Milk River Valley news. [volume], November 02, 1904, Image 7

About Milk River Valley news. [volume] (Harlem, Mont.) 1904-1908

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SUPPLEMENT TO
THE MILK RIVER VALLEY NEWS
Harlem, Mont., October 19, 1904.
- 4
MAIN ISSUE AT STAKE
CT 18 NOT THE PERSONALITY OF
THE CANDIDATES.
Qreat Question Is Whether a Republi
can or Democratic Administration
Shall Conduct the Affaire of Govern*
aient — Oppoeition Ie Neither Safe
Nor Bane.
Although the Republican party wel
comes a comparison of the character
•nd personality of its candidates with
Chose of the candidates of the St. Louis
convention, it prefers to urge the elec
tion of Roosevelt and Fairbanks as fit
ting representatives and instruments of
the party’s poMries and intentions.
If it were true, which it is not, that
there is anything in the career of Judge
Alton B. Parker to justify the conten
tion that he would make a “saner and
safer” President than Theodore Rooee
velt, the fact would remain, that, tied
•jp with the Democratic party, a Moses
with the modern equipment of a Glad
stone, could not insure pm safe and sane
• government as the Republican party
has administered under President Roose
velt.
It is not pretended that Judge Parker
possesses any superiority of statecraft,
character or experience to Grover Cleve
land. In fact, he has been accepted by
Che conservative elements of Democracy
as a disappointing alternative for the
ponderous oracle of Buzzard’s Bay, and
he has only been accepted by the radical
or Bryan element of the party, because
he had demonstrated the lack of Cleve
land’s safety and sanity by voting for
free silver in 1896 and 1900.
In these two votes the proof is com
plete that there is nothing in Judge
Parker’s convictions, character or con
•cience to promise anything-better, should
Ibe be elected, than a weak, vacillating
and reactionary Democratic administra
tion.
Worse than this, whatever may be
thought of Judge Parker’s personal char
acter and ability, he stands before the
world as the presidential creation of
David B. I Lill, and his chief associates
<nd advisers since his nomination have
been Hill, “Bill” Sheehan, "Pat” Mc-
Carron, “Charlie” Murphy and others
of the Manhattan’ brand of Tammany
•tatesmen for revenue only.
“Mr. -Facing- Both- Ways.”
Nothing in his campaign utterances
has suggested that Judge Parker pos
sesses any of the stem attributes of
leadership that bind parties to the will
of a strong, conservative, conscientious
chief. On the contrary he has earned
■Che sobriquet, bestowed upon him by
Speaker Gannon, of “Mr.-Facing-Both-
Ways.”
Therefore a vote for the “safe and
wane” Parker and his octogenarian mate
is only to be justified by trust in the
safety and sanity of the party whose
nominees they are.
For forty years—barring the two
•Cleveland intervals—the Democracy has
been excluded from power, because the
American people have mistrusted its
safety, its sincerity and its sanity. Dur
ing all that period it has embraced with
in its ranks nearly al) the elements of
discontent, discord and reaction that are
the signs and proofs of hopeless politi
cal stagnancy and decay.
As a party it threw every impediment
within Its reach in the way of the ener
getic prosecution of the war for the
■preservation of the Union.
That the reader may understand that
the Democratic leopard has not changed
its spots in forty years it may be re
called that on July 2, 1804, the Demo
cratic members of Congress put forth
• n address to the people of the United
States in which, according to George
William Curtis in Harper’s Monthly,
President Lincoln was charged "with the
engrossment of power; with military in
terference in elections; with the crea
tion of bogus States; with illegally rais
ing troops; with unnecessary and hateful
conscription; with the payment of ex
orbitant bounties; with employing colored
troops on an equality with white soldiers;
with setting up a false and ruinous finan
cial system; with placing us in peril of
foreign interference; with endeavoring to
corrupt the race by amalgamation with
negroes.”
