The herald. [microfilm reel], September 27, 1898, Page 2, Image 2

About The herald. [microfilm reel] (Los Angeles [Calif.]) 1893-1900

Image provided by: University of California, Riverside; Riverside, CA

                
2
The honor was Indeed thrust upon l me,
contrary to my own will. Now, how
ever, I am a candidate and desire to be
elected. And I promise you that If elect
ed my office shall not be a political one.
(Applause.) It shall not be a home for
broken-down politicians or broken
down lawyers.
"It Is now my pleasure and' honor to
Introduce the next governor of Califor
nia—a man who can speak for himself,
and has no need of employing anyone
else to make his speeches for him.
(Great applause.) The Hon. James G.
Magulre."
As the "Little G'lant" stepped to the
front of the platform the Immense au
dience rose and cheered themselves
hoarse, while the ladles waved their
handkerchiefs, and for several minutes
a scene of intense enthusiasm prevailed.
Mr. Maguire's speech was as follows:
The Opening Gun
Ladles and Gentlemen—l am pleased to
meet this second sreat gathering of citizens
of Los AiiKeles. and to witness tfie Interest
which you, in common with your fellow
citizens of the state in every county
through which I have traveled in the pres
ent campaign, show in the issues for which
we are contending.
* The chairman has called attention to the
occupation of my early life, and the com
mittee has brought an emblem of the trade
which I learned when a boy. I was raised
on a farm ln Santa Ortiz county, and after
leaving school my father determined that
lt would be well for me to le.trn a trade.
It was rather against my own opinion of
what ought to be done at that time. I
served my apprenticeship, became a Jour
neyman, worked for six weeks at the
trade and left tt for a profession which I
must say I rather like better, but 1 have
never in all my life since doubted the wis
dom of my father's choice.
I am proud to have been raised among
the people as one of them in the occupation
cf farming, the fundamental occupation
of God's people (applause), and to have
learned a trade, and from association and
sharing In the hopes and fears and aspi
rations of my fellow craftsmen to have
had Imbedded In my soul a sympathy for
the struggling, tolling masses of my coun
try. (Applause.) I have never lost my
love for their fellowship nor my sympa
thy for them in their trials, and in every
station to which I have risen since that
time one of my chief alms has ever been
to try to better their condition and to
widen the opportunities for their happi
ness and for their advancement. (Ap
plause.)
Lincoln and Jefferson
It taught me, too, perhaps more fully
than I might ever otherwise have learned,
the truth and Justice of the fundamental
principles of Jeffersonlan Democracy,
that In rights all men are equal; that spe
cial privilege Is an injustice; that a privi
leged class cannot co-exist safely with
free Institutions; that the danger to free
Institutions, the danger to the republic, is
the growth of special privileges; that equal
rlghis to all. special privileges to none, is
the Very safety of free institutions, as It
Is the foundation of true Democracy. (Ap
plause.)
Tonight I witnessed a see.no that was
very Impressive. 1 saw a body of colored
fellow citizens enter this hall with a ban
ner proclaiming themselves to be Lincoln
Republicans not Hanna R< publicans.
(Applause.) There is a mighty meaning
ln the contrast presented by that simple
motto The Republicanism of Lincoln was
nlmost identical with the Democracy of
Jefferson. (Applause.) Jefferson believed
ln the people and insisted that ultimate
power should always rest with the peo
ple; that the peoplo should control their
Institutions: that equality of rights was
not only Just, but the only just condition
which could exist. In a republic. Abraham
Lincoln taught in his World-famed and
Immortal Gettysburg speech that he. too.
believed in the people. His memorahle
declaration that he stood for a govern
ment of the people by the people and for
the people placed him with Jefferson; and
the followers of Jefferson and the follow
ers of Abraham Lincoln are today united
In the reform parties that are contending
for a government of the people by the peo
ple and for the people. (Applause.)
Hanna Republicanism
What 1s Hanna Republicanism? (A
voice: Rot.) Marcus A. Hanna represents
more truly than any man who has ever
reared his head In the public affairs of
this country the domination of centralised
and concentrated wealth. His faith is
not in men but In money: his belief Is not
ln a government of the people by the peo
ple and for the people, but In a govern
ment of monopoly for monopoly end by
monopoly. (Applause.)
The difference Is marked and on these
very lines the people of this country are di
vided today. The representatives of monop
oly are aggressive .bold and confident, have
thrown down the gauntlet to the masses
of the people. The Republican candidate
for congress In this district, who In on
unfortunate phrase or sentence, defined
his view of the character of this union and
of the people, who compose It, was not
merely giving forth an accidental or spon
taneous thought.
