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come ii voter; ?y, n member of either
branch of the Legislature, and a part and |?nrci I of tlie people who are to prohibit slavery in a common Territory beloni'in" to :* 11 tile Sia'e.s of this Union. Mr. Sandidge. If the gentleman from Virginia will allow me?and I do not de ?ire to embarrass him in' his remarks?I wish to ask him a question. The gentle man denies the piwer of the Territorial Legislature of Kansas, and those of other Territories, to legislate upon the subject of African slavery so ns to impair the rights of the slaveholder. Npw, I de sire that gentleman to say. to the House whether, in his opinion, the convention, su-callell, lately held in the Territory of Kansas, did prohibit the existence of Af rican. slavery in the Territory by the adoption of a Slate constitution, prepara tory to their ail mission into the Union as a State : and whether it is considered by him as obligatory and binding upon him ? Mr. Carlilc. 1 will say to the gentle man, that when that question is presented tor the action of this House, I apprehend that the gentleman from Louisiana nnd myself will be found side by side acting together. Hut thcie is another principle of this Nebrasda bill,? as expounded by the Ad ministration,?and that is, that a South Carolina slaveholder shall be selected for Governor of the Territory of Nebraska a 'iVrritory in which no one ever dreamed that slavery could exist; while on the other hand a Pennsylvania Free-Soiler is placed as Governor over the Territory of Kansas?the only Territory where we had any hope that slavery would be like ly to go. That is another principle of the Nebraska-Kansas bill. Mr. Elinuudsun. I desire to say to my colleague, that the gentleman frdm Pennsylvania, who was appointed Gov ernor of Kansas, avowed himsolf in favor of slavery, and that he was going to take a slave with him. Mr. Carlilo. Well, if the President was deceived by any false impression inado upon his mind by his friends, and appointed Mr. Reeder, I will take back all 1 have said upon that subject, and say that it is not one of the principles of the Nebraska bill. But I apprehend, when the President bad it in his power, by tho removal from office of his first appointee, to place a man there who would, at least, maintain the constitutional rights in that Territory of all the members of the Con federacy, he ought to have exercised it. But how did he exercise it? By select ing tor the office of Governor another gentleman not from a slave State?ex Governor Shannon, of Ohio?who, as Mr. Stringfellow says in a late paper, " has betrayed them, too 1" Mr. Clerk, it will not do for the Demo cratic party, or for any other party which expects premnnent success, to turn its back upon principles clear and well de fined. and plant itself upon measures which are construed one way by one gen tleman, and in a different way by "oth er gentlemen. I was gratified the other day. in a debate which took place upon this floor, to find that the gentleman from Pennsylvania on my left [Mr. JonesJ maintained the true constitutional doc trine upon tho subject of slavery ; while, at thi> same time, 1 regretted to* hear the gentleman from North Carolina, [Mr. Cliagnian,] and another gentleman Irom tlir Smth. [Mr. Jones, of Tennessee,] say that the Nebraska hill asserted the doc trine of popular sovereignty in the Terri tories. Whenever, Mr. Clerk, the people of the South, or any portion of this Union, begin to compromise away their rights, they will soon have no rights left to com promise about. Now, I desire to say, in answer to a question propounded to mo by inv colleague, [Mr. Faulkner,J and other gentlemen, had I been a member of the last Congress. I should have done pre cisely what I wtolc to the worthy gentle man who then represented my district, I should do, and that was this?that were 1 a member ot Congress, acting as 1 have always done, according to the dictates of my own judgment, I [should vote against the bill lor two reasons, if not for more. The Hist reason, that it would reopen the leartul agitation of the subject of slavery, without bringing to tho South anv prac tical good, and would violate the plighted faith of the two great parties, pledged by them ill their national conventions ; and, secondly, that it asserts tho doctrine of squatter sovereignty, which Virginia lias ever opposed. But. sir, I am free to admit, like the honorable and distinguished?and, I will add, patriotic?gentleman from Pennsyl vania, for whom I have so long voted, I would, under no circumstances, vote for the repeal of the Kansas Nebraska bill, or the restoration of the Missouri compro mise. because one of the reasons which I urged against it was the agitation to which it would give birth ; and were I now to vote for its repeal I should be guilty of aiding to produce this very agi tation again. Why were not the Terri tories ot Kansas and Nebraska organized as were the Territories of Utah and New Mexico ? By