In August of that same year August
Belmont, whose son is now pulling wires
behind the "Sphinx of Esopus,” as tem
porary chairman of the Democratic Na
tional Convention, said that "four years
•f misrule by a sectional, fanatical and
corrupt party had brought our country
to the verge of ruin. The past and pres
ent are sufficient warnings of the dis
astrous consequences which would befall
us if Mr. Uncoln’s re-election should be
made possible by our want of patriotism
end unity.”
Btvmnnr'a Sentimeatv.
Horatio Seymour, in his speech as
permanent chairman of the same con
vention, inveighed bitterly against Lin
coln’s administration and the Republican
party, saying: “They were animated by
intolerance and fanaticism, and blinded
by an ignorance of the spirit of our in
elitutions, the character of our people
and the conditiou of our land.” “Step by
atep,” he continued, “they have marched
on to results from which at the outset
they would have shrunk with horror;
and even now when war has desolated
our land, has laid its heavy burdens upon
labor, and when bankruptcy and ruin
overhang us, they will not have the union
rostered except upon conditions unknown
to the Constitution.” He concluded by
demanding the restoration of the Union
through the unconditional surrender of
the principle of national self-preserva
tion and “the full recognition of the
rights of the States” demanded by the
people of the South.
These speeches of Belmont and Sey
mour—the prototypes of the Belmonts
and Hills, Bryans ami Ben Tillmans,
Bourke Cockrans ami Carl Schurzes of
our day—were but the prelude to the res
olutions of the convention in which Lin
coln’s administration was denounced
from every traditional point of view with
in the vocabulary of partisan vitupera
tion, and the war was denounced- as fail
ure In th»* following perennial Democratic
phraseology:
Baa*tv«< That tha eaareatiou doee ea-
pilcltiy declare, as the sense of the Ameri
can people, that after four years of failure
to restore the Union by the experiment of
war. during which, under the pretense of a
military necessity—or war power higher
than the Constitution—the Constitution It
self has been disregarded In every part, and
public liberty and private right alike trod
den down, and the material prosperity of
the country essentially impaired, justice,
humanity, liberty and the public welfare
demand that Immediate efforts be made for
a cessation of hostilities, with a view to an
ultimate convention of all the States, or
other peaceable means, to the end that, nt
the earliest practicable moment, peace may
be restored on the basis sf the Federal
Union of the States.
Demanded btate’s Rights.
In another resolution the principles and
purposes of the Belmonts and Seymours
of 18i'4 were set forth in these tradi
tional terms:
Resolved, That the alm and object of the
Democratic party Is to preNerve the Federal
Union and the rights of the States unlui
paired, and they hereby declare that they
consider the administrative usurpation of
e traordlnary and dangerous powers not
granted by the Constitution, the subver
sion of the civil by military law in States
not In insurrection, the arbitrary arrest,
imprisonment, trial and sentence of Ameri
can citizens in States where civil law exists
In full force, the suppression of freedom
of spe<*ch and of the press, the denial of
the right of asylum, the open and avowed
disregard of State rights, the employment
of unusual test oaths, and the Interference
with and denial of the right of the people
to b’*ar arms, as calculated to prevent a re
storation of the Union and the perpetuation
of a government deriving its Just powers
from the consent of the governed.
With the omission of a few phrases
having reference to the then prevailing
condition of war. there is nothing to dis
tinguish these utterances of the Demo
cratic party forty years ago from those
of the same Bourbon party to-day. The
similarity of phraseology used to de
nounce, to declare and to demand; the
invocation of the Constitution to pre
serve nights and liberties from imaginary
perils of administrative usurpation, mili
tary subversion and individual invasion;
the fictitious concern over non-existing
financial and industrial burdens—all go
to show that the Democratic party of
1904 stands in the same old shoes of
18G4. snarling at the heels of the Re
publican party which now, as then, is
doing things for the advancement, peace
and prosperity of the people of the Uni
ted States.
