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1 — ■ i rasa ./Sj : East Side -"By P. D. Last week I did what I considered a public service %ygiving space to the citizens councils list of enemies. I presumed that all Mississippians were pleased to learn of those lost souls who were enemies of our southern tried ideals; alas, such was not the case, I fear. Herewith is a copy of a letter from one Rev. Richard Eller brake, Pastor af The Back Bay Mission, Biloxi, Miss. Deacon Dick's letter needs no explanation or comment. Mr. W. J. Simmons c/o Mr. Ross Barnett Capitol Building Jackson, Mississippi Dear Mr. Simmons: A week ago, I read in the Biloxi Daily Hearld on page 1 a par tial list of the 74 "enemies" declared by the White Citizens' Coun cils. Among those organizations I saw the name of the Episcopal Church and the name of the Methodist Church. Of course, I do not know which organizations make up the bal ance of the list of 74, but I am writing out of curiosity to know if the name of the Evangelical and Reformed Church (United Church of Christ) has been included on the list. We certainly feel that we are every bit as good as the Episcopalians and the Methodists, and do not wish to be slighted. Please understand, therefore, my feeling of neglect, it in tact we are not included on your list of "enemies . It might be that through some oversight you left off the name of our denomination; perhaps you could add it, thus giving you a nice, round figure of 75 enemies. ...... in the event that you find it necessary to |ustify the inclu sion of our denomination among your list of enemies, I would sug gest that you stop by some Sunday, at either the 10:30 a.m. or the 6:30 p.m. worship services, where, likely as not, you will hear reference made from the pulpit to the White Citizens Councils. I assure you that we pull no punches in making clear the antithesis that exists between the principles of Christianity and the princi ples of the White Citizens' Councils as we are able to understand them from various news articles and press releases. I hope you will find it possible to do us the honor of declar ing us to be your enemy; for we, on our part, will try earnestly to follow our Lord's advice to "love our enemies". But we shall not make the mistake of ignoring them. Thanking you for your consideration, and hoping to be a warded an appropriate position on your list, among the Elks and the Air Force, I remain, Faithfully yours Richard Ellerbrake Too bad about R. V. Ellerbrake; we lose more preachers that wav. I am not convinced fully of the saying "better late than never"; however, on the off chance that it has merit, I will pro ceed I* had intended to use the following item in the issue for Christmas week, but slipped up somewhere along the way. I liked it very much. I can only hope you do. It is entitled "ONE SOLITARY LIFE" and its author is unknown. Here is a young man who was born in an obscure village, the child of a peasant woman. He grew up in another village. He worked in a carpenter shop until he was thirty, and then for three years he was an itin erant preacher. He never wrote a book. He never held an office. He never owned a home. He never had a family. He never went to a coHeoe. He never put Ids foot inside a big city. Minever travel ed two hundred miles from the place where be was berk He never (Continued on Page A Book Review THE CAUSES OF WORLD WAR THREE, by C. Wright Mills. Si mon and Schuster. 172 pp. $3.50, cloth. $1.50, paper. This book is not a new book. It was first published about Christmas time of 1958. But so important is it, so direct and forthright its prescription for a sick world that it is well worth a second review here. C. Wright Mills is professor of sociology at Columbia. He has conducted research for govern ment agencies, corporations and labor unions and has lectured ex tensively both in this country and abroad. Since publication, events have swept the world into a new awareness of the true nature of atomic warfare. A moratorium on nuclear testing of instruments of war has been declared in this country and Russia; i? ranee nas determined to join the nuclear bomb club; China has taken great steps in the nuclear scien tific field. These make the ques tions Mills asked in the book curiously relevant. He asks if war today is “a matter of blind drift, of overwhelming events, of historical destiny? Or is it a mat ter of men making decisions, and if so which men?” We can take heart with Mills when he says, “But the truth, I am going to argue, is that it is the rigidity of those who have access to the new means of his tory making that has created and is creating the ‘inevitability’ of World War III. Increasingly now (Continued on Page Two) THEATRE By Cyrus Adler ONLY IN AMERICA Bouncy, good natured Harry Golden’s heart of gold contrib uted to the early demise of this play about him. It is hard to be lieve that there are no villians in North Carolina. We sympathize with the poor, energetic ex-con who comes to Charlotte, North Carolina for the unlikely purpose of starting a iournal of his ideas, called THE — a a rnr^ a nT Trrvm TT wants to leave his unfortunate past behind him. A lawyer asks him why he has come to the South, Mr. Golden, as I recall, says that there is where the next great story will happen and that he wants to be part of that story. He has “new ideas” for the South, such as his proposal to eliminate school integration problems by removing all the chairs from the schools. But Mr. Golden prospers. “I know I’m a success,” he says at the end of Act One, “the klu klux klan wants to kill me.” Well, we knew all along that Harry would succeed. The only drama left involves his fear that knowledge of his past will ruin his success. Every tear is jerked, every emotion is milked (I am