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The herald. [microfilm reel] (Los Angeles [Calif.]) 1893-1900, February 13, 1898, Image 6

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Persistent link: https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn85042461/1898-02-13/ed-1/seq-6/

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A Great Speech for the
White Metal
Ihe Pavilion Packed to the Hoof With
an Interested Audience—Silver
and Gold Compared
Long before the hour appointed for the
meeting at Hazard's pavilion, Its vast
auditorium was devoid of an empty
seat and the galleries, too, were filled to
overflowing. The only attempt at dec
oration that had been made was by
American flags suspended from the cur
tain, and the speaker's little stand upon
the stage was covered with bunting of
|£c national red, white and blue, and a
QtMJ garlands of the same color. The
gtftge, upon which there were nearly 100
chairs, was mostly occupied by ladies
and a number of prominent Silver Re
publicans and Democrats.
Judge J. Noonan Phillips, in making
the opening remarks, said he felt honored
in having been chosen to preside over
the meeting. He thought the time was
ripe for beginning the campaign for a
money for the people. There was a rea
son why the opening of the political
campaign at this time was auspicious
it was because this day was the anni
versary of tile birth of a president who
had been a friend of silver —Abraham
Lincoln. The close of the campaign
would see the election of another cham
pion of sliver and of the people—William
Jennings Bryan. (Great cheering.)
The chairman then introduced Major
Bnyder, who Offered a hearty welcome
to the distinguished guest, Hon. Chas.
A. Towne. on behalf of the city—a guest
who would be able, as chairman of the
national Silver Republican committee,
to help our people considerably. "We
are," said the mayor, "on the eve nf the
greatest campaign, politically that the
state will ever experience." Ho believed
that the vote for bimetallism at the next
election In this city would be Immense
"We must see." was the warning of th
epeaker, "that we send none but silver
men to the legislature, as these would
have the election of a United States
senator in their hands."
Hon. Charles A. Towne of Minnesotn
was introduced to the audience by the
chairman, amid deafening applause. The
speaker is a comparatively young man,
smooth-shaven, and wearing glasses.
His voice is exceedingly clear and reson
ant and his enunciation very distinct.
His words could be heard as easily at
the further end of the pavilion as in the
front seats.
. He said:
Sir. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen:
First of all I desire to return to you my
sincere acknowledgement for the very
kindly welcome you have been pleased to
extend to mo and for the exceedingly par
tial words which your mayor In his official
capacity lias spoken. In addition to tin
honor which I always feel It to be to
. address un American audience on this
great Question of bimetallism. I feel a pe
culiar pleasure In the opoprtunlty that
meets mo tonight. I have always had a
great curiosity to see California, particu
larly Southern California, and, of course,
for Southern California the city ot the
Queen of the Angels. (Applause..)
You are known throughout the United
States as the home of the greatest Silver
Republican organization In the whole re
public (applause), thereby showing that
Los Angeles has a type of citizenship
' among the highest In the country, because
- the supreme test of citizenship is the ability
of the partisan to remember that he has
a duty over and above the duty to his
. party, and that It is the duty which he
owes to his country. (Applause). And
that a Republican community was able all
it once, immediately upon the exhibition
Df the recreancy of the Republican party
to Its great national trust, to see where
the finger of duty pointed, and fearlessly
and patriotically to do that duty Is the
highest proof of the intelligence and the
public spirit of this splendid community.
I am also glad to be here and upon this
mission because you have in your midst
tnen that have contributed much to the
enlightenment and enforcement of this
treat doctrine of bimetallism. Tho names
Df Utley and George H. Smith are well
known among the citizens on this ques
lion, and it has been a great pleasure to
tne to meet personally these men. And then
again I cannot but feel an interest In a
Elty where there has been raging for some
little time a contest In regard to the lo
cation of a certain government improve
ment, and I recall with a great deal of sat
isfaction that, as a member of the rivers
and harbors committee of the Fifty-fourth
congress, it was my pleasure, as I thought
It my duty, to cast my vote ami use what
little Influence I might have In behalf of
the selection of San Pedro as the harbor
for Southern California. (Applause.)
