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Hawk-eye. [volume] (Burlington, Iowa) 1843-1845, September 30, 1843, Image 2

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Saturday, September 30, 1843.
A Tear, JTiii Advance.=0
Democratic Whig Ticket.
JAMES W. GRIMES, of Burlington tp.
ALFRED HEBARD, of Hartford tp.
SOLOMON PERKINS, of Augusta tp.
JAMES BRUCE, of Yellow Spring'« tp.
LEWIS CHURCHILL, of Franklin tp.
For Judge of Probate,
For Oouifby Commissioned,
t\ For Collector,
For County Treasurer,
For County Surveyor,
For Inspector of Weights and Measu res,
Next Tuesday.
WHIGS OF DES MOINES, bear in mind
that on Tuesday next is to decide the po
litical character of this County. The im
portance of one vote is known to you all.
Shall this be a Whig county—thoroughly—
decidedly and without cavil a Whig county?
A tingle vote ma decide the matter.
Our opponents have been counting numbers
in both parties, and the truth has leaked
out, much to their chagrin, that the Whigs
have a majority and all their fear now is,
that the Whigs will not split their ticket
and vote as Whigs should.
Our opponents are watchful, vigilant
and well organized. According to their
organ, they will vote their whole ticket.
They have a meeting to night, at the Wes
tern, to rule in their members. No effort
will be left untried to make every one of
their men vote as the leaders of the loco
focos wish. Your duty as Whigs, then, is
plain. Do try, for once, in one unbroken
phalanx, as Whigs, to do your duty, and
all will be well. All our candidates are
worthy of support.
Protection to American Industry
Will give a spur to all kinds of business.
The short experience we have had since the
existence of the Tariff has already proved
this. Start any kind of Manufacturing es
tablishment in any part of the country, and
a fresh impulse is given to all trades and oc
cupations. Stone must be quarried, earth
must be excavated, brickmakers must be
employed, lime must be burned, sand and
lime must be hauled, teams must be put in
requisition—the blacksmith and iron found
er will have something to do, so wili the
etone and brick mason, the carpenter, and
the lumber merchant—all these and others
employed will need sustenance, their food
must come from" the farmer, their clothing
and groceries from the merchants, tailors,
shoemakers, hatters, &c. &c. All these
occupations will be put in requisition, in
simply constructing the building. Then
the Machinist in brass, in iron and in wood,
must be employed. Then commences the
manufacturing if it is cotton goods, thei^
our Southern brethren sell their staple at a
good profit, without the cost of foreign
transportation if woollen, then the farmers
find it profitable to rai*e sheep: whatever it
may be, it sets all agoing. If it employs a
great number of hands, so much the better
for the farmers and all classes of society.—
We have liardly given an idea of the new
impulse that would be given to society in
all its ramifications in the creation of one
single establishment—we have said nothing
of the coal and firewood that would have to
be purchased—of the enhanced value of Jand
in the ricmityand the
other ten thousand ad
vantages that would result. Let the crea
tion of such establishments be encouraged
all over the land, and what an impulse
would be given to every department of bus
It may appear a very simple thing to -go
into such minutiae—and so it is. But simple
particulars of this description do more to
•convince than the most thorough course of
.ahtruse reasoning*
'Suppose, that owing to free trade, the
enterprising individual who wish to erect
•uch an establisment as we have alluded to,
Apprehends that if he goes to all this expense
4he British capitalist who i« engaged in the
JBMjjr* just as he has. com­
menced operations, throw a great portion of
goods similar to (hose he was about to man
ufacture, into the market, and sell them at
a price, which could afford him no profit.