S Among the modern representatives •
S of the Republican party opposition to •
S monopoly Is not regarded as respects- •
S bio. Opposition to monopoly is to •
S them aherchy. Tt Is hostile'to what c
c they understand to be the most per. *
c fc-ct social organization, with a class •
c controlling society, nnd the masses c
c of the people hewers of wood and c
c drawers of water for thoso enjoying c
S special privileges. (Applause.) o
Special Privileges to None
Tho fight that Is on today Is but a new
development of tho old fight against the
ddvlne right of kings, and the superiority
of privileged classes, who ruled by virtue
of birth and family station. The founders
and fathers of our republic relegated theso
claims to tho continents of Europe and.
Asia, when they dedicated this land to
freedom, to equal rights, to Justice, to
popular sovereignty. Thomas Jefferson
warned tho people of this country that the
power nominally stricken down by the
success of the American revolution, would
insidiously advance ami stealthily gain
puhllc power, public authority, and use ft
against the people, unless by eternal vigi
lance the people should guard against its
encroachments. (Applause.)
The people of this country have been
too confident that mere popular suffrage,
universal suffrage, the sheet anchor nnd
safety of our Institutions, made our Insti
tutions automatically safe, nnd that the
government would always run Itself safe-
ly. While they have been divided In pur
pose, while they have been unheeding of
danger, keen, intelligent, unscrupulous
rcpri-sentatlves of the new aristocracy, the
oligarchy of wealth, have been working
their way to dominion, working their way
■ o power, concentrating theCr power, and
at last have come to feel that with those
who arc dependent upon them, more or
less under rheir control, though I believe
not so much under their control as thoy
think (applause), with the masses of the
people ever divided on collateral and com
paratively Insignificant questions, they
mlKht. by keeping the people divided, dom
inate their interests and exercise the pub
lic powers given them to their unlimited
enrichment and the corresponding oppres
sion of the masses.
Majority Must Rule
We have accepted the challenge. Wenp
peal to the masses of the people today to
rise up, not In violent opposition—the turn
for that passed with the foundation o!
this great republic. (Applause.) It Is n<
longer necessary for men lv our eountrs
who are oppressed to resort to violence ir
order to secure their rights. While the;
remain in the minority they have no right
to rule. As soon as their demand for Just-
Ice shall bring to them a majority they
have no need for violence to establish their
rights. (Applause.) Gradually and
through the course of years the oppressed
cried out variously against various
things, which to each seemed to be the
cause of his oppression—of his unhnppl
ncss. Discordant voices cried out foi
different and often antagonistic rellefF
Their want of clear knowledge divided
them. At last thoy were united. They are
uniting and their common cry, the cry that
rallies the forces of reform today nnd that
strikes terror into rhe beneficiaries and
supporters of special privilege. Is tho cry
of the union forces, "Give us Justice; we
arp men." (Applause.)
We want justice, equal rights, the aboli
tion, the extirpation of special privilege
or Its subordination to legal control.
Southern Pacific Barnes
It has been my custom to proceed to dis
cuss the issues of the campaign affirma
tively, but as I have spoken here recently,
covering many of the Issues, perhaps 1
may as well take up the Issues tonight aa
they have bee n discussed by our opponents,
replying to their arguments and crlticls
and at the same lime presenting affirma
tively our own position. Until a week
ago last Saturday night we had under
stood that the keynote for the Republican
campaign had ben given forth ln a speech
delivered by my distinguished opponent
in this hall some ten days before. Many
of you doubtless heard that speech. We
Were answering It as best we could, when,
suddenly, a few days ago, we were ad
vised through the leading Republican pa-
pers that a new keynote was to be- sound
ed. It seems that the» old keynote did not
suit.
c By whom was the keynote to c
c bo sounded? Why, by Gen. W. H. L. c
c Barnes, a great, able and distln- c
c gulehed lawyer; a man whom, person- c
c ally. I like and admire. I have no c
c criticism to pass upon the choice of o
* him as the leader of the Republican c
0 campaign, if it was determined in ad- c
o vence that the campaign, was to be c
c led by an attorney of the Southern •
O Pacific (Cheers.) Ho is most cer- a
c talnly the ablest and most eloquent *
LOS ANGELES HERALD: TUESDAY MORNING. SEPTEMBER 27, 1898
c of all the regular attorneys of that c
c company. (Applause.) c
The first keynote which was sounded
here by my distinguished opponent was
| very like a G sharp. The new keynote
was very much like alt flat. My dlsitjin
guished opponent at Ventura, on Friday
evening, stated that we might wait for
a third keynote, and it came to us this
morning in a speech by Morris M. Bister,
the distinguished candidate of the Repub
lican party for governor In the last cam
paign.