My friends, your chairman In opening the
meeting referred In very feeling and ap
propriate terms to the fact that we are
gathered tonight upon the anniversary of
the birthday of the great martyred presi
dent of the republic, and I cannot but join
In that felicitation. And It seems to me
that it is with rare propriety that we meet
upon the anniversary of the birthday of
Lincoln to engage In the discussion of a
question which means liberty and enfran
chisement, not to four million bonded
black men, but to si venty-flve millions of
bonded white and black men (applause,
and has for Its ultimate object the dlsen
franchisement of the energies of the pro
ducers of the world. Abraham Lincoln
Thomas Jefferson. William J. Bryan (ap
plause; are the three great Democrats in
the political history of the United State*
and Democrat in its scientific significance
Is to be defined as one who believe* in the
government of the people, When men are
separated from each other in the perspec
tive of history by generation* we judge of
their similarity In genius, not so much bj
the correspondence of the particular poli
cies which they have supported and en
forced as by the general tenor of their
lives, the spirit and sympathy and direc
tion of their endeavors. Judged by that
Itandard there is very little dissimilarity
between these great men. They all be
lieved, which every p ne ()( - lls milst Q
Beve who expects the republic to endure
md human liberty in its full perfection
!o remain a sure and reaaonable hope to
[be ehldren of men. a believer in the right
to the power of the masses of the people
to govern themselves. (Applause.)
My friends, the American revolution
chose charter Thomas Jefferson wrote'
tas a rebellion upon Ihe part of a great
leopleKc vindicate for themselves the right
of self-government. The emancipation was
the recognition of the defined right of
social and political equality among the
children of men, without the concession
and realization of which there can be no
social happiness, no industrial, permanent
The restoration In the world today of an
equitable and Just measure of the burden
of debts, the restoration and enterprise of
the power to hope, the giving back to the
robbed masses of mankind of the right of
acquisition of property and of holding
what individual effort secures, that it shall
not be taken away as If by the offices of
a thief in the night, by nn automatic rob
bery, due to an elongating money meas
ure that values up the burdens of all debts
and taxes, Is itself an appeal to the same
rights that were vindicated In 1776 and In
1860, and its realization is Just as neces
sary that the progress of the world ami
the happiness of society may go on..
The chairman of the meeting tonight re
ferred to the campaign as having opened
now. Let me assume to correct in a
measure the statement of the judge, and
let me say that the campaign has never
stopped. (Applause.) The campaign of 1900
began the day after Bryan's nomination In
1596 (applause) and it will go on until the
day of his election in WO. (Great applause.)
My friends, there never has been in the
history of politics In this world a parallel
—even a suggestion—of the campaign of
1896. Abuses have grown old. powerful,
almost respectable, in the I'nited States.
The great selfishness of men in one form
and another has been the Nemesis of every
civilization that has ever arisen and fallen
lln all the history of tho world, and had
Ingratiated itself Into the controlling forces
of both of the great political parties of the
country, and whether Cleveland was In or
a. Republican administration was in made
little inference. These great influences
raised their money with most marvelous
impartiality, saw that the right men were'
nominated, and then contributed with the
same impartiality to both campaign funds,
and cared not a rap which man was elected
(applause!, knowing that whatever presi
dent sat in the White House and whatever
administration should preside in ihe de
partments, they themselves would de
termine the interpretation of the statutes
of the United States: that they by the mere
than sovereign right of usurpation of au
thority could write Into the statutes of the
I'nited States what pleased them and
suited their interests.
