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POLITIC AX. EXTRACTS
From tho Circular of the Hon. W. T. Colquitt, to the State Rights Party of Georgia. ' I cannot give him ((.Jen. Harrison) my Snpptfrt, because he is a Federalist, that he supported the b/uck-cockade administration of the eld-.') Adams; that he supported the tulminislr jtwn cf the younger "Adams; that kg never changed his Federal principles; mat he is still a Federalist; and must derive his main support from that party. No matter how little the establishment of those charges may operate upon the minds of others, I trust they will be sufficient to screen mc fromtthcir sneers. It is a thing so easy for a rtian to be branded as a deserter from his party?for his name to be subjected to infamy?that-very many choose rather to float.with the tide of public opinion, tha? invesfgate their position and resist its current; but if I am enabled to. prove that Gen. Harrison is a Federalist, has always acted with that party and is now tkcii* candidate, we have always professed vainly in Georgia, if we give him our support. This I will now proceed to do in a plain and intelligent manner; nor will I leave room for a doubt on the mind of any unprejudiced man. My fellow-citizens will remember that while John Adams the elder was ..President of the United States, during Ins administration, the Federal party passed the Alien and Sedition Laws% which gave rise to the Kentucky and Virginia Kesoiutions of 1798, and '99. During these years there were no neutrals in public life; it was a time of severe party conflict, and party lines were distinctly drawn. I have before? me the first volume of "Executive Journal," where, at page 282, it-is recorded, that on the ,20th of June, of that ever memorable year, 1798, John Adams, the then President of the United States, conferred upon General Harrison the office of "Secretary of the territory north west of the river Ohio." Would not this appointment itselfafford strong presumptive proof that General Harrison was a member of the Federal party? Take into con sideration the year, the" time, ana me circumstances, the proof would be sufficient to shift the onus at least. But the proof shall proceed: General Harrison was a delegate from the North-western Territory, to the House of Representatives of the United States, during the sesions of 1799 and 1S39; during the session of that Cortgrcss, and befifcte its close, he was appoint-. otLhy. John Adams, the President, Gover; nor of the Territory of Indiana. (See Executive Journal, vol. 1, p. 553. Now. when we remember that the election for President took place that same year (!800,) and when we recollect the great excitement that prevailed between the parties, and how bitterly Jefferson was de _ ti i ^c /]atv nouncea Dy me I'encruusus u? mai uaj, and the uncompromising spirit that prevailed, where is the man that would dare believe that John Adams, who had bestowed on Harrison a prior appointment, and who was now enabled to judge of his friendship by his acts while at Congress, until his appointment on the 12th of May of that session, would have made him Governor of Indiana, if he had not been his friend, a member of kis 'party, opposed to Mr. Jefferson and his partij? No man can doubt it J But be it further remembered, that a majority of the Senate were Federal, who had to ratify the appointment; and this too, when universal proscription was the order of the day, and the celebra% *7 1 '"Of Ka Korlrrn nf tetl OlCLCK.-COCliU.lM; w as uiu uuugv .... *. wv?w - | al dcvotioD. I will beg leave to present another subject to your consideration, worthy of your serious regard?a subject of vital importance to the whole south?I mean the subject of Abolition. It is the blindness of stupidity or the madness of party, for any man to doubt that the nomination of Gen. Harrison was made with the view and for the purpose of obtaining strength by procuring the votes of Abolitionists. The friends of General Harrison say that he was nominated because it was thought he could obtain the most votes. Of this I l^ave no doubt; but the reason for believing that he could procure a better vote than Henry Clay, was, that lie might get - the strength and influence of this support, which Clay could not. There arc some facts which I know, and a few others to which I will refer upon this subject. I know that no petition having for its object the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, in the States or Territories, has been presented this session but by a Whig. I know that no speech has been made in favor of Abolitionists this Congress, but has been made by a Whig. I know that upon the final vote to exclude, by a rule of the House, the reception of these petitions, but one Whig from a non-slavehold in^ State voted with us, while four Southem Whigs voted against us, among whom was John Bell, of Tennessee, the Whig candidate for Speaker. 