For the sake of breaking him down and
destroying the competition, the British cap
italist could afford to do this. He could af
ford to and would do this until he had crush
ed his rival on this side of the water.—
When that was accomplished—when he had
destroyed his competitor—then this British
capitalist would feel that the time had come
to put a profit on his goods commensurate
with his former losses. How many enter
prising men in our own country, during
seasons of comparative free trade have been
thus crushed. Suppose, then,that our man
ufacturer could have foreseen this result
Think you he would have erected his build
ings—set up his machinery—purchased his
raw material and gone to all this expense
No. No. Then who would have received
the benefits of the employment of so many
hands in all the various departments of so
ciety? Notour people surely. No. It would
|enefit the laboreis, mechanics, farmers and
merchant* of Great Britain, and them
Now let our manufacturer be assured that
government will so far protect him as to
prevent British capital from being employ
ed thus to break him down—let him be as
sured that he has a chance of competing
with his Br.tish rival—give him a chance
of obtaining prevailing prices for his pro
ducts—and then he will go cheerfully to
work in erecting his buildings, employing
American laborers, mechanics, farmers, &c.
Let this same protection be extended to all
our manufacturers and every one must see
that a momentum will be given to all
branches of industry and our country will
become prosperous.
Besides this the money that would have
been employed in supporting the workshops
and mechanics of Europe, would be kept in
the country to circulate among ourselves.
We see from the accounts in the British
papers that there has been an immense
falling off in the consumption oi British
manufactured goods in this country, com
pared with former years. They comp'ain
of this because it is to the injury of their
manufartures: but it is to the benefit of
our people. Look at tho article of wool.
By tho Tariff nine millions of dollars worth
of wool have been sold at high prices in a
few months by our American farmers, which
would never have been sold at such prices
had it not been for the Protection policy,
which has so rouch benefited our farmers.
Let the farmers of Iowa go into the wool
business and they will soon experience the
benefits of the present protection policy.
The consequence of thus protecting Am
erican industry does not operate to raise the
price of the article of consumption. Every
one knows that it has not done it thus far.
Why should it? Our manufacturers can
obtain the raw material on much better
terms than the British, because they do not
have to pay the enormous cost of transpor
tation that they do and they can, there
fore, although they have to pay more for
their labor, sell their goods at as low u rate
and in many instances lower than the Brit
ish manufacturer. The experience of all
will testify that the necessary articles were
never purchased at so cheap a rate in this
place as they have been the present season.
From to 16 lbs of sugar have been sold
for a dollar—sugar has been protected.
Look at the price of domestics, jeans and
American fabrics of all kinds, they never
were so low in price as they have been the
present season. It is because ample pro
tection has been given to the manufacturer,
and he is not now paralized with the
thought that some British capitalist will
rob him of his small profits.
We have already seen in former numbers
what is the British policy. It is to crush
our manufacturers—so that wc shall not be
able to make "a hob nail or a razor to shave
ourselves." To bring us back to a state of
"Colonial servitude11 arid make Great Brit
ain the great "workshop of the world.11
This is what she wants, and with her su
perabundance of capital and pauper labor,
she hopes to accomplish it but we trust
there is patriotism enough and national
pride enough among us, to put a stop to her
ambitious designs. Already our infant
manufactories are competing with her in
China, in South America, in her own colo
nies and in her very metropolis. We have
become the rival of the greatest nation on
tarth. Let us do all to make it a success
ful and a profitable rivalship, by extending
the governmental hand of protection over
these infant manufactories.
Very like the Paddy's Flea.