the bit's organizing these latter t enitorius, the Missouri compro mise was practically repealed. But it had become necessary, I take it,-for the purposes ot agitation, and for no other purpose of a practical nature that I can see, to introduce a clause, in so many words, to repeal a law which the South had always maintained to be unconstitu tional and void, and which had been prac tically repealed by former congressional legislation. Mr. "eck. Will the gentleman from Virginia allow me to ask him a question ? Mr. Oirlile. Certainly. Mr. Peck. When the bills were origi nally reported for the organization of the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska, were they not literally copied from the bills or ganizing the Territories of Utah and New Mexico, to which the gentleman has re ferred ? And I ask him whether, imme diately after their introduction, the agita tion was not recommenced on the basis, that these bills did repeal the Missouri compromise ? And whether the leader of the present Republican party in the Senate did not cau6e an appeal to be made in the North, through the press and the pulpit, that the North should rise up, ns one man, and disavow that act ? Mr. Gnrlile. T had not the good for tune to be a nWraber of either branch of Congress ;xuiiiivg these bills, and it has Oct., i.:i .urtiina to have something else to do besides watching exactly the mo tions of a body like tue Congress of the VnHfH ft at#*. - , . . Mr. Peck. I ask you the question as a matter of history. Mr. Onrlile. As a matter of history I will answer it in this way : There was not, at tliHt time, a sufficient number of members in Congress representing the Abolitionists and agitators of the North to look and paralyze one branch of Con gress ; and there was, I think, a sufficient number of national men in both branches of Congress to have passed these bills as the gentleman from Michigan [Mr. Peck] says they were originally reported but, sir, it is#to bo,regretted?and it but veri" fies the remark that I first made?tha my old Democratic friends are treading on very dangerous ground when they place themselves under the leadership of the Whigs whom they fought so long.;? I recollect the history of the Senate's pro ceedings on those bills to be. that the bills were not originally reported contain ing a provision to repeat the Missouri compromise : but that a Whig Senator offered an amendment to that> effect, and the Democrats followed in his wake^ Mr. Peck. I referred the gentleman to the point, in order to show, from the history of the question, that the reagita tion of the subject of slavery at the North, which he alludes to as being the inevita ble consequence and direct result of the repeal of the Missouri compromise in the Kansas and Nebraska bills, did not result from the introduction of that clause in the bills, but originated before that; and that the appeals had gone forth, prior to that, from the Senate, under which the three thousand Protestant clergymen at the North sent their protest from their pul pits. That was the origin and state of the reaL'itaiion. Mr. Carlile. I fuel authorized and jus tified in giving it as my opinion?and 1 doubt very much if there is a member of Congress here who was a member of the last Congress during its tirst session, but will express it as his opinion?that bills for the organization of Kansas and Ne braska, similar to those for the organiza tion of Utah and New Mexico, could have passed without stimulating this agitation, which I know has existed to a certain de gree, but to a very small extent compared with the present time. 1 am warranted in expressing that opinion, from the fact that a bill organizing the Territories, but not embracing this clause for the repeal of the Missouri compromise, passed this IIouso by moro than a two-thirds vote, and was only lost in the Senate for want of time. Mr. Harris, of Alabama. I judge, Mr. Clork, from what the gentleman from Vir ginia says, that if he had been here in the last Congress, or in the Congress in which the compromise measures of 1050 were adopted, he would have voted against them all. Mr. Carlile. No, sir, I do not think that I have so expresed myself. At the time that the compromise measures of 1850 were pending I was honored with a seat in the Legislature of my own State ; and my position, I think,"was clearly known to my constituents while I was there. I regarded the passage of some of those bills with great disfavor ; and had I been in Congress in 1850, I should not have been inclined to vote for them all. Mr. Cobb, of Georgia. Against all of them ? Mr. Carlile. No sir, not against all of them. Mr. Harris. I ask the gentleman from Virginia whether these Utah and New Mexico bills which the gentleman had no objection to, did not contain the very same principle of squatter sovreignty as the Kansas and Nebraska bills diif ? Mr. Cobb. And the principle of alien suffrage ? Mr. Harris. Yes ; did they not contain both these principles ? Mr. Carlile. I