Bloomington herald. [volume], July 23, 1841, Image 1

About Bloomington herald. [volume] (Bloomington, I. T. [Iowa]) 1840-1849

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19 PUBLISHED WEEKLY,
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subsequent insertion Fif-
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addressed to the Editors^ order tote-
MUST BB POST-PAID.
JOB PRINTING.
T«« officc Of the Hcialdbeing'well supplied with
»JUt variety of Job Type, the Proprietor is pre
pared to execute in the neatest style,
2K&&ASF JY&SNWR *,
_JV*W
Bf ALL ITS V A I O U S UKAN€ttBS,
Aut|) «t»
IiAtl^TS,
BOOKS,
PAMPHLET*,
CIRCI'LA**,
HANR-Biu*,
(.'*RD8,
BILLS OF LADING,
BALL TICKETS,
JUSTICES' BLANKS,
BLANK DKKHS, &C.
A. G. BEESON, Tailor,
RESPECTFULLY
INFORMS
LAW PARTNERSHIP.
A S 1 N S & I A
\Vff associated themselves in the practice of
Liw, and will practtce in conjunction, in the
i itics )t Muscatine, Cedar, Linn, Washington and
•u«, Business entrusted with either will receive
rrompt attention of both.
i. f. UASHNOS, J. SCOTT RICHMAS,
Bloomingtcn, Cedar county,
ADAM OGILVIE,
Forwarding' and Commission Jtfcrchanii
Jilu(»ai)tgton, Iowa.
\V. F. DliWEBhK,
Forwarding' and Connnis*lon Jflcrchantt
BLOOMINGTON, I. T.
|\tj* Having been appointed Public Auctioneer for
puscatine county, he is at all times leady to attend
sales in that way.
DOCTOR M'KEE,
I'ltttt os OWES
NUT STHKKT, BETWEEN FRONT
AND SECOND.
A I N E Tailor.
PJSAOP ON SECON II STREET OPPOSITE TUK POSZ
OFFICE.
\VM. G. WOODWARD,
A O N E Y A A W
BLOOMIN'fiTON, IOWA.
1RAD C. DAV,
A O N E Y A A W
BLOOMISOTON, IOWA TKU.
d/Officc on Second Street, third door below the
I Office. Recorder's Office in the same building
T. S. PARVIN,
A O N
ie work
every qu«"fj
ibe* will i
as those*"0!
ncipal
the mogaJ"1*!
ng it,60 th*H
cribcrs by I
tant arraiUFI
line tired, I®*!
many *or**l
ubliehers.
im, or two
E i A A W
BLOOMINGTON, I. T.
JIED1C.1I*
|RS. BLAYDES & REYNOLDS have as
sociated themselves in the practice of .Mcdi
.J tender their services to the citizens of
unison and its vicinity, in the various branch
i rofession. Office in Hollingsworth's Drug
the present.
GEORGE GREEXE,
ttorncy and Counsellor at
MARION, LINN CO., I. T.
i
xWc-
p**\$
the cube** of
Bloomington and vicinity, that he continues
11 cirry on the Tailoring Business in all its branches,
w.tii neatness and despatch. CCl'Ml kinds of coun
try produce taken in exchange for work. 1«
*'»ont for mid in regular receipt of T. Oliver s Fa®h
March JO, 1841.
a^cnt for und in regular receipt
ions. 21-tf
JOHN G. DESHLER,
ATTORNEY & COUNSELLOR
JLatc,
W A K E
A O N E Y A W
DAVENPORT, I. T.
iTTm
.v
VILU am 15
i
RANKIN,
AND COUNSELLOR AT LAW
I fiprnx, CEDAR Co., I. T.
police
u
|°R W
the several courts of the Territory.
}VI.
B. TYSON,
A U I N
WJ
& O I S S I O N
i?1 Si To) fpg1
WHEELING VA.
AND ORNAMENTAL
GRAVES
5
lt'
urarv 'i'
lr
Third St*-
attend to the above
var'ous
branches, with neat-
Atiy daspatch. Also, Glazing and Gild
»ttemirJ'CSS ,entrus^cd to him will receive
"pcuted in a workmalnike
*5* Bloomington, Nov.