The Railroad in Politics
Gen. Barnes, who struck the second key
note, hay been going over the state pooh
poohing the railroad issue in the campaign.
Why shouldn't he? llow could he lead a
Campaign If he didn't get that Issue out of
tho way? (Laughter.) flow could Judge
Carpenter make speeches If the railroad
question was in issue? tlen. Barnes critl
isos us very severely for dragging the
railroad question into the present contest.
He Is a little unfortunate In having his
position so thoroughly overthrown by
what the railroad company Itself has been
doing and declaring.
A few weeks atro. just after the adoption
of the Democratic state ■ platform, the
livening Tost of San Francisco, a news
paper owned by tho Southern Pacific, nnd
edited by its agents, declared that because
jf certain planks In that platform the
Southern Pacific company would be obliged
:o remain In polities for the present cam
paign. It was too bad that they were not
emitted to exerclso their choice and foi-
low their earnest desire Jo get out of poll
tics. But I fear that if the popular inter
ests represented by those plnnks hnd been
ignored (nnd they should not have been
ignored) the Southern Pacific company
would still have been In politics. It has
been assuring us for twenty years that It
was out of politics, but lt never has been.
In addition to General Barnes, other Re
publican speakers have been going about
over the state declaring that the Southern
Pacific was not in polities: that the issues
concerning the relations of the. railroad
to the people were dead Issues.
Mr. Estee, an honest man. n good man, n
personal friend of mine of twenty-five
years' standing, a man whom t honor as
a man, but whose political judgment I
doubt very seriously because, notwith
standing the statements that he unequivo
cally makes ln a speech, he remnins in the
campaign ns a suppovter of the railroad
ticket. Lot us sec how Estee answers
General Barnes on this question.
Estee's Speech Dissected
Mr. Estee Is willing to contend for what
he calls Republican principles, willing to
contend for the election of the Republican
ticket on other grounds, but be Is not will
ing to go over this state saying that the
railroad question Is not a burning issue.
He is net willing to go over this state say
ing that the railroad company Is out cf
polities. I will read from the report of Mr.
F.stee's speech delivered in San Francisco
on Saturday evening last, as reported In
the San Francisco Call, a leading Repub
lican newspaper on Sunday, September
35th. The report from which I read pur
ports to be a full stenographic report of
the speech:
"It is known," says Mr. Kstee, "to
every public man, Democrat or Re
publican, that the Southern Pacific
Railroad company has for many years
tried to control the polities of this
state. Its vast influence and unlimited
capital is used in politics full as much
as in business. It places money ahead
of men. and its own greed In advance,
of public morals. If this thing Is longer
permitted to continue It will Imperil
alike the rights of liberty and prop
erty. It Is a menace fo the republic and
good men of ai! parties should unite ln
defeating Its Influence." (Applause.)
Now that Is an exact statement of our
opinions, nnd that Is what we have done.
(Applause.) Why doesn't Mr. Estee bring
his party Into our combination against that
monopoly dominion and make the opposl-
THE CLUBS MARCHING TO MAGUIRE'S HEADUARTERS
Lion unanimous? (Applause.) But that wai
not all he said on this question. Continuing
ho says:
"The political power of the Southern
Pacific railroad corporation Increases
as new and additional favor* are ex
tended to lt. 'With all Its railroad
mileage and Its vast business Interests
it is a political machine. It Is a power
within the government greater than the
government itself. It Is now entering
upon both state and national politics."
A Vast Political Machine
How is it er terlng? With whom Is It en
tering? What represents lt ln state poll
tics? Behind what party does It stand In
state politics, which/ It Is unquestionably
entering, as Mr. Kstee says? He proceeds:
it Is now entering upon bothststesnd
national politics amy all parries should
unltu In opposition to Its nefarious boss
rule. It aspires to elect United States
senators and) congressmen. So open
are Its acts that disinterested people
attending political conventions intui
tively ask "How does the railroad com
pany like the ticket?" (That question
was not necessary after the nomination
of the Republican ticket.) (Applause.)