The people were some time in realizing
this situation, but the convention at Chi
cago in the year 1896 was a .demonstration
of the fact that the people of the United
States were coming again to their own
It was the first convention in thirty years
in the republic in which the machine was
more than useless, in which politics, as
it had been practiced for a quarter of a
century, was silent: where the politician
was like Othello, with his occupation gone
and where the voice of the American peo
ple reached out and over and beyond petty
contests of selfish politicians and picked
upon its own divinely appointed Instru
ment and raised him up. (Great applause.,
When he was named he entered fearless
ly upon the discharge of his great duties,
and from that hour till this i: has never
lain in the mouth of any critic to show
where that splendid, fearless leader has
made one single mistake or fallen short
of one single duty. (Applause.) Nay. I de
votedly and sincerely believe that it was
no mere figure of speech which was used
by the chairman of the evening when he
intimated the divine appointment of that
leadership. God works out his purpose*
in mysterious ways. The wisdom of mar:
Is brought to naught. The little plans that
we make are brushed aside by the win*
of fate. There w ere those of us at Chicane
devoted to this great cause laboring for the
nomination of some other men. in whose
nomination we thought we saw practical!)'
the only salvation of this cause, and yet
when the choice had been made—spon
taneously, as it seemed—by those de:,.
gates acting under the Inspiration of that
great occasion, there was not a single
man among us who did not know and
say: "The best has been done; the best
has been done." (Applause).
-Mr. Bryan undertook that great duty.
The campaign was fought There ha.
never been a imrallel to It In the history
of this or any other country. Upon tlu
one side there were arrayed absolutely all.
Without exception, of the powerful and op
pressive interests of society. The gnat
political party that In I*% bad proven
recreant to its high duty us the exponent
and champion of bimetallism In the I'nited
States had made a complete and sys
tematic Inversion of itself.
If you will examine the platforms of ISM.
1888 and IMC of the great Republican party
you will find not only declarations in favor
ot bimetallism, but you will And denuncia
tion, determined, distinct, emphatic, of
trusts, monopolies and combinations to af
fect the condition of trade among the citi
zens of the United States. When you
come to the platform of 1896 you find the
declaration of IS!'2 In favor of bimetallism
changed to a declaration In favor of the
maintenance of the existing gold stand
ard and the utterances of ISS4. ISSS and
1898, leveled against the comT'nations of
capital In restraint of trade are. with most
marvelous inconsistency, absolutely miss
ing from the platform of 1896. This was
no accident, it was the utmost fitness and
propriety. The single gold standard is the
greatest trust and monopoly in all this
world, and comprises all others. It has
produced a condition out of which the
trust has sprung as a natural and lnevlta
ble result. ,It_ has made the profits of
ordinary Industry precarious or impossi
ble. It has made a scale of declining
prices, beneath the blight of which steady
employment Is impossible for the labor
ing man. Investment Is discouraged upon
tho part of him who has capital that he
would like to put to work, ami the inevita
ble result is that those who produce It nil
must combine in order to reduce expenses,
force down wages and force up prices or
keep them falling as fast as they otherwise
Thus the trust Is the offspring of an ap
preciating .money standard. You can
never kill the monopoly, you can never kill
the trust, until you destroy the money trust
and the gold monopoly of the world. (Ap
I have had something to say about the
failure of the Republican party In 1596 to
do Its duty in regard to this great ques
tion of bimetallism. Bear with me for a
moment while I point out to you one or
two Interesting circumstances In connec
tion with that platform adopted at St.
Louis. In the year 1892 the platform adopt
ed by the Republican national convention
used this strong and patriotic lan
guage: "The American people, from
tradition and Interest, favor bimet
allism, and the Republican party
demands the use of both gold and
silver as standard money." Is not that
perfectly distinct? Is not that honest?
Was there anybody in the republic that
misunderstood it?
The national committee of that party, in
managing that campaign of IS:>2. put out
w hat Is called a Republican campaign text
book, and in the course of the arguments
which were therein furnished to the speak- i
ers that should advocate the Republican
party's cause in that campaign, on page
ir,7 of that book, you will find the state
ment, under the authority of that Republi
can national committee: "Nine-tenths of
the people are bimetalllsts." The Republi
can party said in 1892 that nine-tenths of
the American people were bimetalllsts.