&
s
AT
LAW,
22
Bloomington. bwa Territory.
6. HAMPTON.
w. n. HAimisoN.
HAMPTON & HARBISON*
A O N E Y S A A W
low* CiTr, I. T.
HAVELaw,
associated themselves in the practice of
the under the above style they will at
w ,i 1 to the business of their profession in the second
iicial district, and Co criminal cases any county
in :ie Territory. Business committed to their care,
itlier of them, will receive the joint attention of
,,,,February 25, 1841.-19-ly
W I I A
C.
ATTORNEY &
E A A N
COUNSELLOR AT LAW,
Iowa City, Iowa Territory
jry, »id particularly tf
un»on. Cedar, Linn and Washington.
Uune in any part of tike Territory
Med to. 16-ay Feb 12, 1841
7ILL practice in the several courts of thfrTe^,
1 n:,irv. aid iwrtkularlv i«n the counties «-factor inVhat piratical and cowafilly tragedy.
According to his own assertions, and the ad
missions of his comrades, he was one of the
foremost in that cruel work and actually killed
one of the
r,
WE E K1*
V
T-
The Case of McI*eod—Mr. Webster ha»m
died by Col. Benton.
We give below some lengthy extracts from
the speech of Col. Benton, in the Senate, on
the 14th of June, on the motion to refer the
McLeod correspondence to the committee on
Foreign Affairs. We hope our readers will
not slop until they read the whole of these ex
tracts. Col. Benton has shown up the conduct
of the American Secretary of State in its true
light. Mr. Webster has disgraced the nation
and no American oan deny it. While a threat
from the British Government was hanging over
his head, Mr. Webster takes measures for the
release of McLeod—basely and meanly truckles
to the British Minister by sending him a copy
of the instructions to Mr. Crittenden:—Reg.
Extracts from Col. Benton's speech*
Mr. Benton said, this brings me to the case
before us. What is it The facts of the case
are spread out in official-documents, and'the
evidence of them are clear and undeniable. An
American steam ferry boat traverses the Nia
gara river she carries passengers and property
from one shore to the other. The English be
lieve, and perhaps truly, that she carries men
and arms to the insurgents in Canada and
without any appeal to our Governments, either
State or Federal—without applying to ua to put
our own laws in force against her—an English
officer, of his own head, without the knowledga
of the British Government, determines to do—
what Not to watch the suspected vessel, ar
rest her in the fact, sieze the guilty and spare
the innocent, but to steal upon her in the night,
board her asleep, and destroy her at the Ame
rican shore, under the flag oi her country. In
the evening of the meditated outrage,volunteers
are called for—fifty or sixty dashing, daring
fellows—ready to follow their leader to the
devil, for that was the language used, and it
proves the expedition to have been a diabolical
one, and worthy to be led as followed by de
mons. The arms were sabres and pistols the
season of attack, midnight the means of ap
proach, light boats and muffled oars the pro
gress slow, silent and stealthy, that no suspi
cious sound should alarm the sleeping victims.
The order was death and no quarter. Thus pre
pared and led, they approach the boat in the
dead of the night—reach her withoutdiscovery
—rush on board—fly to the berths—cut, slash,
stab and shoot all whom they see—pursue the
flying, and besides those in the boat, kill tine
man at least upon the soil oPhis country, tar
from the water's edge. Victorious in an attack
where there wfas KO resistance, the conquerors
drew the vessel into the midst of the current,
set her on fire, and with all her contents—the
dead, the living, the wounded ar.d the dying—
send her in flames over the frightful cataract of
the Niagap. McLeod, the man whose release
is demanded from us, was (according to his
own declarations, made at the time in his own
country, repeated since in ours, and accoiding
ildumned
.20
Yankeesto use his own
words, with his own hands.
All this was in December of the year 1837.
It filled the country with indignation. It fired
the bosoms of the border settlers on a line of
fifteen hundred miles. Retaliation was in eve
ry heart, threats in every mouth, and war im
minent. Mr. Van Buren was then President.
