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Mr. Blaine's Letter of Acceptance.
AUGUSTA, Me., July 18.-Following is Mr. Blaine's letter of acceptance: AUGUSTA, Me., July 15, 1884. To the lion. John B. Henderson and others of the committee: GENTLEMEN :-In accepting the nom ination for the presidency, tendered me by the republican national convention, I beg to express a deep sense of the hon or which is conferred and of the duty which is imposed. I venture to accom pany the acceptance with some observa tions upon the questions involved in the contest-questions whose settlement may affect the future of the nation, favorably or unfavorably, for a long series of years. 1n enumerating the issues upon which the republican party appeals for the popular support, the convention has been singularly explicit and felicitous. It has properly given the leading posi tion to the industrial interests of the country as affected by the tariff or im ports. On that question the two political parties are radically in conflict. Al most the first act when the republicans came in power in 1861 was the establish ment of the principle of protection to American labor and American capital. This principle the republican party has ever since steadily .maintained, while on the other hand the democratic party in congress has for fifty years persistently warred upon it. Twice within that period -our opinions have destroyed tariffs, arranged for protection, and since close of the civil war whenever they have controlled the house of representa ives hostile legislation has been attempt ed-never more conspicuously than in their principle measures at the late ses sion of congress. The tariff question or revenue laws are in their very nature subject to frequent revision in order that they may be adapted to the changes and modifications of trade. The republican party is not contending for the perman ency of any particular statute. The issue between the two parties does not have references to a specific law. It is far broader and far deeper. It involves a principle of wide application and bene ficent influence, against a theory which we believe to be unsound in conception and inevitably hurtful in practice. In the many tariff revisions which have been necessary for the past twenty-three years, or which may hereafter become necessary, the republican party has maintained and will maintain the policy of protection to American industry, while our opponents insist upon a revis ion, which practically destroys thatpoli cy. The issue is thus distinct, well de fined and unavoidable. The pending election may determine the fate of the protection for a generation. The over throw of the policy, means a large and permanent reduction in the wages of the American laborer, besides involving the loss of vast amounts of American capital invested in manufacturing enterprise. The value of the present revenue system to the people of the United States is not a matter of theory, and I shall submit no argument to sustain it, only invite attention to certain facts of official record which seems to constitute a demonstra tion. In the census of 1850, an effort was made for the first time in our history to obtain a valuation of all the property in the United States. The attempt was in a large degree successful. Partly from lack of time, partly from prejudice among many who thought the inquiries foreshadowed a new scheme for taxation, the returns were incomplete and un satisfactory. Little more was donethan to consolidate the local valuation used in the states for the purpose of assess ment, and that, as everyone knows, differs widely from a complete exhibit of all the property. In the census of 1860, however, the work was done with great thoroughness, the distinction between "assessed" value and "true" value being carefully observed. The grand result was that the "true" value of all the property in the states and territories (including slaves) amounted to fourteen thousand millions of dollars. This ag gregate was the net result of the labor and the savings of all the people within the area of the United States from the time the first British colonist landed in 1607 down to the year 1860. It repres ents the fruit of the toil of two hunderd and fifty years. After 1860 the business of the country was encouraged and 4 developed by a protective tariff1 At the end of the twenty years the total pron erty of the United States as returned by the census of 1880 amounted to the enormous aggregate of forty-four thous and millions of dollars. This great result was attained notwithstanding that countless millions had in the interval 1 been wasted in the progress of a bloody I war. It thus appears that while our 4 population between 1860 and 1880in- a creased sixty per cent, the aggregate 1 property of the country increased 214 per cent, showing a vastly enhanced wealth I per capita among the people. Thirty thousand millions of dollars had been added during these twenty years to the 1 permanent wealth of the nation. These results are regarded by the older nations of the world as phenomenal. That our i country should surmount the peril and the costs of a gigantic war and for 1 an entire period af twenty years make an average gain of its wealth of one I hundred and twenty-five million per r month, surpasses the experience of all t other nations, ancient or modern. Even < the opponents of the present revenue I system do not pretend that in the whole history of civilization any parallel can a be found to the material progress of the I United States since the ac.