Indiana daily times. [volume], June 28, 1920, Home Edition, Page 4, Image 4

About Indiana daily times. [volume] (Indianapolis [Ind.]) 1914-1922

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4
CHAIRMAN IN KEYNOTE SPEECH LAUDS PRESIDENT WILSQJ}
CUMMINGS SEES
LEAGUE FIGHT
AS BIG ISSUE
•Choice Is Plata—Let Us Stand
With the Forces of
Civilization.’
tOonrinnesi Fron Pace One.)
evppott him that this question be mads
tise eatstasjdiag Issue of tire 1930 cam
j-alps by the democratic party.
TV speech was as follows:
Tic peopls will shortly deter mine
which political instrumentality la best
stated to their purposes, most respon
sive their rseods. Tney will have be
fore them many platforms and many
ercmiises. In what direction will the}
Weal There is no better way of judg
ing the furore than by the paat. We
asi, therefore. that the people turn from
the passions and the prejudices of the
day to the consideration of a record as
clear as it is enduring.
REPUBLICAN LEtBEBSHIP
M'iE AS OF OLD.
The republican party was unsuccessful
la the elections of 1912 because 't had
persistently screed special Interests and
had lost touch with the spirit of the
lime. Those who controlled its destiny
derived their political inspiration from
“the good old days of Hark Hanna"
and neither desired anew diT nor were
•vriilins to recognise anew day when It
hsd dawned, l'o each pressing problem
they sought merely to reapply the pro
cesses of antiiiuity.
There were elements in the republican
patty which were Intolerant of Its men
tal sloth and mors! irresponsibility.
These influences sought co gain patty
control in 1912 and again, in 1916. They
renewed the hopeless struggle at the
convention recently held at Chicago.
Despite these efforts, the leaders who
have manipulated the party mechanism
for more than a generation, are still in
undisputed control.
The republican platform, reactionary
and provincial, is the very apotheosis of
political expediency. Filled with pre
meditated slanders and vague promises,
it will be searched in vain for one con
structive suggestion for the reformation
of the conditions which it criticises and
deplores. The oppressed peoples of the
earth will look to it in vain. It contains
no message of hope for Ireland l no word
of mercy for Armenia; and It conceals
a sword for Mexico. It Is the work of
men concerned more with material things
then with human rights. It contains no
thought, no purpose which can give im
pulse or thrill to those who love liberty
and hope to make the world a safer and
happier place for the average man.
DEMOCRATIC ACHIEVEMENTS
PROOF AGAINST SLANDERS.
The democratic party la an unentangled
party—a free party —owing no allegiance
to any clans or group or special interest.
We were able to take up and carry
through to success the great progressive
program outlined in our platform of 1912.
During the months which -intervened be
tween March 4. 1913, and the outbreak
of the world war, we placed upon the
statute books of our country more ef
fective, constructive and remedial legisla
tion than tie republican party had pilced
there in a generation.
The income tax was made a perma
nent pnrt of the revenue producing agen
cies of the country, thereby relieving our
law of the reproach of being unjustly
burdensome to the poor. The extrav
agances and iniquities of the tariff system
were removed; and a non-partisan tariff
commissioa was established so that fu
ture revisions might be made in the light
of accurate information, scientifically
and impartially obtained. Pan-American
lain w-s encouraged; and the bread thus
cast upon the international waters came
back to us many fold. The great reaches
of Alaska were opened up to commerce
and development. Dollar diplomacy was
destroyed. A corrupt lobby was driven
from the national capltoL An effective
seaman's act was adopted. Tbe federal
trade commission was created. Child
labor legislation was enacted. The parcel
/post and the rural free delivery were de
veloped. A good roads bill and a rural
credlta act were passed. A secretary of
labor was given a seat in tbe cabinet of
the president. Eight-hour laws were
adopted. The Clayton amendment to the
Sherman anti-trust act was pissed, free
ing American labor and taking it from
the category of commodities. The Smith-
Lever bill for tbe improvement of agri
cultural conditions was enacted. A cor
rupt practice act was adopted. A well
considered warehouse act was passed.
Federal employment bureaus were cre
ated. Farm loan banks, postal savings
banks 'and the federal reserve system
were established.
These enactments, and many other pro
visions of a remedial character, bad a
cleansing and quickening effect upon the
economic life of our country. The farm
er was freed from the deadening effects
of usurious financial control. Libor was
given its Magna Charta of liberty. Busi
ness and finance were released from the
thraldom of uncertainty and haxard. The
economic life of America was refreshed
by the vitalizing breath of economic
freedom. V
Thla extraordinary narration sounds
like a platform of promises. The sober
fact is that it is an inadequate recital
of actual performance. It constitutes
democracy's response to the demands of
social Justice. It is our answer to the
antiquated slander that the democratic
party Is unable to understand tbe great
affairs of tbe country.
FEDERAL RESERVE SYSTEM
EARNS NATION'S GRATITUDE.
If the democratic party had aecom*
puished nothing more than the passage
of tbe federal reserve act. It would be en
titled to the enduring gratitude of the
nation. This act supplied the country
with an elastic currency controlled by
ti. American people. Panics —the recur
ring phenomena of disaster which the
republican party could neither control
nor explain—are now but a memory- Un
der tbe republican system there was an
average of one bank failure every twenty
one days for a period of nearly- forty
years. After tbe passage of the federal
reaerve system, there were, la 1915. four
bank failures; in 1916 and 1917, three
bank failures; in 1918, one bank failure,
and In 1919, no bank failures at all. Tbe
federal reserve system, passed over the
opposition of tbe leaders of the repub
lican party, enabled America to with
stand the strain of war without shock
or panic; and ultimately made our coun
try the greatest creditor nation of tbe
world.
PROUD OF AMERICAN
ACHIEVEMENTS IN WAR.
And then ths great war came on. Ul
timately, by thi logical steps of necessity,
oar peace-loving nation was drawn Into
tbe conflict. The necessary war legis
lation was quickly supplied.
A war finance corporation was created.
War risk insurance was provided. Ship
building laws re-eestabllshed America's
supremacy upon the seas. The office of
alien property custodian was created. A
war industries board was established. A
war trade board was created. Food and
fuel regulations were formulated. Vast
loans were successfully formulated. Voca
tional training was provided. A national
council of defense was created. Indus
try was successfully mobilized.