It will be observed that in August,
1564, the Democratic party assumed to
express "the sense of the American peo
ple” in its arraignment of Lincoln and
the Republican party, an assumption
which K the American people in Novem
ber promptly repudiated by the follow
ing vote:
Popular Electoral
vote. vote.
Lincoln and Johnson... .2,216.067 212
McClellan and Pendleton. 1,808,725 21
States not voting 81
Delaware, Kentucky and New Jersey
were the only States in the slim Demo
cratic column that year.
Same Old Cry.
Every four years since 1864, the Demo
cratic party has gone through the same
formula of arraigning the Republican
party as the party of unconstitutional
usurpation, fanaticism, sectionalism, ex
travagance, financial bankruptcy, cen
tralization, corruption and abuse of pow
er—and with two exceptions the Ameri
can people have returned the same ver
dict they did in 1864. In 1884 and 1892
certain exceptional conditions, for which
the Republican party was in nowise re
sponsible, caused the American people
to lend a trusting ear to the reiterated
impeachment of the Republican adminis
tration. Cleveland’s two terms were the
result, both giving conclusive proof of
the incompetence of the Democratic
party to administer the government ex
cept by adopting every Republican policy
and practice they had denounced.
In Cleveland’s second administration
the Democratic party atteittpted to re
place the Republican tariti with a mon
grel mixture of free trade, class pro
tection and special bounties, and thei.
came to pass the very conditions of rev
enue deficits, social disorder and wide
spread despair and misery of which the
American people had only dreamed under
the spell of Democratic demagogy.
Tlie restoration of Safety and Sanity
in the administration of American af
fairs came with the election of William
Mcxxinley in 1896. Since tuen the nation
•has experienced a period of prosperity
unexampled in the history of the xvorld.
It has waged a successful war resulting
in establishing Liberty and a popular
government in Cuba, in extending Ameri
can freedom, justice and protection in
Forto Rico and the Philippines and iu
advancing the United States to a power
ful, almost a commanding place, in the
polity of nations.
Nothing like the national development
of these right years has been known iu
the past of the republic, and with it
have come world-wide resjioiudbiMtiea
and duties, as well as problems of in
terna] government.
The Republican party within the Con
stitution, without straining any of the
powers reposed in the Executive or Con
gress, has met the demand* of the hour
with courage, wisdom and success, to
which the chorus of Democratic declama
tion, denunciation and demands pays the
highest tribute.
So to-day In its history, its policies
and its candidates, the Republican party
appeals to the American people as the
party of achievement, of resources and
of the courage to grapple with every
new phase of national life. It is the
party of sound principles,safe finance and
sane execution of the laws. The proof
of its capacity to govern is written in the
healthy progress of the United State*
during the past forty years. The guar
anty of its fitness to continue in the
execution of that great trust is in the
character and experience of its leaders.
Which Will Yob Trust?
Let the American voter look across
the stage of public life to-day ami ask
himself which he would rather trust to
administer any public or private trust —
the Republican party under the leader
ship of
THEODORE ROOSEVELT AND
CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS,
Barked by
Secretaries Hay, Shaw, Taft, Moody,
Wilson, Hitchcock, Morton, and
Senator Allison and the Republican
majority in the Senate.
Speaker Cannon and the Republican
majority iu the House of Represen
tatives.
EUbu Root and the host of learned
lawyers who believe that the Ameri
can Constitution is not a petrified
stumbling block in the path of na
tional evolution, and
The glorious record of Republican fidel
ity to the Union and human pro
gress.
OR
Ths Democratic party undar the leader
ship of
A.
'wMß™''' 'Jr Ase c
plages . y
ill M I .//<■
z । I
I y
1 '
ALTON B. PARKER AND HENRY
G. DAVIS.
Barked by
David B. Hill, William Jennings Bryan,
Benj. Tillman, Champ Clark, Wil
liam F. Sheehan, Patrick H. Mc-
Carron, Charles F. Murphy and Tom
Taggart.