·esion of the republican partyto power. The period between 1860 and to-day has not been t one f naterial prosperity .aI y; at no I time in'.the history of the Unded States a has there been such progress in the moral and phiianthropic -fl;4; rellgious and charitable institutions, schools and col leges haye been founded .and endowed a far more generallythan in any previous i time in our rhistory. Greater and more a varied relief has been extended to human , suffering and the entire of- tbe eI country in wealh has beh ;iAopae1iid i peopii . Our Opponent. 1tn. i jl t that our zmuntehnoyatem podues aa adroa e but they should not forget that the law was given a specific purpose to which all of the surplus is profitably and hon orably applied to the reduction of the public debt and the consequent relief of the burden of taxation. Not a dollar has been wasted and the only extrava gance with which the party stands charged is the generous pensioning of soldiers, sailors and their families-an extravagance which embodies the highest form of justice in the recogni tion and payment of a sacred debt. When a reduction of taxation is to be made, the republican party can be trust ed to accomplish it in such a form as will most effectively aid the industries of the nation. Our foreign commerce-a frequent accusation by our opponents is that the foreign commerce ot the coun try has steadily decayed under the influ ence of the protective tariff. In this way they seek to atray the importing interest against the republican party. It is a common and yet a radical error to confound the commerce of the coun try with its carrying trade, an error often commited innocently and some times designedly, but an error so gross 'bi at it does not distinguish between the ship and the cargo. Foreign commerce represents the exports and imports of a country regardless of the nationality of the vessel that may carry the commodit ies of exchange. Our carrying trade has from obvious causes sutfered many dis couragements since 1860, but our foreign commerce has in the same period steadi ly and prodigiously increased, increased indeed at a rate and to an amountwhich absolutely dwarfs all previous develop ments of our trade beyond the sea. From 1860 to the present time the for eign commerce to the Unitdd States, divided with approximate equality be tween exports and imports, has reached the astounding aggregate of twenty-four thousand millions of dollars. The balance of the vast commerce inclined in our favor, but it would have been much larger if our trade with the countries of the American continent, elsewhere referred to, had been more wisely adjusted. It is difficult even to appreciate the magnitude of our export trade since 1860, and we can gain a cor rect conception of it only by a compari son with the preceding results in the same field. The total exports from the United States from the declaration of independence, 1776, down to the day of Lincoln's election in 1860, added to all that has previously been exported from the American colonies from their origi nal settlement, amounted to less than nine thousand millions of dollars. On the other hand our exports from 1860 to the close of the present year exceeded twelve thousand millions of dollars the whole of it being the produce of American labor. Evidently a protective tariff has not injured our export trade, when under its influence we exported in twenty-four years forty per cent more than the total amount that had been exported in the entire previous history of the country. All the details when analyzed correspond with this gigantic result. The commercial cities of the Union never had such growth as they have enjoyed since 1860. Our chief emporium, the city of New York, with its dependencies, has within that period doubled her population and increased her wealth. During the same period the imports and exports which have entered and left her harbor are more than double in bulk and value, the whole amount reported by her between the settlement of the first Dutch colony on the Island of Manhattan and the outbreak of the civil war in 1860. The agricultural interest is by far the largest in the nation, and is entitled in every adjustment of revenue to the first consideration. Any policy hostile to the fullest development of agriculture in the United States must be abandoned. Realizing this fact, the opponents of the present system of revenue have la bored very earnestly to persuade the farmers of the United States that they are robbed by a protective tariff and an effort is thus made to consolidate their vast influence in favor of free trade; but, happily, the farmers of America are intelligent, and cannot be misled by sophistry. When conclusive facts are beiore them, they see plainly that dur ing the past twenty-four years wealth has not been acquired in one section or by one interest at the expense of an other. They see that the agricultural states have made even more rapid pro gress than the manufacturing states. T'he farmers see that in 1860 Massachu setts and Illinois had about Ithe same wealth-between eight and nine hun dred million dollars each-and that in 1880 Massachusetts' had advanced to twenty-six hundred millions, while I1 linois had aidvanied to thirty-five hun dred millions. They see that New Jer sey and Iowa were just equal in popula tion in 1860, and that in twenty years the wealth of New Jersey was increased I by the sum of eight hundred and fifty I millions of dollars, while the wealth of Iowa was increased by the sum of fifteen hundred millions. They see that the nine leading agricultural states of the west have grown so rapidly in prosper- 1 ity that the aggregate addition to their wealth since 1860 is almost as great as the wealth of the entire country in that 1 year. Theysee that the south, which 1 s almost exclusively agricultural, has 4 shared in the general prosperity, and 4 that having recovered from the loss and devastation of war, has gained so rapid ly that its total wealth is double of that which it possessed in 1860, exclusive of slaves. In these extraordinary develop .nents the farmers see the heipful im ru~-. 