Almost over night, the factories of
the nation were made a part of the
war machine, and the miraculous re
vival of the shipping Industry filled the
ocean lines with our transports.
Our fleet laid the North sea mine bar
rage. We sent fighting craft to every
sea and brought new courage and in
ventive genius to the crucial fight against
the U-boat.
In transporting our troops to France,
we never lost a man in a ship convoyed
by the American navy.
One of the first decisions was between
tlie ‘‘volunteer system” and the selective
draft. Many patriotic citizens strongly
deprecated conscription and dreaded Its
possibilities. The administration, how
ever, placed its influence behind the
measure, secured its passage, and made
possible the winning of the war.
It proved a democratic system assur
ing equal service, equal danger and
equal opportunity. At one stroke of the
pea, bounty Jumping, and tbe hired sub
stitutes that had disgraced the manage
ment of the Civil war were made Impos
sible. The selection of men to go to
ihe front was placed not merely in the
hands of tbe civil authorities, but actu
ally in tbe hands of the friends and
neighbors of the men eligible for service.
No fundamental law was ever adminis
tered with such scrupulous honor. Not
breath of scandal touched this legis-
Keynoter
HOMER S. CUMMINGS.
latlon; and so cheerfully was it accepted
that .today the term "draft dodger" is
an epithet of reproach In any commun
ity.
Partisanship was put aside in the se
lection of Gea.'Pershing as leader of onr
forces and no military commander in
history was ever given a freer hand or
more unflagging support. The policy of
selecting officers through training camps
avoided the uso of political favorites
and guaranteed competent leadership for
the youth of the land. Ten million men
were registered within three months from
the declaration of war and thirty-two
camp cities, complete in every inunlcipa.
detail, were built in ninety days.
In France we had to construct our
own docks, railroad lines, storage de
pots, hospitals and ordnance bases. We
had to cut down the forests for our
barracks. In June, two months after
the declaration of war, our fighting men
were in France; in October. Americans
were on the firing line; In scarcely more
than a year we had 2,000,000 men in
Prance, bad whipped the enemy at Bel
ieau wood, beaten them back at Chateau
Thierry, wiped out the St. Mihiel salient
and delivered the terrific hammer blow
at Sedan that virtually ended the war.
Less tbau two years ago, Gen. Haig,
with the bluntness of a soldier, said:
"The British army Is fighting with its
back to the wall"; Lloyd George was
crying: “Jt is a race between Wilson
and Hindenburg,” and France clung like
a drowning man to the Hook of Verdun,
turning agonised eyes towafti America.
And America came. We challenge the
critics of the administration to point out
how, within the limits of human possi
bility. the war coaid have been won
more promptly or with less loss of Amer
ican life.
It was not by mere chance that these
things were accomplished. To readjust
the processes of peace so as to serve the
activities of war required leadership and
unexampled skill Petty criticism of
miner defects and Individual officials
may for a time attract a superficial at
tention. nut the significant things, the
great outstanding facts plead eloquently
for the democratic cause.
Let no one misunderstand us. These
great affairs were carried forward under
the stimulus of American patriotism,
supported by the courage and the spirit
of our people. All this is freely and
gladly acknowledged, but surely the time
has come when, because of the calculat
ed criticism and the premeditated eaL
umnies of the opposition, we are entitled
to call attention to the fact that all of
these things were accomplished under
the leadership of a great democrat and
a greet democratic administration. We
have no apofogic-s to make—not one. We
are proud of our great navy; we are
proud of our splendid army: we are
proud of the power of our country and
the maner in which th.it power has been
used; we are proud of the work that
America has done in the world; we are
proud of tho heroism of American man
and women; and we are proud of tbe
inspired and incomparable leadership of
Woodrow Wilson.
Has not tbe time come when all
Americans, irrespective of party, should
begin to praise the achievements of our
country rather than to criticize them?
Surely a just and righteous sense of m
tloual prido should protect us from the
insensate assaults of mere partisans. We
fought a great war, for a great cause,
and we had a leadership that carried
America to greater heights of honor and
power and glory than she has ever known
before in her entire history. If the
American flag must be lowered, It will
be hauled flown in a republican conveu
tipon and not\in a democratic conven
tion.
FOES VAINLY SEEK TO
BESMIRCn THIS RECORD.
It is this shining record of tremen
dous achievement that republican man
agers and the Chicago platform seek to
shame and besmirch. Various congres
sional committees, which for want of a
more appropriate term, are called “smell
ing committees,” were appointed for the
purpose of ascertaining whether or not
there was any graft in the conduct of
the great war. Over eighty investtga
tions have been made, over two million
dollars have been wasted, and the one
result has been to prove that it was the
cleanest war ever fought in the hlstorv
of civilization.
Through the hands of a democratic ad
ministration. there have passed more
than forty billions of dollars, and the
finger of scorn does not point to one
single democratic official iu nil Amer
ica. It is a record never before made
by any political party in any country
that ever conducted a war.
If republican leaders are not able to
rejoice with us in this American tri
umph, they should have the grace to re
main silent, for It does not lie in the
mouths of thoae who conducted the
Spanish-American war to Indulge in the
luxury of criticism. What was there
in this war to compare with the typhoid
infested camps and the paper soled shoe
controversy of 1898? What was there
in this war to compare to the embalmed
beef scandal of the Spanish-American
war? Despite all their investigations,
not one single democratic official has'
either been indicted or accused or even
suspected; and the only dignitary in
America, of any outstanding political
significance who is moving in the dlrec
'tlon of the penitentiary, is Truman New
berry, of Michigan.