Senator Gorman and the Democratic
minority in the Senate.
Cq^gressman Williams and the Democra
tic minority in the House of Rep
resentatives.
Bourke Cockran and the host of foasiliz
ed hired advocates who have been
shouting “Unconstitutional” at every
measure taken to preserve the
Union, advance its prosperity and
establish its power during the past
forty years, and
The Democratic record of secessJon, re
pudiation and obstruction.
The issue before tho American people
next November is not between the per
sonalities of Theodore Roosevelt and
Alton B. Parker, but between two great
organizations representing respectively
progress and stagnation in national life.
The verdict promises to be as con
clusive as it was ou the same issue in
1864.
UNDULY PUFFED UP.
The Get-Rlch-Qulck Democrat Bosses
, Are Hraffslnx Too Boon.
Certain Democrats, with the exuber
ance of the newly rich, are boasting of
the States they are going to carry by
means of their big campaign fund. There
is no telling what may happen, even
with money in the treasury. Only a day
or two ago, one politician from West
Virginia was bewailing certain well
proved facts in connection wi-th campaign
money. They are thinking a good deal
of campaign money in West Virginia
just now. Tlus particular individual of
the Democratic camp said, in effect, that
West Virginia is likely to go Republican
this fall. “The niggers will all vote the
Republican ticket,” he declared, “those
who are allowed to vote. They’ll take
our money and then go and vote the Re
publican ticket Mraight.”
This is a complication of great import
to our erring brethren of the opposing
camp. It was not always thus, but now.
with the Australian ballot, in some form,
in use in many States it is a sad fact
that the riffraff who sell their votes take
the money and then vote as they please.
The Oil trust can put its money into
the Parker campaign fund, but it cannot
buy even one of its own vast army of
employes, nor any of its victims in th»*
world of business.
The Democrats are puffed up over
their fat pocketbook, but it won’t help
them in the coming election. The people
prefer to have money in their own pock
ets, honest money which they have been
able to earn themselves, in a time of
prosperity and industrial activity such
as a Republican administration gives
themv
After an exhaustive review of the
situation in the Hoosier State, Walter
Wellman, the staff correspondent of the
Record-Heroid, says: “With the Re
publican ranks virtually solid, with
-the Democracy bound to lose a few
thousands of the Bryanites, with nothing
present in the public mind to lead to an
upheaval, and with Indiana a Republi
can State to atnrt with, one does not
need to be a seventh son to foresee t)»e
result.” And he estimates the R»'pub
can plurality at “somewhere between
15,000 and 30.000.”
“Belnst Unnble to aaree amonr them
aelvea aa to whathtrtbe sold standard
la a curie or a blea«in«, and aa to
whether we ought or ought pot tn have
free and unlimited coinage ofailver,
they (our opponents) have apparently
thought it expedient tn avoid any
committal on these aubject«, and indi
vidually each to follow hla particular
bent/' —RouaeveiVs letter of aoo^ptance
Chicsgonns q( the Denxwrtltir persus
aiou are trying bard to gel JiMtfe Par
ker to come out Went and attend a ban
quet. But Jud.'xo Parker is not hungry
Like Poo-Bah, just before the’execution,
he "doesn’t whw an y lunch!”
It bl freely predict"* by thone who
ought to know -b-t Vi»<er county. Ne»
York, Judge Parxer'e home couuH, will
give Hooeerelt ■ good --stjouty
MONEY FOR LABOR.
Nearly Half a Billion Dollars Mors
for Wages,
The census of WOO showed that the
wages of all classes of labor in all the
manufacturing industries of the United
States was $2,322,333,01« as against sl,-
891,228,321 in 1890—a gain of $431,105,-
550.
The census reports of wages for labor
and salaries for clerks and officers em
ployed in manufacturing industries for
the last three decades are as follows:
19(0; >403.711.233 $2,322,333,877
1880 391,888,208 1,891,228,821
•1880 947,953,775
• No census taken.