0i a home market, and they see LaLe the financial and reveinue system enacted since the republican party came into power has established and con stantly expanded the home market. They see that even in the case of wheat, which is your chief cereal export, they have sdld on the average in the years iance the close Cf the war, three bushels at home to one they have sold abroad; _nd that in the increase of corn, the only -ereal which we export to any great ex tent. one hundred bhIusbs have been usei. t b me to thre and half bushels w-lhi~ we. ,ha~te :exported. In some yearn the d Usparit) r has been so great heiat fois ev o renis exported ,ne huured have heen nonatna ed in the home market. The farmers see that in the increasing competition from the grain fields of Russia and the grain fields of India, the growth of the home market becomes daily of greater importance to them, and that its impair ment would depreciate the value of every acre of tillable land in the Union. The consideration of such facts as these, touching the growth and con sumption of cereals at home, gives us some slight conception of the vastness of the internal commerce of the United States. They suggest also that in ad dition to the advantages which the Am erican people enjoy from protection against loreign competition, they enjoy the advantages of absolute free trade over a larger area and with a greater population than any other nation. The Internal conmmierce of our thirty-eight states and nine territories is carried on without let or hindrance-without tax, detention or governmental interference of any kind whatever. It spreads freely over three and a half million square miles, almost equal in extent to the whole continent of Europe; its profits are enjoyed to-day by fifty-six millions of American freemen, and from this en joy ient no monopoly is created accord ing to Alexander .Hamilton, when he discussed the same subject in 1790. The internal competition which takes place does away with everything like mon opoly, and by degrees reduces the prices or articles to the minimum of a reason able profit. It is impossible to point to a single monopoly created or fostered by the industrial system which is upheld by the republican party. Compared with our foreign commerce these dom estic exchanges are inconceivably great in amount, requiring merely as one in strumentality as large a mileage of rail way as exists to-day in all the other na tions of the world combined. These internal exchanges are estimated by the statistical bureau of the treasury de partment .to be annually twenty times as great in amount as our foreign com mnerce. It is into this vast field of home trade, at once the creation and the herit age of the American people, that foreign nations are striving by every device to enter. It is into this field teat the op ponents of our present revenue system would freely admit the countries of Eu rope - countries into whose internal trade we could not reciprocally enter; countries to which we should be surren dering every advantage of trade and of whom we should gain nothing in re turn, which would be disastrous to the mechanics aud workingmen of the Un ited St-.tes. Wages are undoubtedly reduced when an industrious man is not able by means of his earnings to live in comfort, educate his chiluren, and lay by sufficient for the necessities of age. The reduction of wages, inevi tably consequent upon throwing our home market open to the world, would deprive them of the power to do this; it would prove a great calamity to our country; i& would produce a conflict be tween the poor ana the rich, and in the sorrowful degradation of labor would plant seeds of public danger. The re publican party has steadily aimed to maintain a just relation between labor and cauital, guarding with care the rights of each. A conflict between the two has always led in the past, and will always lead in the future to the injury of both. Labor is indispensable to the creation and the profitaule use of capi tal, and capital increases the elfficiency and value of labor. Whoever arrays the one against the other is an enemy of both. That policy is wisest and Qest which harmonizes the two on the basis of absolute justice. The republican party has protected the free labor of America so that its compensation is larger than is realized in any other coun try. It has guarded our people against the unfair competition of contract labor from Chinat and, may be called upon to prohibit the growth of a similar evil Irorn Europe. It is obviously unfair to permit capitalists to demand or make contracts lor labor in foreign countries to the hurt and disparagement of the labor of'American citizens. Such a policy (like that which would leave the time and other conditions of home labor exclusively in the control of the em ployer) is injurious to all parties, not the least so to the unhappy persons who are made the subjects of the contract. The institutions of the United