The very power of the republican
party to conduct a partisan Investiga
tion of the war, to criticise the presi
dent, to control the organization of the
senate and to wreck the prospect of
world peace, rests upon a bare major
ity of one, Recured through the tainted
senatorial vote from Michigan
. T {. e republican party became so fixed
in its incorrigible habit of conducting
investigations that it finally turned to
the fruitful task of investigating Itself
For the first time since they entered
upon this program, they discovered
fraud and graft and gross and Inexcusa
ble expenditures. The revelations dls
ciose the fact, long understood by the
initiated, that the meeting at Chicago
was not a convention but an auction
The highest bidder, however, did not get
the prize. The publicity which overtook
the proceedings frustrated the Initial
purpose. In'more senses than one the
recent Chicago convention has left the
democratic party as the sole custodian
Oi the honor of the country.
iS'™ are me *0 small in spirit, so
pitifully cramped in sou!, that they sug
gest that the war cost too much The
republican platform echoes this com
plaint. It was, Indeed, an expensive war
War is the most wasteful thing In the
world. But i* money to be measured
against the blood of American soldiers?
Would it not be better to spend a billion
dollars for shells that were never ex
ploded, than to have one American boy
on the firing line minus an essential cart
ridge? Was It not better to prepare for
a long war and make it short, than to
prepare for a short war and make it
long? When criticism is made of the
expense of war, let us not forget that we
bought with it the freedom and the safe
ty of the civilization of the world.
Again, they say that we were not pre
pared for war. In a strict military
sense, a democracy is neTer prepared for
war; but America made ready in a way
that was far more effective than by main
taining, at enormous cost, great arma
ments, which neither party ever advocat
ed and which our people would never
approve.
Wars are not fought by armies alone.
They are fought by nations. It is a
measuring of the economic strength of
nations. The front line trench Is no
stronger than forces which lie be
hind the trench. The line of eommunca
tion reaches hack to every village, farm,
counting house, factory and home. Amer
ica prepared by making the economic
life of the oouhtry sound.
What would have been our situation If,
prior to the outbreak of the war, we had
not prepared so that our farmers were
able to feed the armies of the world?
What would have been our situation if 1
labor had not been willing to follow the
leadership of the president? What would
have been the situation if we had
not established a currency system
which made it possible for us to
finance the war? What would have
been the situation if the republican
party had been in control and had main
tained its old attitude toward legislation?
There would have been an inevitable
breaking down of the efonomlc structure
of our country. We would have been
caught in the throes of a panic more
devastating than any we had ever
known. Industrial life would have been
disorganized and the tasks of war. dif
ficult ns they were, might then have be?
come altogether impossible.
WHAT HAVE REPUBLICANS
ACCOMPLISHED SIXCkJ 1918?
The republicans have now been in con
trol of the Benate and the house for more
than a year. They won the election of
1918 upon the faith of alluring promises.
They said that they would earnestly sup
port the president, at least until the
tasks of war were finished. It was their
contention that they would enter upon
the work of reconstruction with superior
intelligence and even with greater pat
riotism than would be possible under
democratic leadership. They gave pub-
Hetty when they enters upon the recent
session'/ to detailed and
ments aa to their program. If we are
to be judged, as 1 hope we ma.y be,
the record, let them also be judged by
the record. What have the republicans
accomplished since their political success
In a9IS? What beneficial results have
flowed to the American people- bat
promises have been redeemed what
progress has been made in th- set le
,P n . of foreign or domestic questions
Twice the president went before con
gress since the termination of hostli
ft”? calling attention to needed legls
lation lie urged tho passnge of laws
relating to profiteering; measures to Un
pUfv and reduce taVatton. appropriate
livr* vAifttw* to the returning sol
dllrs” the passage of a- resolution eon
rer”Ag th. Constructive plans worked
out in detail by for . n ’ s“c
the measures advocated bv the wc
remrv of agriculture. Tie suggested
tt£t the congress take counsel together
provide legislation with reference to
Industrial unrest, and the mutual rein
tions of capital and labor. Arte* .
than a year of sterile debate our country
has neither peace nor reconstruction.
Barren of achievement, shameless In
waste of time and money, the record of
present congress la without parallel
for ft* lncompetencles, failure and re
••udlatlons. Are the American people o
unjust or so lacking In discrimination
that they will reject the service of a
party which has kept lta word, and place
renst in a party which merely renews
the broken promises of a previous cam
paign?
DEN'Otih'CBS MALICB IN
ATTACKS l PON PRESIDENT.
Republican leaders have been moved
by a strange and inexplicable Jealousy
of the president. Tbelr feverish ani
mosity expressed in gross abuse and
through secret intrigue, has been produc
tive of one of the moat unhapi ♦ chapter*
in American history, re-ailing the simi
lar experiences of Lincoln and vV as.i
lngton Political malice followed the
president to the peace table. A sena
torial “round robin" was widely circa
latd Every device which partinanship
could" develop was employed for the pur
pose of weakening the fnflueuce of our
commission at Paris, and making the
task there bUII more difficult. At a
time when every Instinct of fairness
pleaded for a whole-hearted support of
the president, political antagonism and
personal envy controlled the anti-admin
istration forces.
The president made every sacrifice for
the cauße of peace. The Jong-continued
strain while composing differences
abroad; tbe expenditure of nervous vi
tality and intellectual force in building
anew order of humnu relationships upon
the ruin* of the old. laid henry toll
upon his reserve powers. Then canto the
return in triumph, only to find here a
widespread propaganda of opposition,
making it imperative that he take up in
his own country a struggle for tho pres
ervatlon of that which had been won at
such Incalculable cost. Following the su
perhuman labors of seven years if l,nex
ampled service, this meant the wreck of
his health, sickness for month* upon a
bed of pain, and worse than -lie physi
cal sickness, the sickness of heart which
comes from the knowledge that political
adversaries, lost to the larger sense of
things, are savagely destroying not
merely the work of men's hands, but the
world's hope of settled peace This wfs
the affliction- this the cru-lfixlon.