'I,know that at least two of the Democratic party refused to be made the instruments of presenting such petitions, and one of them a Sanator t: from Ohio.anon'slavchoIdingState, where the Abolitionists are numerous. Mr. Tappan said: ' "Ohio will do unlo others as she claims (hat they should do to her. As, she nil ' iiffijjri . v , not permit any interference with her own ! institntions, so she will not permit her > ' servants to interfere with the institutions j | of other States. I know her will upon ; this matter, it is clear and unequivocal. J | Resolutions of her assembly have repeat-' : edly declared her sentiments upon the subject matter of these petitions, and her dejcided opinion that the attempt making by i these petitioners "is hostile to the spirit of the Consttution, nnd destructive of the harmony of the Union;" and a recent and J more numerous assemblage of Democratic delegates in a State Convention than has ever before met in that State, with but three dissenting voices, adopted the following resolutions: "Resolved, That, in the opinion of this Convention, Congress ought not, without the consent of the people of the District, and of the States of Virginia and Maryland, to abolish slavery in the Distrie of Columbia; and that the efToits now ! making for that purpose, by organizing - * ^ . -- I A* 1 _ 4^ j societies in the tree states, are nusme iu I the spirit of the Constitution, and destructive to the harmony of the Union. "Resolved, That, slavery being a do- mestic institution recognized by the Constitution of the United-Stales, we, as citizens of a free Slate, have no right to interfere with it; and that the organization of societies and associations in free Stales, in opposition to the institutions of sister "States, while productive of no good, may be the cause of much mischief; and while such associations for political purposes ought to be discountenanced by every lover of peace and concord, no sound Democrat will have part or lot with them. " Resolved, That political Abolitionism is but ancient Federalism, under a new guise, and tliat the political action of antislavery societies is only a device for the overthrow of Democracy. "I know, sir, that these resolutions express the deliberate judgment of the Democracy of Ohio; as to the sentiments of the opponent of the Democratic party, thellarrisonians, I know leeS. Their conduct is open to observation. But that, it ...?n i n/tun ihni ihnv hold in their fra IU V* Ml I Aiivnu ? ? ... v ? ... . tcrnal embrace the entire abolition part of the population of Ohio." # These facts have occurred during the present session of Congress, and yet very many Southern members shut their eves fo these stalling truths, and arc glad at Ifeart that the Northern Democrats will Io$e strength in their respective Districts for giving us their aid. Much pains have been taken to throw poppies over the eyes of the South by attempting to prove that General Harrison himself-is not an Abolitionist; but official letters and speeches proves this?that he is opposed to slavery and desires it abolished. As I am writing . for your candid consideration an unvarnished tale, I will call to your attention his circular, which he nublished for the pur pose of satisfying the Abolitionists; "Fcllow-citizens: Being called suddenly home to attend my sick family, I have but a few moments to answer a few of the J "calumnies" which arc in circulation con- , cerning me. I am accused of being friend- j ly to slaverj'. From my earliest youth to ( the present time, I have been the ardent ( friend of human liberty. At the age of ) eighteen, I became n member of an Aboli- , [ tion Society, established at Richmond, Va. the object of which was to ameliorate the ; condition of the slaves, and procure their freedom by every legal means. My ve- , nerablc friend Judge Gatch, of Clermont ... 1 ~.nm^an ftf this SnPlP COUUty, was aisu a ihciuuk/i u> > ? ^ ty, and has lately given me a certificate . that I was one. The obligations I then j came under, I have faithfully performed." t I This circular proves that he is unfriend- ( Iy to slavery, and that he considered it a , calumny to be considered friendly, neces- | sary for him to repel: and it proves that he , was so anxious to retain the friendship of , the Abolitionists, that he actually thought , it necessary to obtain a certificate that he , was a member of an Abolition Society.? ! If other proof be necessary to show that ( he is opposed to slavery, and wishes it a- ( bolishcd, read again that part of his speech (a part of which has so frequently been , published in his defence) in which he says: "Should I be asked if there is no way by . which the General Government can aid tne cause of emancipaiion, I answer that thas long been an object near my heart too see the whole of the surphls revenue appropriated to that subject." Entertain- \ ing these views so strongly disapprobating , slavery; living as he does, in a non-slave- , holding state; made the available candi- ' * n 4' *1-.Ms-t*ikaiK mfln. i date lor tne rresiuuuuy mi 'JUgll LllV^il Ulliu- | I encc, and warmly supported by Slade, Aams, Granger, Gates, and other advocates , of Abolition in the halls of Congiess* who ( will dare believe if a bill should pass for , immediate emancipation, that he .would , affix his veto. Whether he is the advo- cate of the present action of the abolition- , ists is very immaterial. His speech at Vincenncss shows that he did not approve of the designs of the abolitionists', and his vote for the admission of Missouri without restriction, are arguments in his favor.