenditures. Even the rich adopted this habit, and Justified their economy on the ground that they might be reduced to want. The poor redoubled their efforts to live within their means. The result has been mar velous. It Is tying up enormous sums of money, and every branch of busi ness has been affected by this epidemic of economy. Then why doesn't Mr. Alger practice what he preaches? Why did he tie up the San Pedro harbor appropriation? Mr. Alger is a fraud. Governor Budd apparently has neg ; lected important geographical consid ; erations in his appointment of the high i way commission. The law provides that no county can have more than one j member of the board, which, however. .is to consist of two repres.-ntatives from San Francisco and one from Colusa. , leaving Southern California and the San Joaquin valley without any repre sentation at ah. The appointment is j the more significant in that i?an Fran i Cisco, through its mayor and board of supervisors, protested vigorously agains t the road bills. However, as the road law ! now stands there does not seem to be anything that the commission can con sistently do. "Where is free silver now?" scorn fully asks the Cincinnati Commercial Tribune. It is jus* where the Republic an party was forty years ago. getting : ready to knock the breath out of the j opposition at the next election. It will 1 succeed in 1900 Just as the Republican ■ party did in IS6O. In both cases it is the principle that survives and moves jon to victory. Parties are but the in j strumsnts of principle, and when the : party has no principle, as in the casi of the Republican organization. It has r.ot long to live. It will not he long be j fore the Tribune will be askhlg,"Where isn't free silver now?" McKinley was elected in November, i The importaticr.s of foreign goods from ! November 1. 1896, to May 1.159 T. amount ed to $397,265,420. Fjr May and June the figures are likely to reach $200,000,000, as the imports for April were over $100. --000.000. By the time the tariff bill be comes a law, over half a billion dollars' worth of foreign goods will have been brought to this country. The revenues will remain at a minimum until this enormous quantity is consumed. A New York dispatch says that an English syndicate is about to acquire "the finest mines in the Cripple Creek district, together with the railroads and smelting works. Several million dol ; iars are involved." Thac dispatch is a fake. There are "several" mines in j the Cripple Creek district that are I worth "several" millions each, to say . nothing of the the remainder of the mines and the raiiroads and smelters. The nepotism of immigration is a new danger that confronts this country. One Pincus Goldner is held by the United States authorities at New- York, charged : with bringing over too large a family ; from Europe. I The senate has made 1200 amendment* jto the house tariff bill. The Republic ans doubtless mean July 1. I*9B. when they say that the tariff bill will be passed by the first of July. The Kan Pedro harbor appropriation now goes to a Republican adroinietra- tlon, both of which owe thir existence as such to Huntington and his kind, and there is no more probability of ac tion favorable to San Pedro than there is of the dawn of the millennium—not at least till after another congress and president have been elected.—San Ber nardino Free Press. Not a Snap The governor's shaking up of the lone Industrial school 1 has shaken up the of ficers, but the boys confined there are having high jinks. Escapes are of com mon occurrence and some of the new of ficials probably begin to think that a public office is not the private snap it is cracked up to be. —Pasadena Star. A Harbor of Refuge No more hot jokes about Yuma. That town le to have a cold storage and arti ficial ice plant. The spirit of the Yuma citizen that is alleged to have gone to hades and then returned to his native town for blankets, will not know the place when it gets its new ice plant.— San Diego Tribune. Will Emulate Los Angeles Nothing should be allowed to divide the people of Fresno in pulling for the hundred thousand mark. Partisanship, Jealousy, heartburnings and bickerings should all be buried in striving for the common good.—Fresno Expositor. Equal Right* league means to demand, to again quote their circular, "lighting so Important a bill ln congress and all Its red tape business" would throw down all safeguards against the dangerous Incursion of Chinese. There is no occasion here to dwell upon the quesltlon of Ch'nese cheap labor, upon which Mr. Foo of course does not touch, but as a passing suggestion It might be asked if the existence of nearly a quarter of a million of Chinese in this country does not account for a very large number of our own unemployed? CLEANING THE STREETS CALIFORNIA OPINION Owed to Huntington ECONOMIC RENT Nearly all there la of logic may be re duced to mere accuracy ot statement. Properly stated, many a case contalne nothing to argue, while many of th« longest-winded arguments are