propose, with the per mission of the House, this morning to con clude the remarks I commenced on yes terday. When I was interrupted, I was about to reply to my friend from Alabama [Mr. Harris] who sits beforo me. I was about to reply to the question which liad been propounded to me, and which was this : Had I been a member of Congress in 1850 would I have voted for the bills establishing the Territories of Utah and New Mexico ? I am not prepared to say, sir, how I would have voted ; but I de sire to correct an erroneous impression which prevails in the country, that the same principle of alien suffrage is to be found in the bills establishing the Terri tories of New Mexico nnd Utah which is contained in the bill organizing Kansas and Nebraska. I will here read the sixth section of the act establishing the Territo tory of New Mexico : the samo provision is in tho Utah bill: " Sec. 6. And be it further enae'ed, That every freo white male inhabitant, above the age of twenty-one years, who' shall have been a resident of said Territory at the time of the passago of this act, shall be entitled to a vote at the first elec tion, and shall be eligible to any office within tho said Territory ? but the quali fication of voters and of holding office at all subsequent elections shall be such as shall bo prescribed by the Legislative Assem bly, provided that the right of suffrage and of holding office shall be exercised only by citizens of the United States, including those recognized as citizens by the treaty with the Republic of Mexico, concluded February 2, 1848." Thus confining the exercise of the right of suffrage and the right to hold office to citizens of the United States who are inhabitants of the Territory. There is also this further difference : while the bills establishing New Mexico and Utah require that " all* the laws passed by the Legislative Assembly and Governor shall be submitted to the Con gress of the United States, and if disap proved shall be null and no effect," no such provision is contained in the bills establishing Kansns and Nebraska. I would now appeal to the members of this body ; I appeal to the friends of the Administration, if they cannot, for a time sufficient to organize.this House up on a conservative national basis, ignore and forget their party fealty, and what ever advantage they expect to attain by continuing longer to refuse all association with those who, like themselves, are pre pared to organize upon a national basis? Sir. is not the preservation of this Union ?is not its peace, its quiet, and its integ rity, far above all parly considerations ? Aie nut the constitutional rights of the South, held by the friends of the Admin istration, paramount to any partv advan tage which they may sup'pose they will gain by a continuance of this sttuggle ? If they are. why cannot they unite with us in an effort 10 place in the chair the distinguished gentleman from Pennsyl vania, [Mr. Fuller,J with whose position upon this subject no southern o?an can find fault? Ah, but I am told he is an American. Sir, is that so objectionable ? Do you make the preservation of the Union subordinate to your hostility to Americanism ? But he has taken the oath, probably, to which the distinguish ed gentleman from Georgia who sits be fore me [Mr. Cobb] alluded to, when he addressed the House, as making a gulf deep, wide, and impassable. If I am notcorrectly informed.it lies not in mouth of this Administration to object to oaths. 1 hold in my hand a letter, upon the envelope of which is " Department of the Interior, official business, Charles S. Frailey, Acting Chief Clerk," nddressed to Mr. Robert T. Foster, East Thirteenth street, Washington, aud which reads as as follows : Department of tub Interior.) August 18, 1855' j Sir : Your letter of yesterday to the Secretary has been received, and I am directed to say, that it is uot a compli ance with the advice given to you on the subject, which was, to present your affi davit, taken before a proper officer, as you stated you could conscien'.iously do, that you did not belong to the Order commonly denominated " Know--Noth ings that you never had been a mem ber thereof ; and that you have no sym- ' pathy with the principles, objects, or de signs, usually ascribed to such Order. Respectfully, &c., CiiAS. S. FRAILEY, Acting Chief Clerk. Mr. Roii'r T. Foster, East 13;h si. The following pledge or declaration is required to be taken and subscribed to by the members of the Democratic Associ ation of this city, before they are admit ted to full fellowship: "I do declare, upon my word and honor, that I am not a member of any other organization, or of any other asso- f ciation or society, whose objects are an- j tagonislical tothe objects of the Democratic j party, as declared in the resolution of the : Democratic members of the House of j Kepresentatives of the 1st of December, j 1855." I tliiuk it ill becoir.es tho^e gentlemen who are supporting an Administration 1 which requires these oaths and pledges to j oaths. 