They told the truth. (Applause.) It was
true In 1882; it was true in 1886; it Is true
today, and it will be true in IWO. (Ap
plause.) Hut when they framed the plat
form of ism;, and when the influences that
were in control of the Republican party,
deeming Themselves strong enough to show
their hand, made that plank, it was neces
sary in some way, while declaring for the
gold standard, to secure the votes of a
largo proportion of this nine-tenths part
of the American people. How should they
do it? That was the proposition. Mark
you with what shrewd diplomacy they
met the necessity. The gold standardites
.ire great students of human nature.
They know the weaknesses of or
dinary men. do the advocates of
the gold standard. They know that the
American citizen, as a rule, is not think
ing of some reason or seeking for some
reason to get out of a political party that
he happens to be In, but Is looking Tor
some excuse to stay In. (Laughter.) The
problem, therefore, was to give a definite
assurance to the gold standard powers
of the world, while giving an excuse to the
bimetalllsts of the party to vote the ticket
once again. How should it be done?
They did it in this wise; and the plunk
was written In the offices of the Associated
banks in the city of New York. (Applause.)
When 1 make that statement 1 am not
Speaking metaphorically, but by the card.
If 1 could get, a subpoena honored, and then
get open the mouths of the witnesses sub
poenaed, I would have no difficulty In
proving that statement. It was written
and then given to Thomas C. Piatt of New
York, with instructions to take it to St.
Louis and at all hazards to compel its
adoption by that convention.
A tUstlngulshed sehat-.'- of the United
' States, who was then a blmetalllst, and
who was desperately seeking some excuse
' to stay In, secured the Insertion In the
plank as tt came from the New York office
six words, "Which we pledge ourselves to
promote." Much salvation did he And In
those six words.
Mind you. It was not the language of
the old heroic days ot the Republican pnr
ty. when, as In 1592. they declared. "The
Republican party demands the use of both
gold ond silver," but It said, "We are op
posed, therefore, to the free coinage of sil
ver, except by International agreement
among tho leading commercial nutlonsof
the earth, which we pledge ourselves to
promote." Not to insist on. not to demand,
not to secure, hut to pat on the back and
promote. If somebody else would start It
going. (Applause.! And then, after that
weak and inconsequential language In re
gard to the free coinage of sliver, mark
with what sort of Stride they marched to
their conclusion: "And until that can
be secured"—l am now quoting the lan
guage of the plank—"the existing gold
stundard must be preserved." Not will
be smtled upon: not will be put up with;
not will be endured -but the existing gold
standard must be preserved. That was
the language of that recreant and traitor
ous declaration. My friends. It was open
to the Intelligence and patriotism of every
Republican, if he had only thought a lit
tle while about It."to sec whether he was
being led under the chicanery of that dec
laration. You may filoss It over as you
may. but you will find that there Is abso
lutely bo excuse for any man who de- 1
clares under any circumstances for the
free coinage of silver to put up with the
maintenance of the gold standard. You
cannot be In favor of a thing and against
it at the same time, and be honest. (Ap
plause.) If you are for the free coinage '
of silver at all. whether by international I
agreement or otherwise, it is because the '
gold standard Is wrong. If the gold stand- i
ard is wrong, the world is perfectly well
agreed why it is wrong.
The gold standard has been indicted
ever since it was mistakenly enthroned in
the world for high crimes and misdemean
ors, and has pleaded guilty at the bar of
public justice "for four anil twenty years.
I Applause.,i The gold standard has been
declared to be a system of money wherein
a. measuring unit is provided that constant
ly gets bigger as everything else reck
oned in it gets smaller; as a measure of hu
man effort and human toil that continually
makes the bearer of a burden discharge
it with a greater equivalent of money than
it meant to him when he assumed it, and
as constantly taking from the unrequited
toil of human labor the wealth created to
put into the strong box of the monopolist
and the idler. (Applause.)