almost wholly because of improper s-tatemen of the facts. A vast amount of breat! and ink has been exhausted about eco nomic rent, and it bids fair to distract the world for many a day to come. Economic rent le generally defined ai the difference between land values at the centers of civilisation and at the margins. All very well. But this it merely used as the framework for a pic ture ln which the man' at the center li wallowing in wealth, comfort and pleas ure, all created by the poor wretch at the margin, who is steeped in poverty and the deprivation of all that makes lite a pleasure, and at the same time being gradually crowded Into the great abyss of darkness and despair that lies beyond the margin. The writer was raised In one of these great centers of value and luxury and comfort, has spent over thirty years on the margins, and has seen both In about every shape and form. A far truer statement of the ease is the following: As a country settles some prefer the chances of a fortune with all Its uncer tainties and life of toil, floor-walking, dyspepsia, Brlght's disease and nervous prostration—a constant struggle with the duplicity and meanness-of man, ac companied with an almost constant load of debt, and wife and children who can not understand your sorrows and dis appointments, but who clamor ever for more money in order to equal the show of the more fortunate, or, more likely, of some deadbeat who puts on style at others' expense. Others prefer the certainty of a living with sound sleep and freedom from care, j They scatter out upon the land, where they do not have to wear white shirts or a swallow-tailed coat to go to a so ciable. They recognize the fact that there is no large fortune in it, and prob i ably nothing more than a living, with ' hard work and close economy. But they j prefer it on account of the certainty, : freedom from care, from exactions of : far-hlon and from conventional re | straints. For a time the farmer is called the most independent man in the country, and he truly is so. Making his living from the soil, he cares nothing about financial crises, as does his brother in the city. The farther out he goes the more independent he is. Though the first settlers in the backwoods have no money worth speaking of, they need none. Ar.d though some, like the Mor mons, may have a hard time at flrtT from encountering new conditions, If there ii? any work in them they soon suc ceed and are living well, almost to a man, when two-thirds- of their brethren who have been putting on style in the cities are wondering what minute the sheriff is coming. But suddenly the independent farmer discovers that the man in the city Is enjoying this, that and the other thing, and why should not he have them also? Is he not the producer of all this and has he not an equal right to its enjoyment? So he sends his spare cash to the city to get something he can go without as well as ever. The next step Is to send to the city for things he used to make at home. Those from the city look a little better. The fancy harrow and ; the green painted rake are so mucn neater than the ones he made out of ' timber cut on the farm when he first i went there. I The money thus sent to the city for gimcracks accumulates in the hands of ; the fortunate, the industrious, the shrewd and the saving, and following a , natural rule of human nature that looks ito securities, does not return to the : country as fast as the farmer thinks it I should. Finding his money heaping up ! there, with the whole world competing with him in the raising of food, whtkl | his attention is now centered more or. j the getting of luxuries, he naturally thinks he is being robbed by those who have taken all the chances of business centers shifting and the thousand vicis situdes of trade. The next step is simple. Finding the land In the center so valuable it is sud denly discovered that a mistake has been made in the location of the center. , Instead of being New York or Chicago it is San Diego, Seattle, Spokane or Wichi - ta. A thousand others quite as meritori ous in theirowneyesspringup. Everyone 1 wants some of the valuable land and | either spends his spare cash or runs in ; debt for it. Money is borrowed from the real centers, the productive farm is mortgaged, the farmer and his family J are discontented with the farm and he i must move to town to get rich on real estate. The security is thus Impaired, and the lender, who Is a hard-working, saving, business man, retired In 111 --; health with a little money to live on. j quite as often as he is a rich money loaner. is impoverished. The owner ot the farm is made poor and closes the drama of life by turning Populist and lying round town looking for an office of some kind. If the people who are talking economic rent would run this picture out a little farther they would find the whole com munity getting crazy fits of much the same kind at periods that run in wav« over the whole country. What starts them no one can tell, but it is easy to say what ends them, though no one eat, tell when the end will come. But ev ery one thinks he knows and gambols on thetopof the wave. There Is no theory of economic rent, no single tax, no cur rency, no amount of money, no quality of brains, no fertility of soil or perfec tion of climate, ozone, matchless scen ery, or any other of the many attrac tions of America or the west that will obviate the consequecnes that last for many a year from the day when human nature, almost as one man, concludes It has been paying too much for the whis tle. T. S. VAN DYKE. Miles Away There is, however, no especially good reason why General Miles may not re main abroad until there is a war which he can see and make a study of.