As he lay stricken In the whltehouse
the relentless hand of malic© beat upon
the door of the sick chamber. The ene
mies of the president upon the floor of
the senate repeated every slander that
envy could Invent, and they could scarce
ly control the open manifestation of the.r
glee when the great man was stricken
at last The congress was In session for
months while the president lay in the
whltehouse struggling with a terrifying
illness and, at times, close to the point of
death. He had been physically wound
ed just aB surely as were Oarflled and
McKinley and Lincoln, for, It Is but a
difference of degree between fanatics and
partisans. The congress, during all this
period when the whole heart of America
ought to have been flowing out, In love
and sympathy, did not find time, amid
their bickerings, to pass one resolution
of generous import or extend on© kind
ly inquiry as to the fate of the presi
dent of their own country
And what was his offense? Merely
this—that he strove to redeem the word
that America had given to tlie world;
that he sought to save a future genera
tion from the agony through whleh this
generation had passed; that he had tak
en seriously the promises that all na
tions had "made that they would unite
at the end of th# war in a compact to
preserve the peace of the world; and that
he relied upon the good faith of his
own people. If there was any mistake
it was that he made a too generous es
timate of mankind, that he believed that
the idealism which nad made the war
a great spiritual victory, could be re
lied upon to secure the legitimate fruit
of the war—the reign of universal peace.
In one sense, It is quite immaterial
w-hnt people say about the president.
Nothing we can say can add or detract
from the fame that will flow down the
unending channels of 1 istory. Genera
tions yol unborn will look hack to this
era and pay their tribute of honor to
the man who led a people through trou
blous ways e>ut of the valleys of selfish
ness up to the mountain tops of
achievement and honor, and there showed
them the promised land of freedom and
safety ana fraternity. Whether history
records that they entered in or turned
their backs upon the vision, it is all
one with him— he is immortal.
would not evade
REQUIREMENTS OF HONOR.
There are men who seem to be an
noyed when we suggest that American
honor is bound up in this contest, and
that good faith requires that we should
enter the league of nations. The whole
republican case is based upon the theory
that we may, with honor, do aa we please
about this matter and that we have
made no promises which it is our duty
to redeem. Let us turn again to the
record.
The republican party In its platform
In 191 C bad declared for a world court,
“for the pacific settlement of Interna
tional disputes.” The progressive party
in 1912 and in 1916 had likewise de
clared for an arrangement between na
tions to make peace permanent. The
democratic party in 1916 had specifically
declared in favor of the establishment
of a league-of nations. The senate itself,
on Aug. 28, 1916, by unanimous vote,
passed a measure requesting the presi
dent to take the lead in sdeh a world
movement.
On Dec. 18, 1916, the president ad
dressed an Identic note to the nations
at war, requesting them to state the
terms upon which they would deem it
possible to make peace. In this note.
uvuiahA DAILY TIMES, MONDAY, JUNE 28, I9ZO.
Women Are a Power at Convention—and Know it
V ~
delegates at •'- oonventlon. tlmo, * SR ( JHgfjj
I |■ < roshy of Khlnetander, Wla.. JUOp
)|, BeJow, Mrs. Kute S. Morrow, , '
egate at large from Missouri; In cen- i '
i.
a Francisco is standing amazed at the
pngth and the number of women dele-
os and alternates
"rom all over the country they have
-.. .1 ... f ,1.0 u-h.ra
Fair delegates at the convention. AKove,
Mrs. C. I*. Crosby of Rhinelander, Wls.,
at left, and Miss Jenny I.lnd of Minne
apolis.. Below, Mrs. Kate 8. Morrow,
delegate at large from Missouri; in cen
ter. and Miss I.ulu M. Barry, also from
Missouri.
By WINIFRED BLACK.
(Copyright, 1920. by International News
Service.)
SAN FRANCISCO, June 28 -This is
womans day in convention circles. AH
Ran Francisco is standing amazed at tbe
strength and the number of women dele
gates and alternates.
From all over the country they have
come, and from many of the state where
women do not vote, great committees of
women workers and visitors and sug
gestors and hinters have arrived.
The hotel corridors are Jammed with
women New York. Chicago, Montana.
Colorado, Texas, Tennessee, Louisiana.
Oklahoma Virginia and the state of
Maine —they all git down together for
breakfast every morning at great tables
arranged specially for them in one of
the Mg hotels.
The tables are gay with flowers after
the prodigal t’allf< rnla fashion, and the
visiting women have all caught the Cali
fornia fad of wearing flowers in tbe belt,
or pinned somewhere to the wotst. So
it i rather a gay, holiday-looking,
friendly assemblage.
he proposed the creation of a league of
nations, saying:
"In the measures to be taken to
secure the future peace of the world,
the people and government of the
Fritted States are as vitally and di
rectly Interested as the governments
now at war. . . They stand
ready and even eager to co-operate
in the accomplishment of these end*
when the war la over with every in
fluence and resouroe at thslr com
mand.”
This was four month* before America
entered the war.
To this Identic note the central powers
answered evasively, but the allies, in
their reply dated at Paris, Jan. 10, 1917,
declared
"Their whole hearted agreement
with the proposal to create a league
of nations which shall assure peaco
and justice throughout the world."
On Jan. 22, 1917, the president ad
dressed the senate with reference to
these replies, and aald:
••In every discussion of the peace
that must end this war, it Is taken
for grnnted that the peace mutt be
followed by some definite concert of
power which shall make It virtually
impossible that any such catastrophe
shall overwhelm us again."
Rpeakliig of the league of peace which
was to follow the war, he said:
“If the peace presently to be-made
Is to endure, it must be n peace made
secure by the organized major force
of mankind.”
Ac*lng upon these proposals, both tne
French and tbe British government* an
ppointed coaunlttees to study tbe prob
lem while the war was still in progress.
<n Aortl 2, 1917, tbe president deliv
ered his famous war message to cou
grt as, and thrilled tho heart of the coun
try anew by his announced purpose to
make the contest "a war against war.”
High above all of onr other aims he
placed
“a universal dominion of right by
such a concert of free peoples as shall
bring peace and safety to all na
tions and make the world Itself' at
last free.”
Following this message the congress,
by resolution passed April 6, 1917, recog
nized the stute of war.
On Jan. 8, 1918, the president went be
fore congress and set forth his famous
fourteen points. The fourteenth point,
which is practically Identic: 1 in lan
guage with the provisions of Article X
of the covenant, provided that
. "a generJl association of nations
must be formed under specific cov
enauts for the purpose of affording
mutual guarantees of political inde
pendence and territorial integrity to
great and small states alike.”