"rather than 'how are the people
pleased with it?' " Candidates for of
fice look furtively up, tq: the; yellow
building.
Do you know what the yellow building
is? The yellow building is the Southern
Pacific building at the comer of Market
md Montgomery streets ln San Fran
cisco, the political asPwell as the business
headquarters of the Southern Pacific com
pany.
Candidates for office look furtively up
to the yellow building and wonder
whether they will be beaten or elected.
If it Is for Qstge lt Is because it hates
some one else more. (Applause.) If for
Magulre, because lt prefers Magulre
for governor rather than for congress
man or for senator. In any event its
friendship or enmity is controlled by
self-interests. He who will do the most
for the railroad will gain Its support,
and the last and best bidder gets the
office. (A voice: "And the whistle")
The whistle, my friend, goes with the of
fice, or rather with the nomination for the
office.
"The Fight Is On"
"The fight Is on. Let Republicans lire
up for the great contest." (Laughter.)
Now I would like to know where he wants
them to line up for a contest of that kind.
They had better line up under the Silver
Republican banner If they are going to line
up on the side of the people. (Applause.)
"The light Is on. Let Republicans line up
for the great contest. Tou cannot serve
the Lord and please the devil at the same
time." (Laughter.) That seems to be what
Brother Estee Is trying to do .though. I
am inclined to think that instead of serv
ing the Lord and pleasing the devil, he Is
putting himself ln the attltudo of serving
the devil and trying to serve the Lord
(Laughter and applause) ln this particular
matter. "You must choose sides," he con
cludes.
How Mr. Estee, after making that
speech—and lt certainly represents his hon
est convictions and his honest sentiments—
oould get behind the Republican ticket ln
the present campaign Is a thlrrg that
amazes and puzzles me. (A voice: "He
changed on the silver question suddenly.")
Yes, he charged his position from being a
leading advocate ot silver In 189t and down
to the meeting of the Republican state
convention ln ISM, and then went over to
gold standard, but he says now ln Jus
tification of that course that the silver
question Is dead. Mr. Barnes says It Is
dead, Mr. Gage says lt Is dead. But if lt
were not, Mr. Gage says he is for the gold
standard anyhow, so it does not make any
difference whether the silver question is
dead or not. (Laughter and applause.)
But I cannot ente-r tonight into a discus
sion of the money question. I dealt with
that question very largely ln my last ad
dress here.
General names' second keynote ot tha
campaign of WuMjJi I have spoken fills
some twelve columns of the Son. Francisco
Call. I read the first six columns without
discovering anything that seemed to me to
even remotely touch upon the real Issues
of the campaign, and it seemed to me
from the reading of the speech and consid
ering lt as a keynote to guide the Repub
lican speakers In the campaign, that the
purpose was to try to evade the Issues
and to go through the campaign seeking
success upon entirely Irrelevant ques
tions.
The first part of his speech Is a very
beautiful, rhetorical and oratorical essay
on the war with Spain. At the conclusion
of his essay on that subject he draws tho
conclusion that because this country had
a war with Spain, which is over, therefore
the Republican party Is irr its atom?
on the domestic Issue now before the peo
ple (Laughter); therefore the Republican
party ought to succeed In the present cam
paign.
I really cannot see any logical connection
between his major premise nnd his con
clusion. I studied logic a little when I wns
a boy, and one of the things that the books
and the teachers condemned was a syllo
gism with an ambiguous middle. General
Barnes' syllogism, which commences with
the major premise that there was a war
with Spain and ends with the conclusion
—"ergo: The Republican, state ticket
should be elected ln California this year."
must be a conclusion drawn from an am
biguous or Irrelevant middle ln his syllo
gism, for certainly tho syllogism as It
presents Itself to me, could have no such
conclusion.
Sectionalism Is Dead
1 had OCCSStcn when I last spoke here to
call attention to the evident intent cf the
Republican party to try again to draw sec
tional lines; tc wipe out the glorious bene
fit that came to our country from the ce
menting cf north and south and east and
west in common bends of fr.iternal
patriotism through the mlng'.ing indiscrim
inately cf the blood of their sons nn all the
battlefields of the*wnr and tho leudershp
of our forces for our flag and our country
by gallant soldiers who in the civil war
wore the blue and the gray, and by as gal
lant leaders like old Joe Wheo.ier\who in
the civil strife wore the gray tPrc
! longed applause), and It seems to
me that my prediction has beer,
verified, that for partisan purposes
for mere personal advantage, cr tor tem
porary ends, there are men in our country
wtii are willirg again to draw invidious
lines between cur people; to revive the old
and burled prejudices and heartburnings
(Bat for more than a generation followed
the civil war.
