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BY M. T. EMERSON.
10 THE ELECTORS OF MUSCATINE, JOHNSON AND IOWA COUNTIES. Fftrow CITIZENS By the action of my political friends,1 have been placed before you as a candidate at the msuing election, for a seat in the Council.— The position which I now occupy before the ublie, was not sought for by my pelf,'and were I to consult my feelings alone, I should ,iot now appear before'you as a candidate.— Hut, holding to the principle that individual convenience should give way to the demands diicli .1)6 community has i*pon eveiy citizen, I have determined to abide by the decision of my friends, and stand a poll, regardless ofsac rifijes to myself. Aid having thus commit ted myself into the hands of my friends, I feel a desire, common to every man wJio is a can didate—a desire to be successful in the con test, and be elected to the station for which I itn a candidate. It was the expectation of my political friends, at the tincof my nomination, as I have reason to believe, that I would meet the people during the canvass, and address -hem on the various important questions to be ,j, tided through the ballot box at the approach ing election—questions deeply to ailed either or weal or woe, the interests and future pros perity of the whole people of Iowa. Such was, and still is my desire, and were the op portunity presented me, to do so, I should gladly embrace it for 1 hold it to b« the du ty of every citizen, who aspires to the public service, freely and fully to communicate his fimvs and opinions on all matters pertaining u the public weil. But the intense heat of he weather, «o far during the campaign, and the busy season of the year, now at hand, call ing the people to their fields, and requiring their whols time and attention in securing their cri ps, admonishes me that an effort to call them together for the purpose i*f public discus sion, would neither be successful or politic.— The only medium, then, my fellow citizens, through which I can make known my views ou the great questions to which I have alluded, in inn Press and I cheerfully resort to that, satirlifcii that by this mode, 1 can more clear Jy and deliberately utter my sentiments, than in the I.cat and excitement of an oral discus I tion and that you can peruse and reflect upon them at your leisure. This mode 6aves me from the danger of being misapprehended or misrepresented, and will enable you to hold me to a strict responsibility, should 1 be so fortunate as to be elected, and fail to discharge, with fidelity, the trust committed to ony keep ing. It is a mode of communication, then, a like safe to the candidate for public suffrages, and those who have the bestowal of ihem. Wiih these prefatory remarks, I proceed to notice briefly, the great issues to he decided by the sovereign will, on the first Monday of August nest. These issups are involved in tho adoption or rejection of the proposed Con biitutii'ii for the future State of Iowa. It is a matter of very little consequence, except so far as we represent opposing principles, whether my worthy opponent, (a gentleman whom I am pleased to regard as a personal friend) or ay humble self is elected to the Council but \, lrt gblv, vitally important that in the a- 0 YpC,0vP"»«Mdiiiiiental fcv-l 19 law, every citizen "stand its principles, and his tit imminent as to the probable ltn°r'' llas the body politic.—— a •t o n s i tho Deonl policy and duty dictate that we protect our selves from the effects of their legislation.— We can only do this bv placing ourselves up on an fquality with lliem. If we provide a safe and sound State currency, as they have done, our capital can be employed as advan tageously as theirs, and our institutions wili act, not only as a check upon their bank®, but drive beyond our limits, the notes of foreign institutions. Banks will draw capital to them, and no country needs the rkino more than this. 1 he capital will come from the old Staler, where it is abundant, locate itself here, pay its proportion of the public burden?, and become an active instrument in breaking up our prai ries. Treading fast in the footsteps of capital, cemes population. The industrious mechanic, the enterprising manufacturer, the hardy la borer, all follow capital. Where money is plenty, there labor is amply rewarded, and all classes of soaiety flourish. (i)n the other bend, by prohibiting the crea ting of banks, we but disable ourselves, and substitutes foreign currency for a home cur rently. The effect of the article on Incorpora tion^?, will be to make Iowa the plunder ground* of afl the banks in the Union. lnstead°of the haid mor cy promised the'people, we shall have not "only a hard currency, but cne well mixed, for it will consist cf the issues of those institutions which have no credit at home, and whose paper ia thus driven abroad for cumula tion. Instead of a currency free from expan sion or contraction, as hard money is alleged to be, *ve shall have a circulation constantly liable to explosion, and irredeemable in its character. For this reason alone, could no others be urged, 1 deem it highly impolitic to incorporate into our fundamental law, such a provision as that upon which 1 have been com menting. But many other equally forcible ar guments might be advanced, to establish the impolicy of the proposition. To give them at length, ^nd show the beneficial effects of a properly regulated credit eystem upon the character and business of a people, would re quire more splice than I h3ve at my command. Having thus presented the question in its true light, i leave it to tho decision of fellow citizens. -v INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS. E Next in importance, is the subject of Inter nal Improvements. I am o'pposcd to the a doption of the Constitution, sieondly, because in fact, it prohibits the construction of such works. I need t, tl.u Jay, m..! an ar gument in behalf of these great enterprises.