States rest upon the intelligence and virtue of the people. Suffrage is made universal as a just weapon of self-defense to every citizen. It is not to the interest of the republic that any economic system should be adopted which involves the reduction of wages to the hard standard prevailing elsewhere. The republican party aims to elevate and dignity labor, not to degrade it. As a substitute for the industrial system which under re publican administration has developed such extraordinary prosperity, our op ponents offer a policy which is but a series of experiments upon our system of revenue-a policy whose end must harm our manufacturers and the greater part of our labor. Experiment in the industrial and financial systems is the country's greatest dread, as stability is its greatest boon. Even the uncertainty resulting from the recent taritff legisla tion in congress has hurtfully affebted the business of the entire country. Who can measure the harm to our shops and our homes, to our farms and our com merce, if the uncertainty of perpetual tariff agitation is to be inflicted upon the country? We are in the midst of an abuindant harvest; we are on the eve of a revival of general prosperity; noth ing stands in our way but the dread of a change in the industrial syst pr which has wrought such wonder ii~ the last twenty years, and which, with power of ncreased capital, will work still greater marvels of prosperity in the twenty years to come. Our foreign relations favor our domies tic development. We are- with the world at pea, upon a sounpd basis, with o uansettled questions of siufllent maag aitude to embarrais or disturbus. Hap pily removed byotUr georaphial posl L~on from participat~ia n ose.ues jtios of dynasty or bundty hich so frequentjy disturtbpe of grope, we are left to eltivat.aie with-alt and free r- sible e iongle ments in the quarls of any. The United States has no cause and no desire to enter into conflict with any power on earth, and we rest in confidence that no power desires to attack us. With the nations of the western hemisphere we should cultivate closer relations, and for our common prosperity and advance went we should induce them all to join with us in an agreement that for the future all international troubles in North or South America should be adjusted by impartial arbitration and not by arms. This project was a part of the fixed policy of President Gartield's adminis tration, and it should in my judgment be renewed. Its accomplishment on this continent would favorably affect the nations beyond the sea and thus con tribute at no distant date to the univer sal acceptance of the philanthropic and Christian principle of arbitration. The effect even of suggesting for the Spanish American states has been most happy, and has increased the confidence of those people in our friendly disposition. It fell to my lot as secretary of state, in June, 1881, to quiet apprehensions in the republic of Mexico by giving the as surance in an official dispatch that there is no desire-in the United States for ter ritorial aggrandizement. The bounda ries of the two republics have been es tablished in conformity with the best jurisdictional interests of both. The line of demarkation is not merely con venience, it is more; it separates the Spanish-American people from a Saxon American people; it divides one great nation from another with distinct and natural affinity. We seek the conquest of peace. We desire to extend our corn merce, and in an especial degree, with our friends and neighbors on this con tinent. We have not improved relations with Spanish America as we should and as we might have done. For more than a generation the synmpathy of these countries has been adlowed to drit away Iron us. W e should now make every ellort to gain their Iriendship. Our trade with tuemt is already large. During the last year our exchauges in the Western Htemisphere have amount ed to X350,000,000-nearly one-Iourth of our entire foreign conmmerce. 1to those who may be disposed to underrate the value of our traue with the countries of North and South America it may be well to state that their production is nearly $50,000,000, and that in propor tion to the aggregate numbers we import nearly double as much from them as we do from Europe, but the result of the wholeanmount of the trade is in a hign degree unsatisfactory. The imports during the past year exceeded $225,000, 000 while the exports were less than $1.5,000,000, showing a balance against us for more than 6100,000,000, but the money does not go to Spanish America. We send large sums to Europe in coin or its equivalent, to pay manufacturers for the goods which they send to Spanish America. We are paymasters for this enormous amount annually to European lactors-an amount which is a serious detect in every financial depression upon our resources or specie. Cannot this condition of trade, in a great part, be changed? Cannot the market Ior our products be greatly enlarged ? We have made a beginning of our effort to im prove trade relations with Mexico and we should not be content until similar mutually advantageous arrangements have been successively made witlh every nation of North and douth America. While the great powers of Europe are steadily enlarging their colonial domination in Asia and Africa it is the especial proyince of this country to im prove and expand its trade with the nations of America. iNo field promises so much. No field has been cultivated so little. Our foreign policy should be in American policy in the broadest