Had these census reports included the
period from 1894 to 1904 the compari
son would be far more striking, for
thousands of workingmen lost their jobs
shortly after the last Democratic admin
istration (1893-1897) went into power,
and there were very few workingmen of
those able to keep their jobs who did not
have to submit to at least some reduction
in wages.
Those were the days when Democracy
piled trodble on to trouble, and seemed
to leave nothing undone that could be
done to bring .impoverishment to the
American workingman.
The entire country was made a sort of
laboratory for original Democratic ex
perimentation in various explosive pro
ducts and by-products, including especial
ly free trade, free silver, free riot and
free soup. It mattered not that desola
tion was brought into thousands of
American homes, that the workingman
and his wife and little ones were pinched
for the necessities of Hfe, so long as
Democracy was given the chance to ex
periment w’ith the idea of taking the
home market away from American indus
try and giving it to the foreigner, and
antagonizing business interests by agita
tion against the gold standard.
After William McKinley was elected
President ami the policies of protection
and of sound money once again estab
lished, the phenomenal growth of the
United Btates in wealth and prosperity
attracted the wonder of all civilized na
tions; and this growth has continued
with accelerating velocity up to the pres
ent time.
The census of 1900 recorded this great
upward movement when it was only
about half way to where it is now. Of
course, an increase of nearly half a bill
ion dollars in workingmen’s wages does
not concern the workingman alone by
any means. It concerns every business
man in the United States, every farmer,
and every woman and child dependent
on the labor of others for their support.
For instance, if the wages of labor in
manufacturing industries had not in
creasefl in the millions the per capita
consumj>tion of whedt couk) not have in
creased from 3.44 bushels in 1894 to 6.33
bushels in 1904, and the price of wheat
almost doubled. Prosperity is always
made up of an almost endless chain of
circumstances, and it is only by having
every link sound and strong that pros
perity for all can be preserved.
CANDIDATES COMPARED.
Why Roosevelt laiMore Popular than
Parker.
The New York Sunday Democrat, a
newspaper that recently bolted Parker
and came out for Roosevelt, in giving
the reasons why the Parker campaign
is languishing and the Roosevelt cam
paign is booming, says:
“Judge Parker has few of the attri
butes of popularity; Theodore Roosevebt
has them all.
“Parker is timid; Roosevelt is brave.
“Parker is controlled by friends and
patrons; Roosevelt is independent.
“Parker represents no policy and has
no political record; Roosevelt is one of
the acknowledged progressive statesmen
of the century and his record is the rec
ord of the sunshine years of militant
and advancing Americanism.
“As there Is practically n<> one to vlg
orounly oppose there is no one to active
ly defend Judge Parker as a political
standard-bearer. Theodore Roosevelt in
vites the fire of partisan enemies and at
tracts to his support thousands of pat
riotic and earnest admirers.
“Judge Parker is a weak candidate, an
unwise candidate, an unfortunate can di -
date for the presidency. A life of judi
cial monotony and exclusion from polit
ical affairs does not appeal to the alle
giance of partisans. Theodore Roosevelt
is a strong, a vigorous, an invincible
candidate for the presidency. He is a
man of action nominated for an elec
torate of abounding energy, force and
progress. He is, especially, the idol of
the young men of the country.
“It is, therefore, not at all surprising
that as the voters contrast these two
candidates they should be irresistibly
drawn to one—to Roosevelt—and should
be repelled from or become indifferent
to bis antagonist, Parker. Such is the
present trend of the campaign and it is
decidedly favorable to President Roose
velt. No reasonable doubt of bis elec
tion exists or is entertained by anyone
familiar with politics. Democrat or Re
publican.”
DON’T FORGET CONGRESS.
It la Vtry Important that It Should
Be Republican.
In the great political contest which
occurs in this country every four years,
and which is now ou, the election of
President is apt to overshadow all other
interests. This ought not to be so. The
President is the head of the executive
branch of the government, but the legis
lative branch is equally as important.