The Gazette has undert aken to deny the
position assumed in one of the Resolutions
which was adopted by the Whig Conven
tion in this place, a short time sinco,and
which accused Mr Van Buren of being for
or against or either way in relation to the
lar iff as circumstanccs might require. We
endorsed that part of the resolution which
related to Mr Van Buren, and offered to
prove the position if the editor would call
for it. He has not done so but being de
sirous that his vacillating course should be
made apparent, we hereby furnish the
proof, and out of Mr Van Buren^ own
mouth we will condemn him. To do so
we make the following extracts from his
letter to the "Democratic State Convention
of Indiana." It will be seen by these ex
tracts that he is for a Tariff against a Ta
riff and either way all in the same let
ter. In relation to Mr Buchanan, let the
extract which we gave last week from one
of his Pennsylvania organs, which ack
nowledged that the present prosperous
times were the direct effect of the present
Tariff, and claimed the Tariff as a loco-fo
measure, go as a portion of our proof to
show that he is in fxvor of a Protective Ta
riff. All who know and remember the
prime object of the Nullification rebellion,
must be convinced that Mr Calhoun, who
was at the head of that rebellion, still sym*
pathises with the Nullifiers of the South
in their attempts to destroy the Tariff,what
ever his friends or he may say to the con
trary. His speeches, and the speeches of
Hay ne and McDuffie show how the South
ftels on this subject. Their views doubt
less will be modified and changed, as fast
as they can see that a home market can be
had for their products—they will see this,
and if they do change, no one will attri
bute su ch change to their patriotism, but to
mere selfish considerations. But we are
keeping our readers from the extracts:—
My views in rela
tion to the protec
tive system were al
so called for by the
Shocco Springs meet
ing in 1832, and free
ly given. A convic
tion that the estab
lishment of commer
cial regulations,with
a view to the en
couragement of do
mestic intA-ests, is
within the constitu
tional power of Con
was on that
occasion distinctly
The massof the
peovie seem to pre
fer this mode of col
lecting the revenue.
Paying their taxes in
the form of an in
creased price upon
the commodities they
buy, their contribu
tion loses, in their
estimation, much of
the odium that would
be attached to it if
severed from the
price of the article,
and converted into a
tax by name a» it is
in fact.
The unbiased sen
timent oi the coun
try, in respect to
what is, under such
circumstances, the
rule for legislative
action upon this sub
ject, has, 1 think,
by the course of e
vents and the pro
gress of opinion, been
brought to the con
clusion briefly ex
pressed in one of the
resolutions of your
convention, viz: "a
discriminating tariff
for revenue purposes
only, and which will
incidentally protect
American Industry.**
There are direct
advantages which re
sult to the manufac
turing interests from
the raising of reven
ue by the imposition
of duty upon imports
instead of direct tax
To all present ap
pearances, the ac
quiescence, in a ta
riff for revenue, now
so general, may, in
the absence of spe
cial excitement, en
dure for a period as
long as is common
ly embraced in cal
culations of business.
Of the constitu
tional power to make
discriminations, I
have no doubt. E
qually clear it is that
the practice of mak
ing them has existed
from the commence
ment of the govern
ment, and consti
tutes a feature in
every principal ta
riff bill which is to
be found upon our
statute books. They
are indeed indispen
sable to the success­
It will not, I be
lieve, be contented
in any quarter that
the prosperity of i
either of these great
interests (commerce
and navigation) is
essentially advanced
by a protective or a.
revenue tariff.
That the great bo
dy of the mechanics
and latfbrers in every
branch of business,
whose welfare should
be an object of un
ceasing solicitude on
the part of every
public me.n, have
been the greatest
sufferers by our high
protective tariff, and
would continue so to
be, if tha.t policy is
persisted in, is to iny
mind too clear to re
quire farther eluci
The collection of
the duties imposed
by a tariff, while it
subject ail to taxa
tion, invariably and
almost inevitably
bears with equal se
verity upon a very
large, and unhap
pily in general a ne
cessitous portion of
the people—a pro
tection, the indirect
advantages of which
to other interests,
even under a tariff
for protection, are
as much the subject
of doubt and dispu
tation as they ever
were, but for which
those concerned in
other pursuits have
for a long series of
years paid in ad
vance, and received
their equivalent in
promises, of the per
formance of which
they are not and do
not seem likely to be
soon satisfied. This
advantage to the
manufacturer is not
it is true, the object
of, but only inciden
tal to, a tariff for
ful operation of eve
ry revenue bill.
o i n i e n a
If it be at any
time deemed neces
sary, or conducive to
the safety of the
country, to encour
age the manufacture
at home of the neccs*
sary articles to its
defence in war, no
thing can be mors'
proper than to do so*
by a discrimination
in favor of the do
mestic manufacture.
protection thus de
rived, is all the leg
islative favor which
can at this day be
eonferred upon the
manufacturer with
out great injustice
to other interests.