sense, and the most comprehensive sense-a policy of peace and friendship of commercial enlargement. The name of American, which belongs to us in our national capacity, must alwa3 ~ exact the just pride of patriotism. Citizen ship of the republic must be the panoply and safeguard of him who wears it. ''he American citizen, rich or poor, native or naturalized, white or colored, must everywhere, walk secure in his personal and civil rights. TIhe republic should never accept a lesser duty. It can never assume a nobler one than the protection of the humblest man who owes it loyalty-protection at home and protection which shall follow him abroad n whatever land he may go upon at lawful errand. I recognize, not without regret, the necessity of speaking of two sections of our country. But the regret diminishes when I see that the elements which separated them are fast disappearing. Prejudices have yielded and are yielding, while a growing cordiality warms the Southern and the Northern heart alike. Can any one doubt that between the sections confidence and esteem are more marked than at any period in the sixty years preceding the election of President Lincoln ? This is the result in part of time and in part of republican princi pl.esi applied under .the favorable con ditions of uniformity. It would be a great calamity to change these influ ences under which southern common wealths are learning to vindicate civil rights and adapting themselves to the condition of political, tranquility and individual progress. If there be occas ional and violent outbreaks in the south against the peaceful progress, the public opinion of the country regards them as exceptional and hopefully trust that each will prove the last. The south needs capital and occupation, not con troversy, as much as any part of the north. The south needs the full protec tion of the revenue laws, which the re publican party offers. Some of the southern states have already entered upon a career of industrial development and prosperity. These at least should not lend their electoral votes to dcstray their own future. Au effort to unite the southern states upon issues that grew out of the memories of the war, will summons the northern states to combine idn the assertion of that nationality which was theirinspiration in the mistake in the civil struggle, and thus the great energies which i:shold' be united in a ommaon industrial development mill be wasted in hurtful strife. The democratic party shows itself a 'foe to sou prosperity by always invok ing an.d ie couraging political consolidatioi. Suc a policy quenches the rising inti uc. 1 patriotism in the heart of the soutler o youth. It revives and stimiulates erSttl dices. It substitutes the spirit ofb (t Paru. jans, vengeance for the love o eaer progress and harmony. ee, Among our national inlterests on languishes--the foreign carrp.ilg tra 1e It was seriously crippled it, our cisi. war, and another blow was g'iven to in the general substitution oif ,eat tfor sail in ocean tratffic. With a frontage f the two great oceans; witll freightage larger than that of any other nation, ge have every inducement to restore our navigation. Yet the gove\tritmen1t ha hitherto refused its help. A sAiillhare ot the encouragement give n ,y the government to railways uatnl to Iuu. facturers, an.d a small share ot'te e caliual and the zeal given by our citizens to those enterprises, wouhl lave carried our ships to every sea and to every port. A law just enacted removes somle of the burdens upon our navigation and ifnslires hope that this great interest may at last receive its due share of <atteition. All in this direction should receive encour. agement. This survey of our condition as a nation reminds us that Imaterial pro,. perity is but a nmcckery if it does not tend to preserve the liberty of the people A free ballot is the safeguarº of the republican instution, withlout which no national welfare is assuredl. A Popular election honestly cond(ucted embodiies the very majesty of true govern.ent. Ten millions of voters desire to take part in the pending contest. The st fetv of the republic rests Ulonl the iihtegrity' of the ballot. Upi,on the seculrity of suffrage to the citizen, to ldeosit a fradu lent vote is no worse crime against con stitutional liberty than to ob.,ºtruct the deposit of an honest vote. He Wrh, eor rupts suffrage strikes at the very root of free government. He is the arc..t t'Uemvy of the republic. He forgets that in trampling on tile rights of others he fatally imperils his own rights. "It is a good land which the Lord our God doth give us," But we can maintain our herin:ge oily by guarding with vigilance the source of po,pular power. I am, with great respect, Your obedient servant. (Signed) JAMES G. BLAINE. To Whom it May Concern. The books and accounts of Clharles Crawford have been trar..terred to F. C. Roosevelt and Paris Gibson. All of these accounts must be settled before the 15th of August or they will be put in the hands of an attorney and col'ection forced. Settlement mut lbe made with me. F. C. ROOSEVELT. BUNDY & PRICE, PH OTOGRAPHE RS Proprietors, TRAIN'S GALLERY, Cutler'St., near the head of Main, HELENA, X. T. We are now prepared to do better work than ever. Call and see for yourselves. The BLUYERS' GUIDE is i5" sued March and Sept., each year: 216 pages, 8j x 11 inches, with over 3,300 illustrations-a whole pic ture gallery. Gives whole sale prices direct to consumers on all goods for personal or family use. 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