To calm the spirits of the excited, proclama
tions were issued to them. To prevent acts of
retaliation, troops were raised and stationed
along the line. To obtain redress for the out
rage to our citizens, and the insult to our na
tional character, application was made to the
British Government to repair the wrong that
was done. That Government delayed its an
swer to our just demand—avoided the assump
tion of the criminal act—excused and justified,
without assuming it—rewarded the offenders
with titles, pensions and pr-iises—and clearly
encouraged them to do the like again. Diplo
macy was still drawing out its lengthened
thread—still weaving its long and dilatory web
—still Penelopizing—when the same McLeod,
the boaster in Canada of his active share in this
triple crime of midnight murder, arson, and
robbery, crosses over to the American side and
repeats, in the hearing of the Americans, and
on the spot which had been the scene of his
exploit, the audacious boast of his participation
in it. Justice then took hold him. The laws
of New York laid their hands upon him and
a grand jury returned a true bill against him.
A trial, of course, was to take place in the
courts of the State whose laws had been viola
ted, whose citizens has been murdered and rob
bed, whose peace had been disturbed, and
whose authority had been £et at defiance. The
news of this proceeding flies to the British Mi
nister here that Minister addresses a note to
the Secretary of State, (Mr. Forsyth,) demand
ing the release of McLeod and the Secretary
answered, by the direction of the then Presi
dent, (Mr. Van Buren,) that this man being
charged with offences against the laws of New
York, the General Government had no right to
interfere, and should not do so. This answor
was read in the Senate in January last, when
most of the present members of the body were
then present—when the present Secretary of
State and the present Attorney General were
both present—when all the old Senators now
here were present—and when this response of
Mr. Forsyth, refusing to give up McLeod, or
to interfere with the courts of New York, re
ceived the unanimous approbation of this
chamber!
Mr. B. repeated the expression, unanimous
approbation and said that he would pause for
correction, if he was mistaken. He paused.
Several Senators exclaimed, yes, yes."
Mr. B. continued I remember the reading
of that letter well, and the feeling of unanimous
approbation which pervade3 the chamber when
it was read. Every Senator that spoke ex
pressed his approbation. No one signified dis
sent and the feeling was then universal that
the proper answer had been given by Mr. For
syth-the answer which the law of nations, the
dignity of the Union, and the rights of New
York required to be given. If I am wrong in
my recollection, I repeat the request, let me
be corrected now. [Several voices cried cut,t
right, right." No one said to the contrary.]
Mr. B. resumed: a great point—one viti
and conclusive in this inquiry,
is now establis'
*K ^HWg-
O A S U E S
-BLOOMINGTON,
ed. It is established that in the month of Jan
uary last, when Mr. Forsyth's letter was read
in this chamber, we were all of opinion that he
had given the correct and proper answer and
among the Senators then present were the pre
sent Secretary of State, tho present Attorney
General, all the old Senators now present, and
four-fifths of the number now present. In a
word, the Senate was constituted as it now is,
with tho exception of nine members who had
gpr.o ou^and th« same number Wte bare
come in.
made to the Committee of Foreign Relations
and the judgment of the House appeared to be
the same of that of the Senate.
In the month of January last, it may then be
asserted, that the two Houses of Congress ap
proved the decision of President Van Buren
and, according to that decision, McLeod was
neither to be given up, nor the course of justice
in New York interfered with by the Federal
Government.
Mr. Fox received the answer of Mr. Forsyth
—transmitted it to his Government—and re
ceived from that Government precise instruc
tions to avow and assume the attack on the
Caroline as a national act—to make a peremp
tory demand for the release of McLeod—to
threaten us with serious consequences in the
event of refusal—and, as the British newspa
pers said, to demand his passports, and leave
the country—if his demand was not immediate
ly complied with. It was on the evening of
the 4th day of March—the day of tho inaugu
ration
of the new President—that the news of
these instructions arrived in this city, and along
with them the war threats and the war speech
es of the press and public men of England—
the threat of many papers to send admirals and
war steamers to baiter down our cities—and
the diabolical speech of a Peer of the realm, in
the House of Lords, (Lord Mountcashel.) to
excite our three millionsof negroes to insurrec
tion—to raise all the Indians against us—and
to destroy our finances by bursting the paper
bubbles upon which they floated.