- The inventive spirit of the ftge, is afwork to annihilate time and space, and bring the rnar kets o! the East and the Scuth'lo the doors of the Western agriculturist. If we would main tain our proper position in the Union, we must march in the footsteps of our Western sisters, and engage in these undertakings. Torefnsf, is to exclude our products from the groat mar kets "or the world. The Sth article of the p?o-. posed Constitution, headed State debts *', and the second section of ihe article m: Incor porations, relate to ibis subject. The article on Stale Debts is tantamount to an inhibition of such works by the State government. It is such, because it restrains the government from anticipating the revenue of the work, and hor rowing money, as is usual all the wo, for its creation. It re improvement which threaten its profits. I cannot be induc ed to enter into enterprises which may be crushed by an arbitrary exercise of power,and leave it remediless. Such would be its situa tion, under this provision. A railroad or ca nal is desiiined to benefit both the public at large, and those who invest money in its con struction it enhances the value of real estate, brings the market to the door of the farmer, and becomes a public convenience. Thecom pany who undertake to build such a work, must be allowed not only a definite corporate existence, but certain privileges as to the right of way, which are essential to the existence of the road. These cannot be conferred under a general law, for the very framers of the Constitution hold to the doctrine that one le gislature cannot bind or restnin the action of a subsequent one. Special acts of Incorpora tion are contracts betvtcen mitten I and the ccnipanyrrrrepealable until the charier ex pires,"and forfeited only by misuser or nonus er. But under general law?, all the power is in the hands of the government, which may, or may not Jook with favor on the contemplat ed work, and men acting under such laws, have no vested rights, or security that they will be protected in their undertaking. The idea of making such improvements under gen eral laws, is an abstraction that can never be of practical utility. In addition to this, and as if to make the work of prevention doubly sure, the State is prohibited from having any interest in such companies, or rendering them any assistance. This is all wrong. If the State will not itself iqake such improvements as the public interests require, in order to en able its citizens to compete with the members of other communities, but prefers to delegate the power to associations of men, it should at least show its good wili to the object in view, by taking a portion of the stock cf the compa ny, er loaning to it a portion of its credit.— This step imparts confidence in the enterprise, to individual capitalists, and at the same time affords the assurance to the people, that the woik, when completed, will be conducted ad vantageously alike to the company and the great mass of the citizens. But 1 have not now time to pursue the subject farther, full as it-is of interest, or 6how how such improve ments advance the common prosperity of the whole community, or exposo the fallacy of the positions assumed by those who make war upon such works. I trust, however, that enough has been said to satisfy nty fellow citizens of the utter inexpediency of the arti cles on Stale Debts and Incorporations, and to convince then?1that by voting for the Consti tution, they, in fact, vote fcr the prohibition of works of Internal Improvement in the fu ture Slate. AN ELECTIVE JUDICIARY*. I am opposed to the adoption of the^onsti tutien, tl irdly, becausc it proposes an experi ment with oar judiciary system. An elective judiciary is one of'the vagaries which has grown up cut of the party strife of the country, and is calculated to disrobe our Courts of/ tice of their sacred chj confidence the in the ii -TWO DOLLARS A TEAR IN ADVANCE, TWO DOLLARS AND FIFTY CE.NTS WITHIN THE YEAR THREE DOLLARS AT THE BSD OP THE YEAR 1 I* J- DLOOMINGTON, IOWA, FKIDAY, JULY 24, 1846. lightest suspicions of wron'j, will be ik confir mation strong as holy writ." '1 ht'natHral result of this state of things must be, to drag the decisions of the judges from the sacred temples of Justicp, into the po litical arena, there to become themes for popu lar die cussion, and newspaper animadversion. Here, again, will partizan strife be renewed. The minority will labor to make capital against the judge, in view of the next election, whilst his political friends will be equally zealous in sustaining his conduct. The judge himself, it may be, will descend from his tribunal, throw aside his robe of office, and enter the ring, desirous of breaking a lance in his own defence. But the numbers which made the judge, possess the numerical strength to sus tain him, and iiowever wrong may havo been his conduct, or illegal his decisions, an exci'.ed party will be loth to condemn their representa tive, and put another In his place. Thus the laws may be disregarded—injustice perpetra ted by those whose duty it is made to prevent it—individual rights impaired—and the near est interests of the citizen blasted—and all without a remedy Is not this a beautiful system yet snch, I entertain no doubt, will be its natural and inevitable results. Those, then, w ho vote for the ratification of the Con stitution, vote for a judiciary system, radically defective, and which is liable to great abuse. But I must pass on »o notice what I deem A FATAL OMISSION. I am opposed to the adoption cf the Consti tution, in the'fourth place, because it does not secure to the people, ihe right to tied their county officers. The great object of a fundamental law is to define the powers conferred upon the government, and mark .out the rights reserved by the constituent body—the people. What the citizens do net reserve to themselves, is impliedly granted their government. Hence, the omission on this subject is fatal to the whole instrument. The people have no secu rity in the Constitution that the right of elect ing their county officers, will be suffered to remain in their hands the law-making depart ment, actuated either by corrupt motives, or fear of the people, may confide that power to the Executive, or exercise it itself, and the people have no remedy. Now, 1 do not antic ipate that such a thing will be attempted at present, but in the course