easily moved) even though w« (Centiaaed ne Page Three) Robert Spivack Comments On — POLITICS AND PARKER Strange as it may sound, the worst thing and the best thing that has happened in the Mack Charles Parker case is that it has become a political football. For the family of this young Mississippi Negro it must be dis tressing to watch Dixie demago gues and Northern Republican politicians, with an eye on 1960, both trying to make political capital out of his lynching. Yet for the families of other Negroes in the South it is, in the long run, fortunate that politicians outside Mississippi are forced to do something about wanton dis regard of the law by local mobs. What prompts me to make what superficially seems like contradictory observations is the way Attorney General Rogers announced that the Justice Dept, was coming back into the case. Unquestionably Rogers has given it political overtones by his be lated announcement; yet it is better that he moves late rather +Vion npupr When Parker was lynched last spring the Justice Dept, acted with complete propriety in send ing the FBI to investigate. There seemed to be a possibility that Parker’s body had been carried across the state line. Technically the Department was also correct in saying that no federal law had been violated, after the FBI had completed its findings — because there is still no federal anti lynching law after all these years of civil rights debate. What is distressing is that the President and Attorney General fell silent during all the inter vening months, even after Gov. Coleman refused to impanel a special grand jury to look into the case. Such a grand jury, Coleman argued, would do no thing. It was better to wait for the regular Fall panel. But it was a foregone conclu sion that nothing would happen in the Fall. Coleman refused even to speculate on what the regular grand jury might do. He was not being naive; he knew the record of Mississippi juries. It was eyident to anyone with the slightest knowledge of “lynch law” that nothing ever happens to the perpetrators un less there is terrific public pres sure. By putting action off to the Fall, the Mississippi Gover nor was trying to make sure that Congress took no action when public sentiment was aroused about the Parker case. It was no surprise that Sen. Eastland or Senate Democratic i Leader Johnson should try to take the heat off. But the Ad ministration’s silence while this was going on was baffling, if not actually disgraceful. Everything Rogers said about the failure of the Grand Jury even to hear the FBI men who did the investigating being a “travesty on justice” was abso lutely right. “You talk about states’ rights,” Rogers said. “That’s fine. I be lieve in states’ rights, too. But there are also state responsibili ties. It seems clear to me that if a state doesn’t believe in the ad ministration of justice, to the extent of not even calling wit nesses, in a case like the Poplar ville case, then the Federal gov ernment must consider some thing else.” Wasn’t all this pvidpnt months ago? Why so late? In a way the tip-off on the Administration’s uncertai nty about its position on the Parker case and similar episodes is that no one in authority yet has call ed for enactment of a federal anti-lynching law. This would seem to be the minimum need in any new civil rights legislation. Yet even Rogers shied away from recommending it. The failure to be specific is bound to make some people think he is playing politics. If he is, then civil rights ad vocates ought to keep on guard. Among politicians there are ties that bind. They are stronger than opposition to lynching. After all the administration has depended on Southern Demo crats to hold the line on its con servative domestic economic po licies. The old Republican-Dixie Democratic coalition is still a force to be reckoned with. Yet the fact that Rogers has moved even as far as he has, must be marked down on the “plus” side of the ledger. But it should be recognized for what it is — a minor advance, not a major gain. Asks Mike Barry — Sam Says This Ain't Educational? , Television humorist Sam Lev enson, once a school teacher, turned serious last week long enough to say, “Television is being criminally wasted as an aid to education because nobody is willing to put up a little money and treat education as excitingly, at least, as it treats a box of cereal.” Levenson said TV should get the greatest of teachers and the greatest of techniques lined up for this cause. “Get Leonard Bernstein to teach music. If Shakespeare is the subject, get Laurence Olivier to act in it. If geography is being studied, it ought to be treated like a Lowell Thomas production..." Sam’s ideas are sound, even if a little stuffy. What he over looks is how much television teaching is being done today. How to ride horses, for in stance. It’s simple — you ride at a gallop. Through the main street of town, fourteen miles aerees the prairie, sr tram the bank to the Long Branch saloon — it makes no difference. Horses always start and finish gallop ing. Never is it necessary to stop and rest these tireless beasts. The gentle art of persuasion is another. If there’s a fellow who doesn’t agree with your views, simply get two friends to hold his arms. Then you hit him as hard as you can in the pit of the stomach, and follow up with blows to the face until he slumps unconscious. In no time at all he’ll get around to your way of thinking. The nice part of this deal is that nobody gets hurt. A half hour later your victim is walk ing around looking as refreshed as though he just had a pleasant nap, and your own knuckles aren’t even bruised after ham mering his skull. We have all been educated when to laugh. It isn’t even nec essary to pay any attention to what’s going on — when y®u