It was on the evening of the 1th day of March
that these instructions, this demand, this threat,
and all these war annunciations arrived in this
city. The new President had just been inau
gurated his Cabinet had just been indicated
the men who were to compose the Presidential
council were fully known and I undertook it
once to tell what would be done. 1 said tu se
veral—some now in this city, if not .r» this
cliamber —Mcleod will V given up not dirrJ~
hi.tytil in/h'rtcfht~
On the 12th day of March, the new admin
istration having had time to organize, Mr. Fox
addresses to Mr. Webster a formal demand, in
the name of his Government, for the release of
McLeod and goes on to say
The grounds upon which the British Govern
ment make tiiis demand upon the Government of the
United States arc these: that the transaction on ac
count of which McLeod has lieen arrested, and is to
be put upon his trial, was a transaction of a public
character, planned and executed iv persons duly em
powered by her Majesty's colonial authorities to take
any steps and to do any acts which might le neces
sary for the defence of her Majesty's territories and for
the protection of her Majesty's subjects and that con
sequently those subjects of her Majesty who engaged
in that transaction were performing an act of public
duty for which tliby cannot be made personally and
individually answerable to the laws and tribunals of
any foreign country."
And after enforcing this demand, by argu
ment, contesting the answer given by Mr. For
syth, and suggesting the innocence of McLecd,
the letter proceeds to say
But, be that as it may, her Majesty's Govern
ment formally demand, upon the grounds already sta
ted, the immediate release of Mr. McLeod and her
Majesty's Government entreat the President of the
United States to take into his most deliberate consi
deration the serious nature of the consequences which
must ensue from a rejection of this demand.''
This letter to Mr. Webster bears date on the
12th of March, which was Friday,and will be
considered as having been delivered on the
same day. On the 15th of the same month,
which was Monday, Mr. Webster d-clivers to
the Attorney General of the United States, a
set of instructions, and delivers a. copy of the
the same to Mr. Fox, in which he yields to the
demand of this Minister, and despatches the
Attorney General to New York, to effect the
discharge of the prisoner.
A copy of these instructions, as I have said,
were delivered to Mr. Fox at the time they
were written. At the same moment they were
delivered to the new Attorney General, (Mr.
Crittenden,) who, thus equipped with written
directions for his guide, and accompanied by
officer of high rank in the United States army,
(Major General Scott,) immediately proceeded
in the business of bis mission to the State of
New York, and to the place of the impending
trial, at Lockport. About forty days thereaf
ter, namely,on the 24th day of April, Mr. Web
ster replies to Mr. Fox's letter of the 12th of
March elaborately reviews the case of McLeod
—justifies the instructions—absolves the sub
ject—and demands nothing from the sovereign
who had assumed his offence.
Thus, what I had said on the evening of the
4th of March had come to pass. Underhanded
springs had been set in motion to release the
man a letter was afterwards cooked up to jus
tify the act.
This, sir, is the narrative of the case—the
history of it down to the point at which it now
.stands.
I now proceed, Mi. President, to fhe main
JS* A
E E
In January last, as we now se6, it was the
unanimous sense of the Senate that McLeod
should not be given up—that the course of jus
tice in New York should not be interrupted ^.given.
and this also I feel justified in sayiitg, was thy'
same of the House of Representatives. 11/
McLeod correspondence was communicated
that body. Five thousand copies were it
t. i jm.ii--r.MiF) —tn
gorp£ 13 do, out ready to follow
'settnm o"
ton'to*re
lease hnn *and n Idler will r.f- their file leader to the devil, steal across a
terwards be cooked up to show to Congress and boundary river in the nijfht, attack unarmed
the people, and to justify what had been done.
This is what 1 said ,• persons are now in his
city to whom I said it and now let us resume
the narrative of events—let us follow the cur
rent of facts—and see what was done by the
new Administration which had just been in
ducted into office in the midst of triumphal pro
cessions, under the fire of cannon, the beating
drums, the display of flags, and with all the
gloriojs pomp and circumstance of war. Let
us see what they did.