It [discrimination]
is therefore a power,
'the constant and
faithful exercise df
which is, in mgr 1
judgment, demand
ed by consideration^
of justice, humanity,
and sound policy.
Either Way,
I affirmed to the duty of those who are
entrusted with the administration of the
Federal Government, to direct its operations
in the manner best calculated to distribute
as equally as possible its burthens and bles
sing among the several States and the peo
ple thereof.
I denied the propriety of exercising this
power in a manner calculatcd to oppress any
portion of my fellow-citizens, or to advance
the interests of one section of the Union at
the expense of another.
All must agree that taxes should be im
posed with a full and fair reference to the
advantages derived from the existence vf
good government, by those who pay them.
—Those advantages may in general terms,
be ju.stly described as resulting from ample
security in the enjoyment of our personal
rights and rights of property, with adequate
safeguards against internal commotion and
foreign aggression.
It is certainly true, that in the formation
of our tariff, duties varying in amount are
also imposed on the same are articles which
constitute the staple productions of this
country, when imported from abroad but
is it not equally true that the effect of that
imposition, in respect to the protection there
by afforded to the domestic production of
them, is for the most part nonainal.
When the convention speak of a discrimi
nating tariff for revenue, I understand them
as referring to discriminations below the
maximum rate of dutier. upon imported arti
cles not designed to increase the protection
already afforded to domestic
but to carry out vievvs of policy different in
their charactcr, and which may properly be
embraced in such u measure.
Admirable For the tariff and against it
Like the celebrated Italian witness Llergami,
on the trial of the unhappy Queen Caroline,
he is now "aVttle more notlian yes/* and
then again little more yes than i»,1fc
In addition to the above we will now give
a further corroboration of Ikis for-and
against-and-either-way course, from a res
ptot iblc division of the loco foco party in
New York, his native State We quote
from the Address of live friends of Mr Cal
houn just published and we regret that we
cannot make more copious extracts. It apt
pears from the Address that the Icco focos
understand Mr Van Daren's political charac
ter as well as do the whigs, aiwJ that they
view it in the same light. They are so well
convinced of his real character that they
declared their sentiments most freely and
openly that if they are obliged to support
him at all^ it will bo with extreme reluct
ance, and they will not do it on any consid
eration unless be is adopted legitimately and
fairly by the Democratic party. But here
is the corroborative testimony from those in
his own state, who have lie re to fore acted
with him:
"N&aetion of hrs Jife enables ytwi to guess
what manner of man he is you may judge
in what circumstances he was placed, what
objects he had in view, but you
the externals, and of the internal mind you
know nothing. Search in your minds lor all
you know abonit him, and you shall find you
know what offices be has held and that you
do not very well know how he came to be
selected for them. He has never dealt with
you directly, but always at one remove, al
ways, as it were, at second hand. He has
not stood out, a man of free speech and ac
tion, in bold relief, like Mr Calhoun, before
the people, but he has practised apart with
their servants. By those the people trusted
he has been trusted, but not by them. He
is a man of calculation and one who makes
no mistakes, and his strength lies in his
knowledge #f every pivot and pinion of the
political system.