Senator Lodge himself, before the ex
igencies of politics forced him to take the
o>iter side. Mild that un attempt to make
a separate peace would "brand us with
everlasting dishonor,” and that ‘‘the in
ten of the congress and the Intent of
the president, was that there could bo
no peace until we could create a situa
tion where no such war as this could re
cur,”
Former President Roosevelt, on Jqly
18, 1918, said :
"Unless we stand by all our allies
who have stood by us, we shall have
failed in making the liberty of well
behaved, civilized peoples secure and
we shall have shown that our an
nouncement about making the world
safe for democracy was an empty
boast.”
On Nov. 4, 1918, the armistice was
agreed to and it was concluded upon the
basis of the fourteen points set forth bi
the a'ddress of President Wilson' deliv
ered to congress on Jan. 8, 1918, and the
principles subsequently enunciated by
him. At no point, at no time, during no
period while this history was In the
making, was one responsible American
voice raised in protest.
Thus, before we entered the -war, we
made the pledge; during the war we re
stated the pledge; and when the armi
stice was signed, all of the nations, our
selves included, renewed the pledge; and
it was upon, the faith of these promises
that Germany laid down her arms. Prac
tically all of the civilized nations of the
earth have now united in a . covenant
which constitutes the redemption of that
pledge. We alone have thus far failed to
keep our word. Others may hreak faith ;
the senate of the United States may
break faith; the republican party may
break faith, but neither President Wilson
nor the democratic party will break faith.
TREATY AS MONROE
DOCTRINE OF WORLD.
In this hemisphere, the -mere declara
tion of our young republic that the at
tempt of any foreign power to set foot
on American soil would be considered an
unfriendly art, has served to preserve
“the territorial integrity and the political
independence” of the nations of Central
and South America. The treaty pledges
all of the signatories to make this doe
trine effective everywhere. It is the Mon
roe doctrine of the world.
The purpose of the league is to givo
notice that if any nation raises its menac
ing hand and seeks to iross the line into
any other country, the forces of civili
zation will be aroused to suppress the
common enemy of peace. Therein lies
After breakfast they divide into little
groups and talk committees and planks
and programs quite as if they had been
going to conventions all their lives, and
by noon they are all divided up Into
separate parties and being entertained
at lavish luncheons and little teas and
astonishing motor trips over the moun
tains and down by the seas—these San
Franciscans think nothing of a 150 miles
aero** the mountains and back again
by moonlight after dinner.
Tbe women are a power at this con
vention and they intend to let everybody
know that they are.
As far aa that aspect of the situation
goes, they are as one woman and speak
the security of small nations and the
safety of the world.
Every war between nations that has
ever been fought began In an attempt to
seize foreign territory or to invade po
litical Independence. If. In 1914, Ger
raanv had known that fn tbe event of
hostilities, Great Britain would have en
tered the war; that France would go Jn:
that Italy would go in; that Japan would
go In. and that the Uniotd Sfaes would
go tn, there would have been no war.
The opponents of the treaty cry out
“Shall we send our boys abroad to set
tle a political qbarrel In the Balkans?"
Immediately, the unthinking applaud and
the orator retards a momentary tri
umph. Have we forgotten that that Is
preoiaely what America has already
done? Have we forgotten that we sent
more than 2,000,000 men tor* France, spent
more than twenty billion* of dollar* and
sacrificed nearly 100,009 lives to settle a
Balkan dispute?
There was a controversy between Ser
bln and Austria. Territorial questions,
political rights and boundary line* were
involved. The crown prince of the house
of Austria was assassinated. A little
flame of war licked up Into the powder
house of Europe, and lu u moment ths
continent was in flames It took all the
power of civilisation to put out the con
ttagration. How Idle to inquire whether
we wish to send our boys to settle po
litical disputes in the Balkan*’
It Is extraordinary that men should
waste our time and vex onr patience
by suggesting the fear that we mnv be
forced into future war* while forgetting
entirely that America was forced tnto
this greatest of all wars No league of
nations existed wheti we entered th
war; and It was only when no formed
In haste, In the midst of a league
of friendship, under unified command,
that we were able to win this war. This
association of nations, held together by
n common purpose, fought the war to a
victorious conclusion, dictated the terms
of the armistice and formulated the
terms of peace, if *ueh a result could
be achieved by an Informal and tempos
rarv agreement, why should not the as
aoclation bo continued tn a more definite
and blading form? What plausible rea
eon can be suggested for wasting the
one great asset which has e©me out of
the war? How else shall we provide for
international arbitration? How else shall
we provide for a permanent court ol
international Justice? How else shall we
provide for open diplomacy? How else
shall we provide safety froftv external
aggression? Ilow else shall we provld*
for progressive disarmament? How els"
shall we cheek the spread of bolshev
ism? How else shall industry he made
safe and the oasis of reconstruction es
tablished? How elso shall society be
steadied so thut the processes of heal
lng may serve their beneficent purpose?
Until the critics of the league offer a
hotter method of preserving the peace
ortho World, 1 hey are not entitled f..
one moment’s consideration tn the forum
of the conscience of mankind.
Not only floes the covenant guarantee
Justice for the future but It holds the
one remedy for the evils of the past. As
tt Mfands today. War is the one way in
which America can express its sympathy
for the oppressed of the world. The
league of nations removes the conven
tional shackles of diplomacy. Tinder the
covenant, It is our friendly right to pro
test against tyranny and to act as coun
sel for the weak nations now without an
effective champion.
LEAGUE OF NATIONS
ALREADY IN EXISTENCE.
The republican platform contains a
vague promise to establish another or a
different form of association amongst na
tions of a tenuous and shadowy char
acter. Our proposed co-partners in such
a project are unnamed and unnamable.
It ta not stated whether it is proposed to
Invite the nations thflt have established
the present leaguo to dissolve it and to
begin anew, or whether the purpose is to
establish anew association of a competi
tive character, composed of tho nations
that repudiated the existing league. The
devitalizing character of such an expe
dient requires no comment. Fatuous fu
tility could be carried no farther. There
is no mental dishonesty more transpar
ent than that which expresses fealty to a
league of nations while opposing the only
league of nations thst exists or is ever
apt to exist. Why close our eyes to ac
tual world conditions? A league of n-
Hp”s al'-oody exists. It Is not a project,
it Is a fact. We must either enter it or
remain out of it.