1 ask them not to sink their par-, ty organization-not to leave their party as-' sociations?not to ignore their party prin- ( ciples?but to try and ellect an organize-, lion of this House, which, it does seem to [ me, every lover of his country should de- j sire. I think that they can, for the time being, unite with us in placing in the Speaker's chair a gentleman who is as sound on the subject of the constitutional ' rights ol the South as any man on this I tloor. Is it, Mr. Clerk, because this dis-1 tinguished gentleman from Pennsylvania ' [Mr. Fuller] believes that it is better that! native-born citizens, acquainted with the j genius and spirit of our institutions,! should control the deslinios of this country j rather than foreigners, that he is object-1 ed to? Sir, I think that the Democracy ought not to object to him on that ground. | j The resolutions of 1793 uTul 1799, adopt-i cd by the Virginia General Assembly, have been considered orthodox by the Democratic party : and now, sir, 1 read (rom the Statutes of Virginia one of the resolutions adopted at that memorable session by the House of Delegates on January 11, 1798, and agreed to by the Senate on January 1G, 1799 : j " Iteaolved, That the constitution ought to be so amended, that no foreigner who shall not have acquired rights under the Constitution and laws at the time of ma king this amendment, shall thereafter be eligible to the office of Setia'.Qr or Repre sentative in the Congress "of the United States, nor to any office in the judiciary or executive departments." So thought the General Assembly of Virginia in 1790-'99. So thought those patriotic and wise men whose expositions of the powers of this Government have been considered orthodox by the Demo cratic party from that day to this. Now, sir, the country desires an organ ization. The condition of our foreign af fairs, if the press is to be believed, re quires an organization. The legislative department of this Government, as I re marked yesterday, seems to be paralyzed. The very existence of the Union is pro bably hazarded by the continuance of this state of things. And, without endeavor ing to throw the responsibility upon any I parly or upon any gentleman on this tioor (I hold it to be the duly of each and every member of this body to do all in his pow er?forgetting for the time party lies, and uniting with all conservative men?to ef fect an organization. Mr. Crxmptos and the Enlistment Dieficulty".?The N. Y. Coinmerical Ad vertiser learns from a source that pre cludes all doubts of the correctness of the information that the President has in structed Mr. Buchannan to demand from the British Government the recall of Mr. Crampton, on the ground of his partici pation in tho enlistment of men for the war in the Crimea. The commerical adds: As lias been repeatedly explained, the request for the withdrawal of a Minister, or dismissal, is not necessarily a precur sor of interrupted friendly relations. But in the present case, the matter is, in our judgment, of a graver character. The act to which our government takes ex ception is not the individual act of the Minister, but has been taken in pursuance of instructions from his Government, and has been the subject of correspondence between the two Governments. It is also understood to be sustained by the British Government as not liable to the objection which the Administration at Washington raises against it, viz : that it was a viola tion of international law. In this slate of the case the dismissal or demand of recall assumes a very dif ferent aspect, for no other Minister would bo acceptable unless the British Govern ment consents to change its position with regard to the matters which have given rise to the demand for Mr. Grampton's recall. Without such change of position, a cessation of diplomatic intercourse be tween the two governments, seems likely to be near nt band. Nothing dries sooner than a tear. (Coojwra ?urtaburgJfUgister ^mtmk ? " Hqual UlKhUand Kqunl Ut?!" CLARKSBURG, FRIDAY, FEB. 2!l, 1SB6. Democrats of Upshur! Attend the mooting at your Court House, on Monday, tho 17th day of March,?it.is desirable to liave as many in attendance as possible, and a full expression of opinion by the party llitchie Co. Democratic Convention. The Domocratic voters of the county of Ritch ie, arc hereby notified that a Convention will be held ?t the Court-House of-said county, on the first day of Miirch court, for the purpose of nomi nating candidates for the County Offices, at the ensuing spring election, And the different dis tricts aro requested to bepresont to hold meet ings and appoint delegates to represent them in said Convention. By ordor of the Democratic County Committee. Mr. Carlile's Speech. We publish, to-day, the speech deliv ered in the Houso of Representatives, on the 17ih of January last, by Hon. John S. Carlile, on the causes which prevented an organization of the House. We do this to enable the people of this