It has been shown to be a money system
fraught with every evil that can possibly
attack a free state. It has been shown to
have in it the seeds of the fall of Assyria
and Egypt, and Greece and Rome, and all
the disasters that ever encountered the
civilisation of the world. It has been shown
to mean,if kept up only a little while longer,
the disappearance of the right of private
ownership of property upon the part of
the masses in the I'nited States, and the
aggregation in the hands of a few, that
might be counted, possibly, upon the linger
tips, of till the real and personal wealth
in the republic. It has registered Itself In
the results, even the cold ligures of the
census of 18110, as showing these uncontro
vertible and appalling facts, viz: that two
per cent more than half of the people of
the United States do not own property;
that two hundred and fifty thousand men
In the United States—yes, that twenty-five
thousand men In the United States—own
more than half of all the property In the
country; that, whereas, Rome fell when
eighteen hundred men owned the Roman
wealth, a greater wealth ItTconeelVabiy' le
already distributed among twenty-live
thousand citizens ot the United States.
It shows that (our thousand and forty
seven families own seven-tenths as much
as 11.ss9.tw families, according- to that cen
sus, it shows that as we have gone on as
a nation, endeavoring to pay our debts
with a measure that made us give up more
commodities as the equivalent of the same
debt, we havo continually made ourselves
more and more the slaves of the creditor
nations of tho world. It has shown us
that, whereas. In 1869 the American people
In a public and private capacity, owed for
eign obligations to the extent of about
fourteen millions of dollars, and although
since that date they have sent abroad
more thnn they have received of goods
and merchandise and gold and silver bul
lion about twenty-seven hundred millions
of dollars, that twenty-seven hundred mil
lions of dollars has not wiped out the In
debtedness of fourteen hundred millions
and left a balance of thirteen hundred mil
lions, as In ordinary every-day arithmetic
it ought to have done, but that, colossal
and Inconceivable as It may seem, the ac
tual fact Is that although twenty-eight
years ago we started with a foreign In
debtedness, public and private, aggregat
ing fourteen hundred millions of dollars,
and have paid oft twenty-seven hundreds
of millions of dollars against it. we still
owe the creditors of the world from five
thousand to six thousand millions of dol
lars. (Applause.)
My frlends.lt has been shown as absolute
ly as anything in this wide world can be
shown that that policy, if pursued, will
end In making the producing classes of the
United States absolutely the slave's and
property of the creditor classes of the
United Stales, and that the fair nation to
which we belong—the greatest and most
glorious among all the galaxy of states
will end by becoming a mere tribute pay
ing vassal to Great Britain, as they have
been doing in the rast fifty years, If this
I process Is not stopped. This Investigation
nas shown, these past twenty-four years
have shown, that whereas of olden time—
and not so very long ago, either, only be
tore 1873—1t made no mnerenee whether
you discharged an international obligation
in silver or gold, because there was an
established par value between the silver
and the gold, und Is so declared by Rob
ert Peel in bis speech In the house, of
commons on the 24th of May, 1841, So long
as the mint of FraYice remained open,
coining fortli all the gold or all the silver
that were offered from any quarter of the
world, giving back fifteen and a half
franca of silver or ono franc in gold, with
the same equivalent of silver and gold
respectively; so long as our great and man
ifold commerce are offering for the two
metals thus freely coined, calling each an
equivalent of services rendered or trade
done or debt paid; so long In all this world
as fifteen and a half ounces of silver weru
worth one ounce of gold and one ounce
of gold was worth fifteen and a half ounces
of silver, and therefore It did not make
any difference whether you remitted the
payment of an International obligation In
silver or remitted it in gold. My friends
under those conditions commerce between
the gold-using and the silver-using nations
was as easy as commerce between the
nations using the same money identically
for things which are equivalent to each
other. Kach was as common as the other.
It was absolutely indifferent to men which
they employed.