I look upon the instructions" which were
given to Mr. Crittenden, and a copy of which
were sent to Mr. Fox, as being THE ANSWER to
that Minister and I deem the letter entitled an
answer, and dated forty days afterwards, as
being a mere afterpiece-—an article for home
consumption—a speech for Buncombe, as we
say of our addresses to our constituents—a
pleading intended for us, and not for the Eng
lish, ana wholly designed to excuse and defend
tho real answer fo long before and so promptly
1 will give some attention to this, so
called, letter, before 1 quit the case but for
will present my business is with the inslruc
out
a
,or
with
v6rnment, and quoted in the House of Com
mons as being entirely satisfactory. This quo
tation took placj on the Oth day of May, Seve
ral days before the, so called, letter of the 24th
of April could possibly have reached London.
Lord John Russell, in answer to a question
from Mr. Hume, referred to these instructions
as being satisfactory, and silenced all further
inquiry about the affair, by showing that they
bad all they wanted.
I hold these instructions to have been erro
neous, in point of national law, derogatory to
us in point of national character, and tending
to the future degradation and injury of this
Republic.
That the Secretary has mistaken the law of
the case in consenting to the release of McLeod
is persuasively shown by relerring to the opin
ions of the two houses of Congress in January
last. Their opinions were then unanimous in
favor of Mr. Forsyth's answer, and that an
swer was a peremptory refusal either to admit
that McLeod ought to be released, or to inter
fere in tiis behalf with the courts of N. York.
The reasons urged by Mr. Fox, in his letter to
Mr. Forsyth, for making the demand, were
precisely the same with those subsequently
given in the letter to Mr. Webster. The only
difference in the two demands was in the for
mality of the latter, being under instruction
from his Government, and in the threat which
it contained. In other respects the two de
mands were the same so that, at the ontsefof
this inquiry, we have the opinions of the Sec
retary of State, the Attorney General, and the
body of their friends in the two Mouses of
Congress to plead against themselves.
The law of nations is clear, and the law of
the patriot heart is equally clear. The case
needs no book, no more than the hanging of
Arbuthnot and Ambrister required the justifi
cation of books whenjGen. Jackson was in the
hammocks and marshes of Florida. A band
of foreign volunteers, without krmwina wl^i
people asleep upon the soil, and under the flag
of their country give no quarters—make no
prisoners—distinguish not between oid and
young—innocent or guilty—kill all—add fire
to the sword—send the vessel and its contents
over in flames—and run back under the same
cover of darkness which concealed their ap
proach. All this in time of peace. And then
to call this an act of war, for which tho per
petrators are not amenable, and fur which re
dress must be had by fighting, or negotiating
with the nation to whom they belong. This
is absurd. It is futile and ridiculous. Com
mon sense condemns it. The heart condemns
it. Jackson's example in Florida condemns
and we should render ourselves contempti
ble if we took any such weak ami puenle
course.
Mr. Fox no where says this act was done
by the sovereign's command. He shows, in
fact, that it was not so don«i and we know that
it was not. It was the act of volunteers, un
known to-the British Government until it was
over, and unassumed by them for three years
after it occurred. The act occurred in Decem
ber, 1837 our Minister, Mr. Stevenson, de
manded redress for it in tho spring of 18?8.
The British Government did not then assume
it, nor oid they assume it at all until McLeod
was caught. Then, for the first time, they as
sume and justify, and evidently for the mere
purpose of extricating McLeod. The assump
tion is void. Governments cannot assume the
crimes of individuals. It is only as a milita
ry enterprise that this offence can be assumed
and we know this affair was no such enter
prise, and is not even represented as such by
the British minister. He calls it a "/raw«c
/j'yn." Three times in one paragraph he calls
itf& -''fransactioni^ and whoever heard of a fight
or^'-*battle being characterized as a transac
tion"!1 We apply the term to an affair of bu
siv^ftjbut never to a military operation. How
efl^'rfN have a military operation without war]
wi£ ciit the knowledge of the sovereign?—
wWyvfrthe forms and preliminares which the
laws of nations exact This was no military
enterpiise in form, or in substance. It was no
attack upon a fort, 6hip of war or a body of
troops. It was not attack of soldiers upon
soldiers, but of assassins upon the sleeping
and defenceless. Our American defenders of
this act go beyond the British in exalting it in
to a military enterprise. They take different
ground, and higher ground than the British, in
setting up that defence and are just as wrong
now as they were iQ the case of Arbuthnot
and Ambrister.