They arcr all burled; they are all hurled
beneath the glerious wreaths of honor and
sacrifice furnished by the people of all
sections and of all parties on the fields :f
Santiago, Guatanamo and Manila and on
the decks of our warships during the re
cent armed conflict.
•fr These sectional issues cannot he re- »fr
•fr vived. and I believe that the peo- -fr
■fr pie are more ready to rebuke than to +
.fr accept any Pharasalo.il claim cf su- .fr
•fr perlor patriotism on the part cf any +
•fr party or of any section. Our people >fr
•fr are all patriotic, regardless cf party. -fr
•fr and domestic issues shall not be +
•fr clouded, shall not be Obscured ncr the .fr
•fr people deceived by any appeal to pre- -fr
•fr judlce or by any clnim of superior -fr
•fr patriotism on the part of any party, .fr
•fr (Applause.) .fr
A Common Heritage
The gl°rles of the war constitute our
common heritage.
But all was net glory in the conduct cf
the war. There was in the conduct -f the
war much that we cannot call glorious.
More of the gallant sons of our country
died of neglect in the camps of peace thm
perished on the lields of battle, Including
all the battles cf the war and including the
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destruction of the Maine and her gnllan*
crew. Somebody Is responsible for this.
But we have made no partisan claim based
upon that chapter of negligence and In
competency. The Republicans ought to bo
very willing, as we permit that scandal o*
tho war to remain the common sorrow cf
our whole people, to let tho glory of the
war remain the common heritage of all.
And let me say here I do not know wno
was responsible for the neglect cf our sol
diers, and therefore 1 do not attempt to
place the blame; I do not attempt to pass
Judgment upon the secretary cf war. But
this I de know, that
Republicans, Populists, Silver Repub
l.cans, without any distinction as to party
made ample appropriations for all the pur
poses of the war and placed those appro
priations under the control of the present
Republican administration. Here let me
say that the statement of my opponent that
I had voted against any of such bills is an
error, based, I huvo no doubt, upon misin
formation.
lt may be that the fault does not lie with
the secretary of war. He say* it lies wdth
the officers below him. They point to each
other ln succession, shifting responsibility.
Judge, the leading Republican conrlc pa
per of the Union, caricaturing this shifting
of responsibility ln a recent Issue has a
long lino commencing with the secretary
of war and ending wdth tho army mule, all
trying to shift the responsibility and the
mule stolidly bearing lt. (Laughter and
applause.)
If, then, they olalm credit for what the
soldiers and sailors did, not am partisans
but as Americans, they must accept re
sponsibility for what those who neg!octe<l
the soldiers havo done nnd left undone. I
do not ask that they accept even tho lat
ter, but 1 say to them that they have much
loss claim to the former than they have
responsibility for the latter. (Applause.)
If the responsibility were placed U|>oni
them for tho neglect of our soldiers and
for their suffering and death, they could
expect. Instead of eredlfaml election, only
repudiation and utter defeat. (Applause.)
But I do not ask that. I ask that they put
tho war. Its glories and Its scandal aside
as a matter common to all the people, re
gardless of party, and let us discuss the
■ lomesitlc issues to which the people have
now turnel their minds. (Applause.)
Barnes' Platform Criticisms
The next three columns of (Sen. Barnes'
opening speech are devoted to an essay on
the South Sea Islands, apparently taken
very largely from the travels of Captain
Cook and the "Cruise o." the Challenger,"
liased upon those, at least doubtful,
sources of Information, tho general tells
us that he Is prepared to say now what are
tthe interests of our country in the mat
ter; that he has determined Infallibly
where our country's interests He. He
condemns the platform of the Democratic
party of California on that question be
cause It leaves the matter open to be de
termined when Investigation shall put
us in possession of all the facts and of
all the conditions necessary to make an
intelligent determination of the question.
Let him not condemn the platform. Let
him remember, If he has forgotten it, or
learn it if he does not know it. that the
Democratic! platform on that subject was
simply a tacit approval of the course tak
en by the present Republican president
of the United States on that question.
(Applause.) I 'happened) to be in Sacra-
To Cure a Cold In One Itay
Take Laxative Bromo Quinine Tablets. AH
druggists refund the money If lt fails to
cure. 250. The genuine has L. B. Q. on
each tablet.
mento at the time of tho drawing ofitha
Democratic platform and the sub-com
mittee having that matter ln charge asked
my view concerning lt.