district I more fully to understand the position of their representative in Congress. In pre paring this speech, which was evidently done with great care, as it was no doubt intended as an explanation to his consti ems of his course in the House. Mr Car lile lias sought to throw the resposibilitv of the present fanaticial agitation of the | slavery question at the North, upon the present national administration in the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill ; and by so doing, to direct public attention from thc^mct that the Know-Nothing party has given to the anti-slavery party its present importance and position in our national legislature. In doing thi*, he has been led into many inconsistencies which would hardly have marked the course of one who had the plain path of of truth to follow. In "inquiring into the causes which have produced this so> much-to-be-regretted condition in which we find ourselves placed," he^says : " Air. Clerk, to what is this agitation, so fraught with all that is evil, justly attri butable ? It is to be attributed to the conduct of the Administration and its friends, at the last Congress, in forcinc a re-opening of this question of slavery, which both parties were pledged by their national conventions of 1852 to keep out of Congress and repress in the country. I The two great political parties that then divided the country were pledged bv thoir | national conventions to abide by the com j promise measures of 1850, as a final set [ tlement of this agitating subject, and up* ! on that pledge this Administration came into power. I aided it?feebly I admit; j but to the extent of my ability?in ob ! taining its present position ; but scarcely I was it installed, and in possession of the j power given it by a confiding people, be j fore it violated that pledge thus solemnly given. I will not pretend to sayj what I was the governing motive, but there are j those who are uncharitable enough to de clare that it was the effort of a waning 1 Administration to continue itself in pow er. It is very strange that an administra tion which was placed in power by near ly the unanimous vote of all the Slates, should commenced to "wane" when "it was but scarcely installed and in posses sion of the power given it by a confiding people but not more strange tliau that the administration forced a re-opening of the slavery question by the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill. The agitation of the slavery question has not been closed since our recollection. The aboli tion of the slave-trade in the District of Columbia and " the right of [petition," were for a long time fruitful causes of this " agitation." Then came the Fugitive Slave Law, which was agitated enough in all conscience, for any national man.? According to our recollection the Kansas Nebraska bill as reported by the commit tee, was a* copy of bills organizing other territories, and eaid nothing about the Missouri compromise line. It was no sooner reported than the horde of nor thern fanatics commenced the "agitation" by denouncing the bill and insisting that a should clause be inserted in it prohibiting slavery in both territories. Even the clergy descended from its high calling of point~ ing the erring sinner to God, and took an active part in this ?' agitation three thousand of whom, if we mistake not the number, united in a petition sacrilegiously calling down the maledictions of Deity up on Congress, if it should fail to prohibit slavery in those territories. All this will be recollected by every one who has paid the slightest attention to this question, and with these facts before the country, the assertion of Mr. Carlile, that the in corporation of the repeal of the Missouri compromise into the Kansas-Nebraska bill, reopened the slavery agitation, falls still-born upon the public ear. What is this Missouri compromise, the explicit repeal of which, Mr. Carlile so much deprecates ? It is well known to be a clause inserted in the bill admitting Missouri into the Union as a State, de claring that slavery may exist south of 36 degrees 30 minutes, north latitude, and shall not exist north of that line. This clearly assumes the right of Congress to legislate upon slavery, not only in the ter . . * ritories but in the States formed out of such territories. Now if Congress has no power under the Constitution to legis late on the subject of slavery in the States and Territories, and it has, in a spirit of compromise impliedly assumed that right; the sooner the bill making that assnmp> lion, is repealed^ the better ; and it was in accordance tfitb this proposition that the repeal of the Missouri compromise, which was a palpable violation of the Constitution, was directly incorporated into the Kansas-Nebraska bill. Mr. Car lile speaks commendingly of the position which Virginia has evfer occupied on this question and says : " She has resolved again and - again in her Legislature, that Congress has no con trol over the subject of