Incorrect in point of national law, I bold
these instructions to have been derogatory to
us in point of national character, and given
with most precipitate haste when they should
not have been given at all. They were given
under a formal, deliberate, oificial threat from
the minister and a thousand unofficial threats
from high and respectable sources. The min
ister says:
But, be that as it may, her Majesty's Govern
ment, formally demanded, upon the grounds already
stated, the immediate release of Mr. McLeod and
her Majesty's Government entreat the President of
the United States to take into his most deliberate
consideration the serious nature
of the consequences
which must ensue from a rejection of this demand."
Nothing could be more precise and formal
than this demand—nothing more significant
and palpable than than this menace. It is such
as should have prevented' ibjt answer^iueh
W^-'f
AT, JULY 23, 1841.
inquiry In this case, the correctness andprnprit"
ly of the answer given by our Secretary of State
to Mr. Fox, and its compatibility with the honor,
dignity, and future welfare of this Republic.
copy of which being delivered to Mr.
Was
to be printed. A reference of th^hole"*"# *wV-b'-amicb was transmitted to the British Go
tho ANSWER to his DEMAND
jUYjruM—JOMjyr M. MUSSE JL O A S U E I O U 8
EM
as should have suspended diplomatic inter
course—until it was withdrawn.
Sir, I hold it to have been derogatory to our
national character to have given any answer
at all, much less the one that waagiven, while
a threat was hanging over our heads. What
roust be the effect of yielding to demands un
der such circumstances? Ceftainly degrada
tion—national degradation—-and encourage
ment to Great Britaiu to continue her aggress
ive course upon us. Tf»at nation is pressing
us in the Northeast and Northwest she i3
searching our ships on the coast of Africa she
gives liberty to our slaves wrecked on her isl
ands on their transit from one of our ports to
another she nurtures in London the society
which produced the |ian Domingo insurrec
tion, and which art preparing a similar insur
rection for us and she is the mistress of sub
jects who bold immense debta against our
States, and for the payment of which the na
tional yunranfy, or the public lan^ls, are want
ed. She has many points of aggressive con
tact npon us and what is the effect of this
tame submission—this abject surrender of Mc
Leod, without a word of redress for the affair
of the Caroline, and under a public threat—
what is the effeect of this but to encourage her
to press us and threaten us on every other
point It must increase her arrogance, and
encourage her encroachments, and induce her
to on until submission to further outrage
becomes impossible, and war results from the
cowardice, which courage would have pre
vented. On this head the history of many na
tions is full of many impressive lessons, and
none more so than that of Great Britain. It
js a nation of brave people but they have
Sometimes had ministers who were not brave,
and whose timidity has ended in involving
their country in all the calamities of war, af
ter subjecting it to all the disgrace of pusillan
imous si^mission to foreign insult. The ad
ministration of Sir Robert Walpole, long, cow
ardly, and corrupt—tyrannical at home—cring
ing abroad—fras a signal instance of this.
Sir, I consider these instructions to Mr.
Crittenden as most unfortunate and deplorable.
They l-ave sunk the national character in the
eyes of England and of Europe. They have
lost us the respect which we gained by the
late war, and by the glorious administration of
Jackson. They bring us into contempt, and
encourage the haughty British to push us to
extremities. We shall feel the effect of this
deplorable diplomacy in our impendiug con
troversies with thafpeople and happy ^nd for
tunate it will be for s, by correcting our er
ror, retracing our steps, renovating our manly
attitude, discarding our distribution schemes,
and preparing for war, we shall be able there
by to prevent a war*j»nd to preserve our rights.
Hard pressed on the instructions to Mr.
Crittenden—prostrafe aad4i£Micel|t2J there.
«#(o trflWi rt'iugtr
under the letter to Mr. Fox, and eefebrate the
harmony of its periods, and the beauty of its
composition. 1 grant its merit in these par
ticulars. I admit the beauty of the style, tho'
attenuated into gossamer thinness and Lillipu
tian weakness. 1 agree that the Secretary
writes well. I admit his ability/even to com
pose a prettier letter in less than forty days.