But as soon as the using of silver began
to be limited by law and the great mints
were closed to the coinage of silver, as
I soon as thereby, and as a result therefrom,
a greater demand was thrown upon gold,
which had formerly performed the same
work, and which therefore It was neces
sarily bound to perform, until gold be
' comes scarcer and scarcer, men had to
I offer more and more of their commodities
to get it, and as they offered more for it
it bought more commodities. Prices fell
and gold went up. This happened in the
gold standard world, but In that portion of
the universe which was still using sil
ver the same quantities of silver continued
to buy upon an average the same average
quantity of all other things In the market
What was the consequence? The parity
was broken between gold and silver, and
silver and gold became spilt in the silver
and gold using parts of the world respec
tively, and there being no certain relation
between the value of the gold reckoned In
silver and the value of the silver reckoned
In gold commerce between the gold using
and the silver using nations became a
matter of hazard and of gambling. It in
troduced an element of chance that is in
imical to the spirit of trade. In addition to
that, af'er the fall of silver had become
so marked and Its continued fall a mat
ter of predetermination, under the continu
ance of the same conditions it amounted to
the presentation of constant export bounty
to all the producers and exporters for the
silver using countries, and is a clog and a
charge to the extent of the difference in
tho exchange upon the shoulders of the
producers in the gold using countries.
Let mo give you an Illustration of It. A
merchant In Sail Francisco, we will suy.
is shipping goods to Shanghai at a time
when sliver and gold on a parity and a
Chinese silver teal Is worth $1.30 In gold.
The American merchant In Sun Francisco
will be bound to receive (50,000 In Shangal
for ills cargo, which will put back to him
his outlay and give him that profit which
his business demands, with which he will
continue ids business, without which he
must suspend. If ho sells at Shanghai
while silver and gold exchange is at a
parity he win receive a llttlo over 808,000
for his cargo. If, upon the contrary, while
tho ship is in transport silver drops 10
per cent he will receive something like
$6200 less when he gets to Shanghai, and
therefore he Is beaten out of $6200 because
of the fall of id per cent In the silver ex
change, and tfnlesa he some way
The English and German Exper
Specialists flake Another
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Only One of Many
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P|*aicc M n & * padaale of tl ».lwi>l Phvsiolani end Burgcona and ol
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CM HAPkINC M n Ph H '« » graduate of Cornell College, the College of M
• 11. MUI lUi I/., I 11. VI., mao y, Chicago, tho Department of Northweat
t'niverslty of Chicago, the College ol Phynlclans and Surgeons.
T I P iVRDIFN Ml 11 f) f M " graduate of McGlll University, M
I. J. I. V Ultll.il) mi n.» mi !»., V. ITI., trcal. Four years assistant at the lionti
General Hospital.
LOUS MEYER, M. D., L. R. C. P., SaSSSE.* °' ,h0 vienna McdlCil UnlTe "
E. PALMER, M. D„ L. R. C. P., J«««4«aUofthe Royal CoUeg, of Surgeons, L
f3nglish and Expert Specialist
818 South Broadway, Los Angeles
first Building North ot City Natl
OFFICE HOURS—9 to 12, 1 to 4 daily; Evenings, 7to 8: Sundays, 9to It.
Private Book for men or women sent free by mail.
» As an advertisement, I will give away free for four days
1 a pair of My Celebrated Crystal Lenses, so that
■ every wearer of glasses can give .them a trial. Even if
i you have glasses, accept my offer and try a pair of my
i Crystal Lenses. I will fit them to your own frames
» free of charge or supply you with frames at the
» following low prices :
■ SOLID GOLD, from $1.50
! SOLID GOLD TILLED *«,.«- 2"o<>
» • During the next four days I will make a nominal charge
» of 50c for testing your eyes for the above lenses.
■ m , X IrVI V Graduate New York
! J, \* m UCLAII ■ Ophthalmic college
!■•■•■•■•■•■•■•■•■•■•■•■•■•■•■♦•■ o ■•■•■•■•■•■•■•■• ,

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