But he mis no personal popularity he
never had any and the deliberate approba
tion, half negative, that we bestow on his
public career, is a thing as different from
the genial feelings of friendship with which
vik of Jackson or Calhoun, as a cer
tificate of good character is different from a
cordial embrace.1'
Good to think of.--Whatever may be
the result of the election, we feel conscious
that we have done dur duty. Let every
whig have Urn to say or. Wednesday, nest
ing next*
For an ktiiwer to "A Mechanic**In to
day's Gazette, see the communication of
Remember the Whig Meeting at the
Methodist Church on Monday evening
Jogging their Memory,
The Gazette of this morning cuti
figure. Conscious that it has no prjRtl
it dare defend openly and argu«^
lively, and having nothing else it coulj
and knowing it must do something or
felt all pretensions in any longer
considered an efficient organ in the
foco cause, it comes out with a long,w
of commands, telling its readers to"!^
ber11 several things, which the editoi
facts, but many of which are dowu^
The very first paragraph, which
less considers very important, saysthttfe
brother-in-law A. C. Dodge, "was
has ever lived on the
WEST side of ft
Mississippi river.11 Now tlij* w*
He was not born on the west side
Mississippi. This vastly importint iau|
gence is a piece with the whole stri&|
commands, that he says must be reef,
bered by his readers, it is all Ulderfc,
clap trap demagogueism—the pablic^
of which was fotced upon him we
believe by those who thought
been sufficiently "rerf11 is his phn
litical operations during this camptiga
He appeals to all sorts and
of men, and with tears, apparently j*
eyes, he tells the folks that thej ougb
support his brother-in-law because hn
born in a certain part ofi this world-,
he took up arms to defead himself
ha found the indi&ne elose by hi
ther's house, and about to take b«»a)
and the question was 'root hog
with him. On this account the people
called upon to support ham but it 4*
say why be was not at the principal
tie, the battle of the Bad Axe he
out of danger when that battle was four
The Gazette wants the folks to remta
her too how polke he was, and kmaiet
he 1
voids back his head, and does
other things becoming hie-station how
got sweat cu bis face and had tenqw
with a dirty handkerchief, we
various oilier things whicii the (k:
seems to think of the utmost LmparUnci
he »emembered*
He also 1ms. Much to say gratuitottk
gainst Mi Wallace. Says if he U elf
he can't Iva ve any influence at Washi%
beeausc he is a whig, and. beeasse hi i
he has done many tilings ^laclv he a
didTand \Mith propJuHic ken suys heniil
many other things tliot are naughty u
estimation of locoe, if Ive eUcled.
therefore thinks- that Geiv Dodge tu*
ther-in-law, is a very proper nun,
speaks us thougji lie luul. an absoluk
emptkm right to a large majority oi
votes of the people, and commands tha
reiaember to vote for hiuu YVlalc
it all to
down Wallace a very dxngecout
and tries to
s«t all the dog&a-barkingttk
Well, if his folks remember all that
commanded them, they have most
ishing memories —and if they hehtui
has told tlkciu, they are more gjtUubU
we thought they were, that's alL
The Ciaaettc seems U be in iueali
in ting agony this morning. Its
throes mu^t be apparent loaJU Like
principled, father whom wt have i
and who wa»abou& departing: this hf*
calls his lit
lie oues around h.Mits ami*
ing up to tlunr minds tlve tHu^tn/wy
suffered by him from, a neighbor
he entreats them to remcmbtr to
him after he ie gone. He appeaJ*
baser and selfwli passions and prejsfi
and commamfe them not to give eveni
of cold water to the children of
nent—to extend to them no coorw?
show ihem no favor. He tells them
sociate with and »eei*r» the influence
others, no aiattcr of what nation or k*
or tongue, ptevwted they ca»
keep down and destroy this neighho*'
ly—notwithstanding they are reW
the same blood circles through th«
This the course of the Gtw^
morning. If its base attempts
dicing foreigners against American
succeed we shall not envy him hi*
If intelligent foreigners will per®1''
selves to be cajoled and humbufg*^
Gazette into voting for itscaadi^
shall begin to think that theF
under the influence and control
gogues. But we have a better 4?^
foreigners than this. We call
Gazette—we call upo'i Foreigner*-*^
wherein we have not
kindly and respectfully»
have ever attempted to rob them
rights. We appeal to all, and as
of a respectable and we believe
Democratic party, we call upon
to show that that party has ever
thing to injure them or deprive
their liberty. They cannot. It
only in the misrepresentations of
ed loco focos All the whigs want-*
ovtr I

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