Republicans should remember that it is
as important to hold Congress as it is
to elect the President. The election of
Judge Parker would mean much more
than the induction of his personality into
that high office. His election would mean
the election of a Democratic House of
Representative*, and this would be most
unfortunate, because:
First, the Democratic party, composed
as it is of all the distracted elements of
the country, is not capable of success
fully ad ministering the affairs of this
government. It has not the capacity to
deal with the great problems that now
confront ns. Second, a Democratic
House of Representatives would mean
that the entire legislative machinery of
that body would be placed in the control
of the South; the Speaker, the committee
on rules, and all the important commit
tees. as well as the chairmanships of the
same, would be composed largely of
Southern men and the great interests of
the North would be subordinated to
Southern policies. In answer to thia it
may be said that a Democratic House
could do no harm, as the Senate would
still be Republican and conkl prevent
any unwise or radical legislation. But a
Democratic House could prevent Republi
can legislation, and great harm might
result from that. The election of a Re
publican vJongress is scarcely second In
importance to the election of a Republi
can President.
she Vikin? Fringe.
The northern fringe of the United
States Is bring rapidly and densely popu
lated with people from Norway, Swollen
and Denmark. This is right, for we are
of them. We are of the Jrend of human
ity which |>opulated England and made
the Anglo-Saxon and subsequently made
the United States, and whose descend
ants generally vote the Republican ticket.
If any one doubts that the Northern
States in which are settled so many of
our own Scandinavians will this year go
anything but Republican—well, he should
be taken care' of by his friends.
Paar Old Rnnater.
The Democratic rooster
Sighs, with a mournful glance:
“I would crow like I useter,
But I don’t get the chance.”
“The record of the laet seven years
proves that the party now in power
can be trusted to take the additional
action necessary to Improve and
• trenicthen onr m netary system, and
that our opponents cannot be so
trusted. M -XnHrveU’e letter of acceptance.
d^our weeks before election it looks
to the conservative prophets ns if Roose
velt would have 317 electoral votes to
only 159 for Parker, with the probabili
ties running in favor of an increase in
the ILepubiican majority.
“The American home la Indeed the
cradle of liberty—lt la the unit of the
Republic's atrenartlu**—SaMtif Fateteaahe
Ln Um SeuaM. January 11. IMML
REPUBLICAN POLICIES
THEIR RESULTS CONTRASTED
WITH THOSE OF DEMOCRACY.
The Prosperity of the Agricultural
Class Means that Men Engagad in
All Other Linea of IndHatry Ara
Alao Prosperous.
In his famous Chicago convention
speech in 1896 W. J. Bryan said that
the American business man included the
“man who is employed for wages, the
merchant at the cross-roads store, the
farmer who goes forth iu the morning
and toils all day, and begins in the
spring and toils all summer, the miner
who goes a thousand feet into the earth,
the attorney in the country town,” etc.
He also expressed the “Democratic idea
that if you make tjie masses prosperous
their prosperity will find its way up and
through every class.”
The Republican party during the last
eight years, in fact as well in theory,
has been carrying out this “Democratic
idea” of making the nation prosperous by
making the “masses prosperous.” It has
reached out after the laboringmen in.
the cities, the farmer, the country mer
chant, the miner, the country lawyer,
etc., all included in Bryan's definition
of the “American business man.” and
it has made them all prosperous. It
may be said of the prosperity that the
Republican party brought not for cer
tain classes, but for the masses, and
from them up and through every class,
that THERE WAS PROSPERITY
ENOUGH FOR ALL.
Through the opening of the mills of
the United States, rendered again pos
sible by the return of the country in
1897 to the Republican policy of pro
tection, the Unemployed classes were
given work. THEY WERE THEN
NOT MERELY BUSINESS MEN, as
Bryan said they were, but BUSY MEN.
A Contrast of Reaulta.