-? But what is he now? What evidence have , we that he is not an abolitionist now? Letters have been addressed to him upon this subject, wliich he fails to answer. A committee have now taken charge of his^ person and opinions, so far as to stand between him "and the people of the United States, I whose confidence he seeks, and refus^o J give any satisfaction. Will the State, of j Geoigia, with these facts authenticated", and staring them in the face, bc^ satisfied * with the remarks he made'taany years ago, upon this subject, especially when they know how the list of abolitionists have have swelled in Ohio since his speech at Vincennes? Will they trust a man who now refuses to answer any question upon this topic for their satisfaction? Taking his abhorrence of slavery, its location, the manner he has been placed before the people, the triumphant feelings exhibited by those who have made speeches in favor of the Abolitionists, their joy at his nomination, and prospect of success; take these circumstances in connexion with his declining to answer questions upon the subject, and I ask any dispassionate man if his Vincennes speech alone entitles him to the suffrages of the South? Ought not Georgia to have assurances that the man she supports for President would veto any bill interfering with slavery in the District of Columbia or the States?. For me the well authenticated fact that he is a Federalist, that he is their candidate, and supported by them, and that, if elected, it will be a~Federal administration, would be sufficient to prevent me from yielding him nny support And his position by affiliating with the abolitionists, as I have shown, would be of itself a sufficient barrier. It is not my purpose to abuse Gen. Harrison; far from it. Nor will I abuse Federalists or Abolitionists. It is enough that I am not willing to trust the Government in the hands of either; and I shall be mistaken if the people of Georgia arc. Again: Most of you have long known that I am opposed to the chartering of a ** - * r? ? i _i x .National or united ?rates uanK. i ao not believe either its constitutionality or expediency. This opinion was expressed to the people of Georgia before my. election; I have changed no opinion, but, having devoted more time to the examination of the subject, preparatory to giving a vote upon the bill, which has for its object the separation of the Government from all banks, I am the more confirmed in my opposition to the Bank, and believe it alike dangerous to our form of Government, and the happiness of our people. It is said that Gen. Harrisoi! is against the Bank, and indeed he lias declared his belief of its unconstitutionality; but he has sajd and done enough to satisfy the friends of the Bank upon this subject. Indeed, in our own State, we have only to look tp the men who are giving most aid to the prospects of General Harrison, to know know that at least seven-teonths are in favor of a bank, and that this influence prompts their action. The leading measure of the Administration is the one which nannAnno Ilia aatolJlclimOnt flf .1F1 fflflnnfin lUO l/Oiawuoiiuiwiii. w. j dent Treasury. The strength of the Opposition is based upon their friendship for a bank. Nor is it deaiing fair with the country to deny this. An attempt to win the votes of such persons as are unfriendly to such an institution, by saying General Harrison is opposed to the bank is com-' mitting a fraud upon their suffrage. Eight j tenths of his supporters are bank men, and if they believca nc would veto a bill for its charter, he would unquestionably lose their support. The bank men of the south forget another thing?that by placing the Government in the hands ofHarrison,Clay, Adams, Webster & Co. they must take with the bank its legitimate concomitants ?a protective tariff, internal improvement c nnH pvnrv Federal scheme that Webster, the "eloquent and satisfactory expositor" of constitutional law, shall propose. In the mighty efforts now making upon the subject of tlie Presidential election, it requires no far-fetched discernment to perceive sweeping over the troubled mirror of the time the shadow of the giant bank. While I retain one mite of consistency I must pronounce it unconstitutional to incorporate a bank. And while I retain a sacked regard for the rights, virtue, and happiness of this republic, I must pro-1 nounce such a charter inexpedient and1 dangerous. I will not argue the Bankj question now, I hope to do it hereafter if, my health permits; but I may be permitted to say to tne farmers of my much loved j State, that much has been said arid done | to make them believe that the present low price of cotton is for the want of a bank, is attributable, to the Government. When 1 speak to you and of your interest, nothing shall stand between me and a candid expression of their truth. Nothing is more uncandid than the attempt to impose upon you such a belief; if every merchant in Savannah, Augusta, Macon and Columbus, were free from embarrassment and had thousands of dollars at theircommand, it could not affect the price of cotton one cent. The merchants that buy purchase to sell again, and they are regulated by the price of the article where they sell.? The prices at Liverpool mainly regulate the. price of this important staple of the South; and there they ought to have plen- j ty of money, as they have the Bank of ? 