But what has all this to do with a question of
right and wrong—of honor and shame—of war
and peace—with a foreign Government In
a contest of rhetoricians, it would indeed be
important but in the contests of nations it
dwindles into insignificance. The Statesman
wants knowledge, firmness, patriotism, and
invincible adherence to the rights, honor and
interests of his country. These are the char
acteristics of the statesman and tried by these
tests, what becomes of this letter, so encomi
asticaliy dwelt upon here 1 Its knowledge is
shown by a mistake of the law cf nations—its
firmness by yielding to a threat—its patriotism,
by taking the f^art of foreigners—its adherence
to the honor, rights and interests of our own
country, by surrendering McLeod without re
ceiving or even demanding, one word of re
dress or apology for tho outrage upon tho Car
oline
The letter, besides its fatal concessions, is
deficient in manly tone—in American feeling—
in nerve—in force—in resentment of injurious
imputations—and in enforcement of our just
claims to redress for blood spilt, Territory in
vaded, and flcg insulted.
The w hole spirit of the letter is feeble and
deprecatory. It does not repel, but begs off.
It does not recriminate, but defends. It does
not resent insult—not even the audacious threat
—which is never once complained of, nor even
alluded to.
This letter is every way an unfortunate pro
duction. It does not even show the expense
and trouble we took to prevent our citizens
from crossing the line and joining the Canadi
an insurgents. It does not show the expense
we were at in raising a new regiment of infant
ry expressly for that service, (several voices
said yes, yes, it mention,* that) Good, let it be
credited accordingly.—But it does not mention
the appropriation of $G50,000 made at one
time for that object: it does not mentions the
numerous calls upon the military authorities
end the civil authorities along the line to assist
in restraining our people it does not mention
the arrests of persons, and seizures of arms,
which we made it does not mention the pros
ecutions which we instituted it does not show
that for two years we were at great expense
and trouble to restrain our people and that
this expense and trouble was brought upon us
by the excitement produced by the affair of the
Caroline. The British brought npon us an
immense expense by thataflair, for which they
render us no thanks, and the Secretary fails to
remind them. The letter does not repel, with
the indignant energy which the declaration re
quired, that wo had "permitted" our citizens
to arm and join the insiKgents. It repels it, to
be sure, but too feebly and gently, and it omits
altogether what should never be lost sight of
in this case, that the British have taken great
vengeance on our people fur their rashness in
joining this revolt. Great numbers of them
were killed in action many were hanged and
manv were transported to the pxtremities of
I 1 i 1T_ lan/1 11 W\/\
O thf)
the world—to Van Dieman's land, under the
Antarctic circle—where th6y pine out a mis
erable existence, far, far, and forever removed
from kindred, home and friends.
The faults of the letter are fundamental and
radical—strch as ko oi coaafonfioa, no
«••,% '£. fXtSt- •••.-!-P- Hk-' .- K *.
tropes and figures, no flowers of rhetoric, can
balance or gloss over. The objections go to
its spirit and substance—to errors of fact and
law—to its tameness and timidity—and to its
total omission to demand redress from the
British Government for the outrage on the Car
oline which that Government has now as
sumed. She has now assumed that outrage
for the first time—assumed it after three years
of silence and in the assumption offers not
one word of apology or of copflblation to our
wounded feelingsi She. clasps her anns akimbo
and avows the offence and our Secretary, in
his long and beautiful letter, finds no place to
insert a demand for tbis assumed outrage. He
gives up the subject, and demands nothing of
the sovereign. He lets go the servant, and
does not lay hold of the master. This is a
grievous omission. It is tantamount to a sur
render of all claim for any redress, of any kind.
McLeod, th$t perpetrator is given up he is
given up without conditions. Tho English
Government assume his offence—demand his
release—offer us no satisfaction, and we give
him up, and ask no satisfaction The letter
demands nothing—literally nothing and in that
respect degrades us as much as the surrender
upon a threat degrades- us.
It is in vain for gentlemen to point out the
paragraph, so powerfully drawn, which paints
the destruction of this vessel, and the slaugh
ter of the innocet as well as the guilty aslenep
on board of her. That paragraph aggravates
the demerit of the letter for so well showing
the enormity of the wrong, and our just title to
redress, it abandons the case without requiring
the slightest atonement!