What nations have actually Bigned and
ratified the treaty?
Brazil, Bolivia, Great Britain, Canada,
Australia, South .Africa, New Zealand,
India, Czecho-Slovakia, Guatemala, Li
beria, Panama, Peru, Uruguay, Slam.
Greece, Poland, Japan, Italy, France and
Belgium.
Wbat neutral states, invited to Join the
league, have actually done so?
Norway, Venezuela, the Netherlands,
Denmark, Colombia, Chile, Argentina,
Paraguay, Persia, Salvador, Spain, Swe
den and Switzerland.
Even China will become a member
when *he ratifies the Austrian treaty.
Germany baa signed and is preparing
In a dozen different dialects with one
voice.
Individually the woman delegate know*
her own mind and her own candidate.
And gay, jjood-natured, worldly, kind
hearted, gen*rous, tolerant San FrancUco
is getting the shock of its life, for, be it
known, San Francisco went by a good
majority against suffrage, and the typi
cal San Franciscan believes to tb!* day
that woman's place is in tbe home -or
in the safe—but never, no, never, tn a
political convention.
Even tbe newspapers have had to sus
pend for the nonce tbelr well-known Ran
Francisco rule never to print in the news
columns the picture of any woman over
30 years of age.
to take the place whleh awaits her in the
league of nations
What nation* stand outside? Revolu
tionary Mexico, bolshevlst Russia, un
speakble Turkey and —the United States
of America.
It is not yet too late. Let ns stand
with the force* of civilization. The choice
is plain. It Is between the demeeratlc
party's support of the league of nations,
with its program of peace, disarma
ment and world fraternity, aud tbe re
publican party's platform of repudia
tion, provincialism, militarism and
world chaos.
This is great pretense of nlarm be
cause the I nited State* has but one vote
in the International assembly, against
the six votes of Great Britain, Canada.
Australia, New Zealand, South Africa
and India.
This popular argument against the
league of nations Is as insincere as it is
superficial. It ignores the fact that the
executive council, and not the assem
bly, is tho governing body of the league,
and that our country is one of the five
countries having permanent membership
in the council. Tbe colonial votes exist
only In the assembly.
Nor should we forget that France hna
but one vote; Italy has but one vote;
and Japan ha* but one vote. If there
were any Injustice la the arrangement,
suielv these nations would have sensed
It and objected to It. No affirmative
action can be taken in any essential mat
ter without a unanimous vote of all
member* <>f the council of the league.
No decision of the league, if America
Joined it, could be made effective or even
promulgated without 'our cousent. Like
every other nation, we have a veto power
upon every resolution or net of the
league. We can be Involved in no enter-
Firlse except of our own choosing: and
f we are not satisfied with the league
we can sever our connections with it
upon two years' notice. The risk exists
only In tbe imagination, the service Is
incalculable.
Moreover, the United States Insisted
that Cuba, Haiti, Liberia, Uanama. Nic
aragua, Honduras aud Gantcnmla should
each be given a vote, as well as the na
tions of South America, great and small.
Including the nations which are bound
by vital interests to the United States,
or, Indeed, directly under our tutelage,
we have more votes In the league of na
tions than any other nation. How conld
we. In good faith, urge that these nations
be given a voice to such self-governing
nations as Canada, New Zealand and
the rest, which relatively speaking, made
far more sacrifices in tne war than our
own country? It is desirable that all
countries should have an opportunity
to be heard in the league; and the safety
of each nation resides In the fact that
no action can be taken without the con
sent of all.
responsibility for
DEFEAT OF TREATY.
It was the design of Senator Lodge,
from the outset., to mutilate the treaty
and to frustrate the purposes of the ad
ministration. And yet Senator Lodge,
with the help of the irreconclluli cs, hav
ing torn the treaty to tatters mid thrown
its fragments in the face of the wofld,
has the effrontery to suggest, in his nd
dress at Chicago, that the president
blocked ratification and postponed peace.
The trouble with the treaty of peace
Is that it was negotiated by a democratic
president. It. Is not difficult to assess
the responsibility for its defeat. The
responsibility rests, not upon Its friends,
hut upon its enemies.
The foreign relations committee, im
mediately following the Inst election, was
reorganized with a personnel consisting
of the open foes of the treaty. Amongst
the number was Senator Borah, who de
clared that he would not be for a league
of nations, were the savior of mankind
to advocate it. Senator Johnson, Senator
Knox and Senator Moses, whose hatred
of the president amounts to an obses
slon, were also members; and Senator
Lodge was chairman.
The treaty was referred to the com
mittee thus studiously prepared for its
hostile reception. The members of this
committee adopted every subterfuge to
misrepresent the document which they
were supposed to be considering as
statesmen. Deputations of foreign born
citizens were brought to Washington in
an effort to color and exaggerate the im
pression of popular opposition.
The senate bad even beghn the dis
cussion of the treaty months before Its
negotiation was concluded, and did not
terminate its debate until nine months
after the submission of'the treaty. It
tool; the senate nearly three times ns
long to kill the treaty by protracted
debate and by confusing and nullifying
amendments and reservations us it took
the representatives of the allied govern
ments to draft it.
It was not the business of the presi
dent, when he brought this treaty back
from France, to Join with Mr Lodge
and other republican leaders in their
deliberate purpose to destroy it. Had
lie Initiated, suggested or assented to
changes which would have substantially
altered its nature, it would have been
a distinct breach of faith with his as
sociates of the peace council and a vlo-
Salient Facts About
• f Frisco Convention
A .MEMORANDUM" dls tr 1 b nt e and
among the members of the na
tional committee shows 756 of
the 1,092 delegates to the convention
are uninstructed.
According to the card, the in
structed delegates are: lowa, 26 for
Meredith; Kentucky, 20 for Cox;
Nebraska, 16 for Hitchcock; New
Jersey, 28 for Edwards. North Caro
lina, 24 for Simmons; Ohio, 48 for
Cox; Oklahoma, 20 for Owen; Oregon,
10 for MeAdoo; Pennsylvania, 76 for
Palmer; South Dakota, 10 for Gerard;
Virginia, 24 for Glass. The 28 votes
from Georgia are contested.