and changes of lime and men, it may be done, and if the people would be 6afe, they should secure the right, in the outset of their Slate career, and have it in serted in their fundamental law. It would seem from this neglect to secure to the people this most valuable right, that those who fram ed the Constitution, and those who had them in keeping, in their eagerness to grasp the great offices of State, entirely overlooked the smaller and equally important ones. Yet this is not the only omission. The Constitution is alike defective in another particular. It is entirely silcjnt- with reference to countv ami township organization, and ma ion for the election o tiiem that they had incorporatad into their work certain partizan dogmas which the peo ple have never approved, and the expediency and propriety of which were still subjects of discussion. They feared that experience might demonstrate, as it has done heretofore, that the forebodiigs of their opponents were well founded, and their predictions had become saber realities. The prohibition of incorpora tions and internal improvements the experi of the judiciary —the restrictions upon the inalienable rights of the people—might not work to the advantage of the common wealth and they weli knew, that when the citizens felt themselves hampered, and their interests blasted, under the operation of these provisions,that they would be prompt to throw off the burthen. Under such provisions of a mendment as are to be found in the other State Constitutions, the obnoxious articles of this instrument could be laid aside, without de stroying the whole fabric of government, or exciting the hostility of all who have a person al interest in supporting the government.-— Hence, in order to establish a partizan creed, and render ii permanent, even at the expense of the peoples' prosperity and happiness, the article on Amendment was inserted. It is for the people to decide which they will choose, their own welfare or this partizan Constitution. The one is opposed to: the other. THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT. I cannot close this communication, my fel low citizens, without some allusion to a ques tion of local interest to the iuhabitants ot this district. 1 refer to the question of the loca tion of the Beat of government of Iowa. Iowa City was laid out with a view to its being the permanent capital of the State. This induce ment was held out to persons to locate here, and lots were sold at exorbitant rates. A large and beautiful building, capable of accommoda ting everjr branch cf the Slate Government, has been erected and partially finished, at an expense of from $80,000 to $100,000 a con siderable proportion of which was paid by the property holders of this city and county.— Yet after all this, the Southern portion of the Territory has manifested an unceasing hostili ty to Iowa City, and a determination to re move the Capitol to some other point. In the late Convention, this spirit was openly avow ed, and I hesitate not to say, that the propos ed boundaries of the State were fixed with a view to the removal of the seat of Govern ment to the Raccoon forks. Facts prove lha truth of this remark. The Convention, after having the question of boundaries before it several days, determined on the old conven tional lines—the natural at proper bounda ries of (he State of Iowa. This result becamo known to the South, when a certain General Government officer, who aspires to prominence as aleadinnr nnlitician. cam HEW SERIES. VOL. I....NO. 15. ate, and thirteen in the House, over .ihe latter. Are we not, then, in the hands of the Philis tines The proposed boundaries are so form ed as to throw the Raccoon Forks into tha centre of population, for the next fifty years, and the ascendency they enjoy now, they will be likely to enjoy for a considerable period of time. Ultimately, however, the centre and the north will be the flower of the State, and the most densely populated. Now, what will be the train of argument which will be urged in favor of the removal It will be said, that the prescirt building is unfinished that to complete it, will cost as much as would erect a smaller and less expensive oue at the rival point iha it would be folly to expend money on this work, and subsequently remove the seat of Government elsewhere and thus ma ny persons in other portions of the State, who arc indifferent to the subject,and unadvised as to the injustice that will be dona us, tnay be induced to vote for candidates who will carry on ibis scheme. To quiet the centre, we shall probably be promised a State University, or something of that character, and then bo cheated in the end for the State will not locate such an institution in the same place where there are already one or two chartered institu tions of learning in operation. Those, then, who vote for the ratification of the Constitution do so with tho almost moral certainty that the removal of the seat of Government from this point, will be one of the first consequences of its adoption. It is for every citizen to decide, whether he can consistently vote to destroy the value of his own properly, in order to obtain, Ute fictitious advantages of a State Govern ment. But, fellow-citizens, I must bring this ad dress—which is already longer than I intend ed—to a close. I have expressed as briefly as possible, and with the utmost frankness, rny views of the various important questions in volved in the adoption of the proposed Consti tution, and the reasons which will influence me to cast my vote againsi it. So far as I am in dividually concerned in the present canvass, I have only to say, that I am before you as the representative of principle and if my princi ples accord with your own, ar.d you believe me tru6t-worthy, and capable of representing you in the Council, remember me at the ballot box, cn the first Monday of August next. Your fellow-citizen, WM. PENN. CLARlL IOWA CITY,"July 20,181G. GAT'AT MANUFACTURING ESTABMSHMENT.-— There is trjw in full operation at St. Petera burg perhaps the mostextraordinary, as well as gigantic, commercial establishment which can be found in the history of tha world, ancient or modern.