But gentlemen point to a phrase io the letter^
and quote it with triumph, as showing courage
and fight in the Secretary. They point to tBe
phrase, bloody andexatperated war,'''' and con
sider this phrase as a cure for every defect.
But how did Mr. Fox consider it? as a thing
to quicken him or the British Government? as
an inducement, or stimulus to hasten an atone
ment for the outrage which they had aasumedl
Not at ail. Far from it. Mr. Fox did n£t
take fright, and answer in two days, nor in fojf*
ty nor has he answered yet nor will he ever
answer while such gentle epistles are written
to him. The bloody and exasperated tear,**
which is here shadowed forth, is too feebly and
pointlessly exhibited to make any impression
on the minds of the English or their minister.
Besides the capital defcct of not stating on
what fourth day of July the aforesaid "bloody
and exasperated war" will chance to begin,It'
happens also, to be totally defective in stating
the contingency on which it was to happen.
It is not said that, if you do not make redress
for the outrage you have assumed—if we do
not get satisfaction for this wrong—or, if you
ever do so again—then and in that case tin
pointed*
or ^'tangtbJfc^
saiJ in the letter, but only a vague intimation
that such occurrences may lead to this war.
The little effect which it had upon the mini
of the minister, and his Go^rnment, is shown
by the silent contempt with v*»,jch
tj,ey
treated it. This famous lelter WJ». written oj»}
the 24th day of April this is June,
to
day no answer has been given to it! jtg
re-
ceipt has not even been acknowledged
Unfortunate as this boasted letter is ii.J£'
many respects, it has a further sin to ansW?^
for, and that is its place, or order—its colloclP
tion—in the printed document which is lai®
before us, and in its assumption to enclose th»
"instructions" to Mr. Fox, which had been eft*
closed to him forty days before. The letter
it
printed before the "instructions," though writ
ten forty days after them, and purports to "ea
close'' what had been so long before delivered
To be sure all the papers are correctly dated
and the close observer may perceive the order
they ought to take, and that in fact they come
wrong eni foremost. There may be some sce
nic contrivance—some stage trick in this bnt
it is according to the new tactics—the tactica
which put the cart before the horse—and re
peals one financial system before another is es
tablished.
Sir, the case of McLeod is not isolated It
is not a solitary atom, standing by itself but
it is a feature in a large picture—a link in at
long chain. It connects itself with all the ag
gressive conduct of England towards this
country: her encroachments on the State of
Maine—her occupation of our territory on the
Oregon—her insolence in searching our vessel*
on the coast of Africa—the confiscation of our
slaves, wrecked on her islands, in their transit
from one part of our country to another—her
hatching in London for our Southern States
what was hatched there above forty years ago
for San Domingo, the insurrection of our slave#
and the destruction of their owners—and the
ominous unofficial intimations that the Union
is bound for the debts of the States. The
McLeod case mixes itself with the whole of
these and the success which has attended
British threats in his case may bring us threats
in all cases, and blows to back them—such
blows as the towns of Syria lately received
from the war steamers of Stopford and Naper*
The British are a great people—a wonderful
people—and can perform as well as threaten.
Occupying an island no larger than one 9^°"*
principal States, they have taken possession of
the commanding points in the four quarters of
the globe, and predominate over an extent of
land and water compared to which the greatest,
of empires—that of Alexander—that of the Ro
mans—that of the Caliphs—was nothing but
djrit. War is to them a distant occupation
something like piracy on a vast scale, in which
their fleets go forth to capture and destroy, and
to return loaded with the spoils of plundered,
nations. Since the time of William the Con
queror, no hostile foot has trod their soil ana
safe thus far fr*m the ravages of war at home,
they are the more ready to engage in ravage*
abroad. To strike—to crush—to plunder—to
terrify—and to make peace—is their policy and
their practice and they look upon us, w-ith ow
rich towns and defenceless coasts, as a fit
ject for these compendious tactics. We ail av*
precate a war with that people—none
cate it more than I do but we shall nejeTpre
vent it by truckling to their threats, and squa*..
dering the money in douceurs to the Mate*
which ought to go the common defence. The
result of our first war wnh thts
what we could do, when only °,n®
sent numbers, in a seven years' contest. Th*J
•0-.
V lb-