An examination of* the temporary
roll shows there will be 306 women
delegates and alternates in the demo
cratic national convention. They will
be divided as follows: At large, 41,
alternates at large, 39; district dele
gates, 63. district alternates, 10.
728 votes necessary to choice.
lation of American pledges. Every one
with diplomatic usages, or
with the plain requirements of honesty,
understands this. The foolish invention
that the president refused to permit the
dotting of an "1” t>r the crossing of a
“t“ has been so often repeated that
many honest people believe in its truth.
In every speech made during his tour
the president stated entire willingness
to accept any and all reservations not
incompatible with America's honor and
true interests. It is the plain intent of
the covenant that the Monroe doctrine
is excluded, that domestic questions are
exempted, that not one American can
be sent out of the country without for
mal action by congress and that the
right of withdrawal is absolute. If there
are words which can make these mean
ings clearer they will be welcomed. It
is not reservations that the president
stands against, but nullification.
When the president came back from
Paris In February. IUI9, he brought the
first tentative draft of the covenant of
the league of nations. He gave publicity
to it. It was published throughout the
land. He invited the friends of such a
league to submit criticisms. Former
President Taft offered four amendments ;
former Senator Hoot offered six amend
ment*; and Mr. Hughes suggested seven.
At a meeting of thp committee on for
eign relations at the whitehouse in
March, 1919. other changes were sug
gested. These amendments were taken
back by the president to Paris and their
substauce was actually incorporated in
the revised draft of the league. Dr.
Lowell, president of Harvard university,
in his joint debate with Senator Lodge,
invited the latter to suggest construc
tive amendments which the president
might Incorporate in the draft; but he
refused so to do. At no time has he
offered constructive amendments. AD no
time has be failed to offer destructive
criticism. So intolerant was his attitude
that he would not even consider a com
promise proposed by former President
Taft of his own party and which was
assured of the support of forty demo
cratic senators. Senator Lodge knew
that he controlled tbe senate and that
tnr hi* own time and way he could de
stroy the treaty.
Tula la the sordid story of its de
feat. No blacker crime against civiliza
tion has ever soiled the pages of our his
tory. The last chapter was written at
Chicago.
“OLD GUARD” SOLD
HONOR OF AMERICA.
The republican platform not only re
pudiates the league of nations, but
I praises, without discrimination, all of the
republican senators who participated iu
its defeat. Its words of benediction fall
alike upon the irreconcilable®, the Lodge
reservatlonists, the mild reservatiouists
and those who propose a separate peace
with Germany. It is consistent In one
thing only, the recognition of the fact
j that the open foes of the treaty, the
! secret fos of the treaty, and the appar
i ent friends of the treaty who conspired
with its enemies, are equally respougi
! ble for the destruction of the iustru
! ment itself. It would be idle to Inquire
by what political legerdemain this mean
j Ingles* and yet ominous declaration was
I prepared. It Is enough to know that the
] “Old Guard” sold the honor of Amer-
I lea for the privilege of nominating a re
actionary for president.
The war had set a great task for
; statesmanship. The best thought of the
world demanded that a serious attempt
be made by the leaders of the allied gov-
I ernmeuts to formulate a treaty of peace
which should prevent the recurrence of
! war. Every rightful impulse of the Uu
i man heart was in accord with that pur
: pose. From time immemorial, men have
' dreamed of peace; poets have sung of it;
philosophers have written shout it;
I statesmen have discussed it; men every
{ where have hoped and prayed that the
; day might come when wars would no
' longer be necessary in the settlement of
Internationa! differences.
For the first time in the turbulent an
nals of the human race, such a project
had become feasible. The destruction of
militarism, the crumbling of thrones, the
dissolution of dynasties, the world-wide
1 appreciation of the inner meaning of
! war and tbe final triumph of democracy
j had at last made it possible to realize
i the dearest dream that ever crossed the
night, of man's dark mind. The oppor
tunity for service was as great as the
need of the world and the failure to
render It must stand as a reproach for all
time.
It is said that if the dead who died in
the great war were placed head to feet,
they would stretfih from New York to
San Francisco, and from San Francisco
back again to New Y’ork; and if those
who perished from starvation and from
other causes collateral to the war were
placed head to feet, they would reach
around the great globe Itself. At this
very hour, millions of meu ad women
anti little children are the victims of our
hesitancy. How can the heart of
i America be closed to these things?'
! I have been many miles in this country
I and it has been my fortune to visit most
of the states of the union. It has so hap
pened that I have been In mat r of these
states when the boys were coving from
the front. I have seen the gre, t avenues
of our splendid American eitieo lined
with the populace, cheering and cheering
again as these brave lads marched by.
happy that they had come triumphantly
home. But 1 have never witnessed these
inspiring sights without thinking of the
boys who did not come home. They do
not rest as strangers in a strange land —
these soldiers of liberty. The generous
heart of France enfolds them. The
women and the children of Franco cover
their graves with flowers and water them
with tears. Destiny seized these lads
and led them far from home to die for
an Idea!. And yet they live and speak
to us here In the homeland, not of trivial
things but of immortal things. Rev
erence and pity and high resolve—surely
these remain to us. In that heart of
hearts where the great works of man
are wrought, there can be no forgetting.
Oh. God, release the imprisoned soul of
America, touch once more the hidden
springs of the spirit and reveal us to
ourselves.
SUPPORT THE ONLY PLAN
FOR PEACE AND JU STICE.
Let tbe true purpose of our party be
clearly understood. We stand squarely
for the same ideals of peace as those for
which The war was fought. We support
without flinching the only feasible plan
for peace and justice. We will not sub- ,
mlt to the repudiation of the peace treaty
or to any process bv which it is whittled ■
down to the vanishing point. We de- j
ciine to compromise our principles or
pawn our Immortal souls for selfish pur
poses. We do not turn our backs upon
the history of the last three years. We
seek no avenue of retreat. We insist
that the forward course is the only
righteous course.
We seek to re-establish the fruits of
victory, to reinstate the good faith of our
country, and to restore it to Its rightful
place among the nations of the earth.
Our cause constitutes a summons to
duty. The heart of America stirs again.