I said then, and I say now. President
McKlnley took the only course that ln my
opinion was possible to be taken safely
at the time; thai we were almost abso
lutely without Information; that the In
formation we hadrwas so meager, so doubt
ful as to Its accairacy, that lt would be
folly, worse than folly, for the President
to attempt to take a definite and final
course without getting full Information on
the subject. That was his decision, and
for that purpose he held those questions
open. I said then, as I say now, that for
my part I would never consent to have a
Republican president or any other Re
publican officer criticised or condemned for
having done what I would have done had
I been ln his place. (Applause.) Let the
general then contend with the president
of the United Staites, his own president—
perhaps not his own president, because I
think he Is representing an organized force
outsldo of the Republican party more than
he Is the Republican party ln this cam
paign. (Applause.) So much for that
question.
The Funding Bill j
On the Pacific railroad question Gen.
Barnes and the Republican party platform
both declare that the matter was settled
by the present congress at Its laept session.
The Republican pla/form declares that a
bill for the enforcement and collection of
the debt was passed. I discussed that
matter somewhat though rather Indefinite
ly here before. But I say now that the
bill passed Is not for the enforcement of
tho debt at all. It Is merely a measure
delaying foreclosure for a year with a view
to presenting a proposition for settlement
to the Central Pacific Railroad company,
to Huntington and his associates, who are
ln control, and they have a right to accept
or reject the proposition as they please.
That Is not a bill for the settlement and
collection of the debt. The Republican,
platform evades that question entirely.
My distinguished opponent, commenting
upon my former speech here, made a very
seirlous accusation against me. He said
In this hall that I was largely responsible
for tho passage of the blllof which I speak.
Ho said ln this presence that my reputa
tion rested largely upon my fight ln con
gress against the funding bill. He ex
plained, and very property, that he had
never had an opportunity to vote against
the funding bill, but he sold that when
that measure came up, if Judge Magulre
had simply stood up In the house of repre
isentatlves and said. "Mr. Chairman, I
oWeet to the consideration of that bill," it
never could have been considered. He is
reported stenographioally to that effect,
and I understand tha>t was his language
here. If that be trues then, I displayed
either great Ignorance of my duty ln con
gress or great carelessness in executing It.
If he Is not right somebody has deceived
him lnbo a very unfortunate position, for
no man occupying his posttlon should
make a charge of that kind against his
opponent unless ho Is very certain about
his facts.
Gage's Bad Break
Now lot us soe. What was the proposi
tion as lt f ime to the house? The funding
measure had peon Incorporated by the sen
ate In a general deficiency bill and was a
part of that bill when lt came back to the
house. His Idea is that if I had arisen ln
the house and simply said: "Mr. Chairman,
I object to the consideration of that bill,"
It never could have been considered. The
deficiency bill of which the funding mea
sure had been made a part by the senate,
cnrrled two hundred and twenty million
dollars appropriation for the support of the
army and navy in the war with Spain, In
time of actual war. Now, his idea Is that
If I had arisen In my pta.ee and simply said,
"Mr. Chairman, I object to the considera
tion of that bill," that the other three hun
dred and fifty-nine representatives, and
delegates ln congress would have been
obliged to fold their hands, open their
mouths and look at each other In perfeot
helplessness and say: "Too bad, too bad,
the war with Spain must stop. We can't
make any appropriations for the army and
navy. We can't even appropriate money
enough for transports to take our soldiers
back from the positions of danger to
which we have sent them, because that
fellow from California, Mr. Magulre, ob
jects." (Applause.) Now the house of rep
resentatives Is not such an Imbecile body
as that. Whatever may be said against It,
It Is not a body of fools. It Is not helpless
In such an emergency. If fifty, If a hun
dred objections to the consideration of that
bill had been made. lt would not have taken
twenty minutes to "dispose of them all, by
a rule from the committee on rules, de
signed by a general rule of the house to
prevent obstruction ln such coses.
Somebody deceived my distinguished op
ponent In that matter, nnd somebody
should have told him that It was a mistake,
r think lt was unkind of my friend, en-
Governor Markham, and Mr. MeT.aehlan,
both of whom have served ln congress, to
sit behind him and let him make a state
ment of that kind without correcting him.
(Applause.)
A Reporter's Blunder
My distinguished opponent. In oonneo*