In Democratic times there was con
stant and frequent allusion to the ARMY
OF THE UNEMPLOYED. The Coxey
Army that went to Washington, in 1894
to demand that the government give it
work was but a small guerrißa detach
ment of the vast army that stayed at
home, suffered, starved 'and found tbs
living of life to be almost unendurable.
When this army of the unemployed got
work, and not only that, but got steadily
increasing wages, it made a quick and
a good market for the products of the
farmer "who goes forth in the morning
and toils all day, and begins in the
spring and toils all summer.”
There are nearly nine million men In
the United States who make a living for
themselves and families by tilling the
soil, and who. must depend for their
prosperity on the demand for their prod
ucts from those employed in maiHrfac
turing industries. The census of 1900
showed that the wages of those employed
in manufacturing industries had increas
ed $431,105,550 from 1890 to 1900. The
figures would have been immensely more
striking could the census decade*have
covered 1894, in the midst of Demo
cratic times, to 1904, the present time.
NO WONDER THAT WITH SUCH
ENORMOUS GAIN IN WAGES TO
THE LABORING CLASS OF BUSI
NESS MEN. WHO WERE GIVEN A
CHANCE TO BE BUSY THROUGH
THE REPUBLICAN POLICY OF
PROTECTION, THE PER CAPITA
CONSF.MP TION OF WHEAT IN
CREASED FROM 3.44 BUSHELS IN
1894 TO 6.33 BUSHELS IN 1904. THE
PRICE HAS DOUBLED, AND THAT
ABOUT THE 8? ME THING IS
TRUE OF PRACTICALLY EVERY
THING THE AMERICAN FARMER
PRODUCES.
This farming class of bnsineM men Ie
now given adequate reward for their toil
by day and through spring and summer.
It now can, in fact already has, paid off
mortgages and started checking accounts
with the country banks.
A < hansc Iu Conditions.
The merchant at the cross-roads store
now finds the farmer and his wife and
children have money to spend, and want
more and better clothes to wear, books
to rend, and bric-a-brac to adorn the
country home. The farmer could now
afford (if he wanted to) to change from
the corncob pipe to a real Havana cigar,
and dress every bit as stylishly as the
business man in the city, pay as high
fees to his doctor and his lawyer, and
just as much rent for the pew in church.
His wife could dress in anting, silks and
laces, just like the city business man’s
wife, and hire a servant girl to do house
work that in Democratic times she her
self had to do. He could afford to have
his daughter wear clothes that would
make her look just as attractive as the
banker’s daughter in the city, and study
music, nrt, French, etc., that would make
her just ns much at home in the most
accomplished society. H^ could afford
to send his son to college where he could
get an education that might make him
some day n railroad or bank president,
or even President of the United States.
The American farmers’ increased pros
perity reciprocally Itenefits the working
mnn in the cities, and the workingman’s
prosperity again reciprocally^ benefits tho
farmers in the country, creating thus an
endless > chain of mutual benefits.
As for those who "go a thousand feet
in the earth,” etc., they, too, have fully
shared iu the Republican prosperity
which has increased enormously the de
mand for Iron, copper, zinc, lead, coal,
coke and the precious metals. In mining,
as well ns in all other branches of hon
est industrial effort, the "American busk
nose man” can now secure the hire that
the Bible says hL labor is worthy of,
but which Democratic policies ruthl«a»»
ly deprived him of.
The Limit.
That the Democratic party ha»
Bright’s disease, cancer of the stomach,
nod swift consumption is generally ad
mitted. but it was never realised ao
thoroughly before how much it had HIIL
A Sure Thin«.
At this late date the tidal wave is
Careening over 11. G. Davis,
And every outlook grows the darker
For the unspeaking, silent Parker.
I/ost, strayed or stolen —Forty-five
ParkeF constitution clubs in forty-fiva
Staten. The finders will be rewarded
with copies of “What 1 Know About the
Unconstitutionality of the War of id6l
- by Hob. A. Bo urban, bound tea
wUf witte Vtee tail Inside.