—Mil waukee Sentinel. Lake City's Consolatory Thought It is easy to explain why we haven't had a rainbow for a long time. The mil liners haven't left any color for the heavenly arches to come out with.— Chicago Journal. The Limit of Aggravation Atchison women are never so angry as when some woman comes here from an other town and complains that there is "no society" here.—Atchison Olobe. •9 >«Tt»«T»tt«M t >M T »j I Memorandum ii ""^m, * :: Comer..j *MMM»H.HIII||tM j Boys' Department v . I t . t Children's Fancy Best Suits, , to 7 years $4, # , AH-Wool 2-Piece Scotch Plaid Suits, % to 1 % yrs..s2.?o , Fancy Blouses in all designs, Mo 7 years ....50c ; $0 dozen Boys' Bows, swell patterns 2£c ; Boys' Overalls, best quality made........, 2Jc, Xc, 40c Si !&& " MuUen «* Bluett" 0 Special Hat <
fleld of American politics to find a man anywhere near W. J. Bryan in the esti mation of the people. He stands alone In that he speaks what he thinks is right, without fear or favor. He stands for the great common people, and in his fearlessness*, honesty and intensity of purpose compares with that other great commoner, Abraham Lincoln. In the early history of our republic the aristocracy felt it their duty to serve their country, and Washington and Jefferson stand as models for the money aristocracy of today. Lincoln and Bryan, coming from the people, felt the heartbeats of distress, and, like knights of old, they answered the call of the suffering world. Lincoln stood for principle, and con tending for that principle in the Lincoln- Douglas debates, lost a seat in the Unit ed States senate. Mr. Bryan, contending for a cause as Just as Lincoln's met defeat at the hands of the allied money power of the world, but ln his defeat became a greater man than if he had wen. He showed him self a man ln'his prompt note of congrat ulation to Mr. McKinley, and in his later appeal to his thousands of followers. He has proved himself a knight sans peur et sans reproche. One whom the masses look upon as leader ln theit great fight for Justice. Looking into the heart of things, finding a grin of truth, he plants tt In fallow ground that it may bring forth an hundred fold. He has the tender insight of a poet, and no man reading his address at the bier of a friend can ever doubt his faith and belief in the good and true and the beautiful eventually overcoming evil. Frank, manly and brave, ihe has shown himself to have the one thing necessary to make him great, inasmuch as he is unselfish. How many men would give half their Incomes for a principle and spend their time talking and working for the cause of humanity? Compare him as you will—ln the heat of a political debate, with the great searchlight of a hostile press striving in vain for a weak place ln hts armor; in the halls of congress, where he met some of the brainiest men of our republic and won their respect In spite of his opposi tion to their cherished plans; before the courts, where his keen cut logic must pass muster before the legal lights of the western continent; and, last but not least, ln hlf home life, where friends and neighbors regardless of political af filiation gave him an affectionate greet ing on his return from the campaign. Compare him where you will, arid you And the same man through and through —'•the same yesterday, today and for ever." We may well quote the words from an old English drama: "Man is his own star, and he who can render a perfect man. commands all light, all influence, all fate; nothing falls to him too early or too late." Slighted Four-year-old Barbara went to church with her two sisters and came home ctying. "What is the matter, dear?" Inquired her mother. "He preached a whole s-sermon — about—M-Mary and Martha," sobbed Barbara, "and—never said —a w-word about me!"— Chicago Tribune. Covert Revenge A quite recent bride numbered a hand* seme bicycle among her wedding; gifts. Or. a whole it is agreeable to find the list of bridal presents extending in this direction. We shall now know what to send the girl who threw us over for the other man. —Boston Herald. Merely Experimental "I didn't know there had been any death ln Mise Wayter's family." "There hasn't. She's wearing black as an experiment." "An experiment?" "Tee; old Giltedge has proposed, and ehe wants to ccc how she would look la mourning."—Chicago Journal.