1 * ... T1?a .L _ England,with itsimmensecupuai. dui inc truth is just the reverse; tne laboring classes are m a much worse condition than our people, as there is abundant evidence to prove. From the Pendleton Mestenger. . If the contest for the Presidency was between Van Buren and Harrison, as individuals merely, we should scarcely regard it as worth a moment's reflection. But when we consider that they are but instruments, wielded by the interests raU lied under their names, without themselves possessing^ the capacity to resist, it be-' comes a matler worthy the deepest consideration. It is admitted, that Van fiuren possesses principles for which, as State Rights men, we have contended. He may be insincere in his professions. But I his whole party in Congress, in their address two yefrs ago, based themselves on those principles; and it is not to he supposed that they all were insincere. Even if some of them were so, their triumph must be the triumph of the principles they avow, and must ultimately bring the government to them, and their defeat must tlio rlnfnnf nf those nrincinles. Alter an ardent struggle of many years continuance, "we find ourselves free from a public debt?from a national bank?in a fair way to be rid of a corrupt banking system?free from the tariff almost entirely, and from internal improvement by Congress, in a great degree? from the surplus revenue, the source of incalculable mischief?and in short, from almost the whole train of federal and consolidated legislation. The real issue, in our opinion, is, whether the work shall be completed, and the government, restored to its original simplicity and purity, or whether we shall go back, and commen,cing with a national hank, run the same dangerous round again, by the adoption of that and oilier measures of policy, not sanctioned by the constitution, and fraught with oppression and ruin to at least one portion of the confederacy. Shall we abandon our principles, because our long support of them have given them such ascendancy that the administration, either from conviction or policy, ^ias been comI netted 'In arlnnf itiem? Will it he less eon- ! i ? r- ? -- sistent to give up our opposition to men, w-hen we find them approximating our doctrines, than to fall into the ranks of those who support a protective tariff, a system of national improvements, and all the train of implied powers which stand on the same footing? The tariffites, lite bank men, the consolidationisls, and abolitionists* are almost universally, so far as we can observe, rallied on the side of Harrison. .Let his own opinions be what they may, (and recently they are not to b? obtained,) lie must, if elected, become a mere instrument in the hands of those, his ,supporters. Such arc our views of th^mattcr. For Van Burcn or Harrison, individually, we core nothing. The delusion of attributing the present embarrassments of the country to the subtreasury, whicH has never been in existence, we do not think can require refutation with any who reflect. If it had been in ; [operation, thiee years ago, we verily be-j neveit wotuo nave stoppcu me ncavy mans contracted abroad, and either have pre-' vented the suspension of the banks, or1 greatly abatedlhe mischief that has re-; suited. The pecuniary embarrassment is j in a great measure confined to America! and England, which have both embarked j deeply in the banking system; and to this I the distress is to be mainly attributed. In (England, not one of the causes to which' ! the Whigs attribute our disasters?the re- ( I inoval of the depnsilcs?the sub-trcasurv |?or the tampering with the currency,' I exists, or has>xistcd. On the contrary, j that country has had the full benefit of! what the Whigs regard as a perfect cure, ! of all our ills?a great national bank and ! regulator.' The Chamber of. Commerce at Manchester, in a report published in December last, lias pointed out, in a clear and conclusive manner, the cause of pecuniary embarrassments there, and shown j that they may all be traced to the expansions and contractions of the Bank ol Engi 1nn/l * tv a nitwit riM/lno ??/%? in it rwi rnn m JUWU. ?T C 911Q11 CIIUtatiM ??/ Alt *wii? for some extracts from the report. " Bank paper," says a distinguished statesman, " is to the world of business, what brandy or whiskey is to the physical constitution?a high stimulant. Its expansion is an over-dratight?a debauch, 'sure to be followed by a corresponding: contraction, which is but the depression J after the drunken frolic. We have been! in the former, and no.w in the latter con-| dition; and like the drunkard, we thirst to I return to the bottle, which the Whigs tell us is the only remedy.'' If we should pursue this subject, we! hope to be able to do it in a spirit of can-' dor and fairness, as we cannot regard our-; selves as the parlizan of either candidate, j though we have fully made up our mind as to the course which our doctrines of State Rights and strict construction requires us to take on the quustian. From tho Ohio Statesman. A VOICE FROM THE HERMITAGE. Below we publish the rrply of the venerable Hero df New Orlerns, to the letter of a committee appointed by the last Legislature, inviting him to join the citizens of Ohio in celebrating the next anniversary j of our National Independence: Hermitage, May 11, 1830. Gen tlemen: I had the honor to receive, i by due course of mail, your flattering communication of the 17th February last, enclosing the preamble and resolutions adopted by the Legislation of Ohio, by which I am invited to unite with them and the people of that Stale in celebrating the] approaching anniversary of our National i Independence. An answer to this communication has been deferred thus long, because of my earnest wish to accept it, should the state of my health have continued such as to authorize the hope that I could perform the journey. But finding that my strength has not latterly increased, I am constrained to give.np the agreeable wish, and must request you to convey to the Legislature and people of Ohio my sincere regret that it will not be in rnv power to wait upon J-,.