The' ancient faith revives. The immortal
part of man speaks for us. The services
of the past, the sacrifices of the war, the
hopes of the future, constitute a spiritual
force gathering about our banners. We j
shall release again the checked forces ;
of civilization and America shall take I
up once more the leadership of the world. |
Boonesville Grows
WASHINGTON, June 28— The census j
bureau today announced 1920 figures for j
Boonesville, Ind., as 4,431; increase 517, or*
13.1 per cent. '
SEES VICTORY J
FOR DEMOCRAT*
WITH REAL MAf
Must Choose Statesman and
Meet Issues to Win, Says
Dr. Jordan.
By DR. DAVID STARR JORDAN.
(Republican.)
(Copyright. 1920, by International Newt
Service.)
SAN FRANCISCO, June 28.—The San
Francisco convention is a gathering
fraught with great posslbiltieß which'
may or may not become actuaL
If its deliberations bring to the front
a statesman, it will take its place as a
maker of history.
Otherwise it will prove one more fu
tile assemblage of 6mall politician* built
on local or temporary gains; such a re
sult would be to follow the line of least
resistance, a course for which there are
ample precedents.
Therefore, if the democratic convention
is to mark an epoch in American history
it must leave the beaten track.
It must stand for something positlvi
with a real man as standard-bearer.
Victory next November would thus b
sought for the welfare of the nation and
through the nation, of the whole world,
not as a mere preliminary for the dis
tribution of offices.
WORK FALLS
INTO TWO PARTS.
The work of the convention falls nat
urally into two parts, the writing of a
platform and the selection of a candi
date.
The platform, to be effective, should
be short, direct, courageous and forward
looking.
The real issues may be covered in 30(
words—evaded in 6.000.
To score the shortcomings of the rivA
party is easy and tempting, but it serves
little purpose unless done in discrimi
nating and convincing fashion.
The chief republican delinquency
perhaps the only one worth noticing, Is
the control of public affairs by a sena
torial cabal, a proceedings which has
given a temporary black eye to a democ
racy the world over.
Furthermore, no energy, it seems tc
me, should be spent on side issues, noi
on farts accomplished, ( nor in meddling
with the internal affairs of foreign coun
tries, for when wide divergencies oper
within a party they can not be closed
SILENCE BETTER
THAN VERBOSITY.
jiWrh.-e is a better form of evasion
! than verbosity.
I see little gain and much chance of
! loss in platform declarations concerning
alcohol, Ireland, Mexico and Japan.
As for the second, merely to express
! sympathy with Ireland, at the same tim<
i commending her to the league of na
tions, the arbiter of self-determination,
seems rather worse than nothing, while
on the other hand, a flat approval oi
Irish independence, Sinn Fein type, the
virtual dismemberment of the British
empire, would damn any party at th<
polls in November.
As to Mexico, while we should um
every honorable effort toward bringing
about orderly and livable conditions
there, the democrats' should avoid play
[ Ing into the hands of capitalists who
j clamor for military intervention merely
as a means of stabilizing property.
REGARDING THE
JAPANESE MENACE.
Concerning the Japanese menace, it la
to be remembered that nearly all the ag
ricultural Japanese entered California as
a result of the annexation of Hawaii
and so far as known none at all through
any official violation of the so-called
"gentlemen’s agreement” of 1907.
The problem, however vexatious, Is es
sentionally an Internal one of our own
making.
International relations are delicate ai
the best and should be handled by ex
perts.
But the platform functions only until
November, while a president we hav<
with us four years.
Moreover, the man is greater than tb<
declaration, being really his own plat
form.
In the choice of a candidate the dem
ocratic party has missed Its
portunitv for reasons which need uouH
repeated.
The people wanted Hoover.
and democrats alike, but party vorH
on neither side take to him, for
purposes and outlook are national
-iutercatioaul, not partisan to his
ugers, his election would be a
opening no doors to deserving wheel
horses.
DEMOCRYTS HAVE
THEIR STATEMENTS.
Democratic rank 6. however, contain
tbeir share of statesmen, though such
men do not appear as ‘‘favorite sons."
The names of some of these axe before
the convention today.
Os the fine abilities and eminent fit
ness of Ambassador Davis there can be
no question.
McAdoo, who may be nominated In
spite of himself, has already shown ad
ministrative power and intellectual keen
ness.
Senator Owen is one of the wisest and
most genuinely progressive members of
congress. ,
Os Carter Glass, a man of substance,
we hear litttle mention at present.
Cox, the excellent and popular gov
ernor of Ohio, seems well to the front
•it present.
Palmer has also a large and active
following not likely to increase.
Behind the scenes stands Bryan, the
“kingmaker,” with an influence hard t<
estimate.
WITAT DEMOCRATS
MUST OBTAIN.
In any case to win in November, th<
democratic party must secure the <rup
port of" liberal pr independent republh
ans, now alienated by the nomination <
Harding and the continued dominance i
the senatorial ring.
For if the coming contest only ee
off one seemingly narrow partlM
against another, pitting a democrat
reactionary against a republican of slm
lar stripe, the odds are all with tl
latter.
That the democrats will rise to tl
demands of the hour is the fervent hoj
of hundreds of thousands of forwar
looking men and women, who care n
a rap for party success, but who wa
to see a man of vision again in tl
dhair occupied by Lincoln, Clevelan
lioosevelt and Wilson.
Clergymen Named
f°r the Conventioi
SAN FRANCISCO, Cab, June 28.-
Tbe following clergymen have beei
selected to deliver democratic national
convention invocations:
June 28—Rt. Rev. P. L. Ryan, Tieai
general of the Roman Catholic arch
diocese of Sau Francisco; Bishop A. W,
Leonard, Methodist Episcopal church.
June 29—Bishop William F. Nichols,
Protestant Episcopal; Rabbi Martin A,
Meyer, Hebrew.
.Tune 30—Rev. Mark A. Mattheitoj
Seattle, Presbyterian; Rev. James I
Garden, Congregationalism
July I—Rev. Creed W. Gawthror
Baptist: Dr. S. S. Dutton. Unitarian.
July 2—Rev. Edward M. Stenstruc
Lutheran; Peter V. Roy, Christla
Science.
July 3—Rev. Josiah Sibley, Tresby
terlan. > B