- I them in person, and tfiank them for the very distinguished? honor they have paid me. I shall ever feel a, debt of gratitude to the people of Ohio for the many proofs they have given me of their respect and confidence; and it is increased by the cordial terras in which their Representatives on this occasion haye been pleased to re* new their approbation of my cdhdoct wnust in public service. . In a country like ours, l'ree anil Intelligent, public opinion is the great lever by which the Government is held to its proper functions, and we are authorized, from all our experience, to look to it as the best guarantee that our institutions will be as permanent as they have j been hitherto glorious to the cause of po- , j pular liberty. To be assured that my con- 4 duct, when subjected to this exalted test, . t can bear the fa vorable judgment expressed / by the Legislatuae of your State, is therefore an honor of the highest kind, and one to which I feel that I am indebted more to their kindness and liberality than any merit of my otwn, save that of an honest intention in all my pnbhc acts to pursue fearlessly whqt I thought would conduco to the interest of,my country. It is particularly gratifying to me, gentlemen, to be assured by your Legislature that the grounds on which I rested ray opposition to the encroachments t?f the. 'money power are regarded with favor by the people of Ohio. The dangers of that power, now more evident because they are brought closer to the observation anil business concerns of all classes of our citizens, form, in mv judgment, the only cloud in our ooliiical horizon. In all ' jb... other aspects, the influences adverse to the genius of our institutions seem to have yielded to the demands of the people, and such, I doubt not, will be the case with those wielded by the money power as soon as the public voice has another opportune ty of actingjipo%them. All that we have to do on this subject, is to persevere a little longer, maintaining the doctrines of the Constitution and the suggestions of N common scr.se. We know that our fa- ^ thers who framed the Constitution gave to Congress no power to charter a Bank, > and we cannot err, therefore, in saying, that if our Government had never departed from their example, wc would have had lionc of the evils which now afflict us irr consequence of bank suspensions, and an irredeemable paper currency. Wc know that if the Government deposited none of the money of the people with banks, these institutions would have no power to eudanger the safety ol the public treasure, or to influence, imnrorerlv. ouestions of ' I r v? a public policy. We know-that banks do not make money, hot only cireultte their paper emissions, which most be good or bad according to their capacity to redeem them with specie, and hence ihat there rfanf be no confidence in iheaa as long as they maintain the right to suspend specii payments at pleasure. From such trutns, it appears to me to be scltcvidcnt, that there is now no relief f.)r the people but in the wdoplion of the Independent Treasury recommended by fhe present Administration fu the General Government. By this plan, the financial operations of the Treasury will be simplified, and the people will have the strongest guarantee that the money which is raised from thern by taxation will be applied according to the requirements of the Constitution. If, in addition to this reform in our financial system, Congress . would, at the same time, pass.a general bankrupt lav.-, by which the banks which > are now in existence, or may be hereafter chartered by the Statps, would be bound to mnlco an nnuitnhlfi distribution of their "I*" - - effects to their creditors when they refuse to redeem their notes with specie, it cannot be doubted tliut there would be an end to the evils of a depreciated ua'per currency. These measures being^adopted, but little time would be requisite to enable those banking institutipns which are sound to regain the public confidence; and the labor of the country, the farming, manufacturing. and mechanic interests would soon revive: that credit system which is based on real capital, and which goes hand in hand with the labor and enterprise of our citizens, would be enlarged, not diminished, by the operation of these measures. Congratulating you, gentlemen, on the bright prospects which are before us in respect to the adoption of a proper remedy for the existing disorders of our currency, and trusting that our country will | soon be free from the withering influences J of a money power which is not recognised fl by the Constitution or the true interests ^ * of cur country, I remain, with sentiments of profound respect and gratitude to the people and Legislature of your State, and lo yoursclve?, Your friend, and fellow-ritizen, ANDREW JACKSON*. To Samuel Spangler, Dowty Utter, John E. Hunt, on behalf of the Senate. To George H. Flood, Kufus P. SpaL ding, John If. Blair. Ilenry West EdtvSmith, on behnlf of the House of Representatives. WATCH AND CLOOS BASING. IT T. CURRIE, Watch and Clock ? MaJcer, from Europe, would res- j pectfully inform the public generally, that ^ he has commenced business in this place in the shop formerly occupied by Dr. Reid, where he will be happy to wait on those . j who may honor hint with their patronage. From his long experience and moderate prices, he feels assured he will be able to j give general satisfaction. '