slavery, so as to impair the rights of slaveholders in the Territories." Yet, after having taken an oath to sup port the Constitution, be says, distinctly, that he would not have voted for the re peal of this act, which he acknowledges to be unconstitutional. Hear him : " Had I been a member of the last Congress, I should have done precisely what I wrote to the worthy gentleman who then represented my district I should do, and that was this?that were I mem ber of Congress, acting as I have always done, according to "the dic'.ates of my own judgment, I should vote against the bill for two reasons if not more." The repeal of the Missouri compro mise was in accordance with a strict con struction of the Constitution, which none know better than Mr. Cariile,and knowing it, we are somewhat surprised to find him opposing the Kansas-Nehraska bill in his speech,andusing the following dcmago* gical language : " Is it a strict construction of the pow ers of the Federal Government as defined in the Constitution, that constitutes the Democracy of to-day ? Nor, sir?no, sir ; but it is nn approval of this Kansas and Nebraska bill. " Hon. Mr. Cariile can reconcile his con stituents, to his position on these questions it is impossible for us to tell. lie appeals feelingly to the Democrats to forget their party fealty and remember that they havo a country to serve ; failing to remember that they presented to the House candidate after candidate, in the vain attempt to find a national man that could command the support of his wing of that body, while their opponents voted for their first choice with a pertinacity that defied all compromise, and finally by a trick secured the election of one of those northern fanatics whom he, ostensi bly, so much denounces. If Mr. Cariile and his friends had forgotten their allegi ance to a secret conclave sworn on the Bi ble and cross, and recollected that they had " a country to serve," that country might now be saved the humiliating spec tacle of a sectional organization of the Mouse of Representatives and all its con* sequent humiliation of the Siulh. Upon no principle of justice could Mr. Cariile and his friends expect the 75 or 00 Democrats to abandon their organiza tion and go over to the 35 or 40 recu sant Know-Nothings, who knowing that they would hold a balance of power, pro bably bolted the caucus nomination of their party for the purpose of forcing them to a surrender of their principles. If Mr. Cariile had really sought in spi rit and in truth to find the causes which prevented an organization of the House, and eventually secured the election of an abolitionist as Speaker, he would have found them in the insidious wiles of Ivnow Nothingism, which at the North has been used as a clonk to concenl the deadly weapons of the unscrupulous enemies of tho South, and which has precipitated in^ to Congress such an unusual number of members who are willing to sacrifice eve ry consideration to a false sentimentality for..the negro of the South. Tub Goversou's Financial Message.? In our Legislative proceedings to-day will be found an extract from a special message of Governor Wise to tbe Legisla ture, upon the financial and internal im provement policy of the State. The Gov ernor is taking an active part in the ad ministration of our Slate Affairs, and seems willing to share the responsibilities as well as the honors of the same. He proposes a new subject of revenue in tbe taxation of oysters taken from our shores, which he thinks will yield $270,000 an nually?quite an item?and tells the plain and unpalatable truth, which is so often sought to be avoided, that taxation is the only source of raising money by a State. We much admire the tone and spirit of this message, and will lay the whole of it before our readers next week. Adjournment of tiik Legislature.? The ninety days, fixed upon by the Con stitution as the length of the session of our Legislatuae, will soon have expired, and no important business has yet ben done. Tbe legislature has the power of continuing the session for thirty days longer, and we are surprised to find that there exist among its members two opin ions in regard to the propriety of the ex tension. We do not see how it can be expected that the necessary business can be transacted without the extension, if it can be even with it. Appointment.?Mr. Andrew T.Owens, son of Elisha Owens, Esq., of this place, has been appointed Messenger in tbe House of Representatives at Washing ton. The office ia said to be worth about .$1,200 a year. Andy", is, a faithful disciple of " Sam," and as we suppos 1 CC 1 1 . L fit ? ? the office had to bo filled by some Rnow Nothing, we are glad he received the ap ! pointment. There are many worse fel lows in the order than he is. ' y. J$). ;4 More Fruits of Know-Notlilnsisiii. We sometime since published an ex tract from a speech of a leading Know Nothing U. S. Senator showing that the object of that organisation was the forma tion of a northern party,more effective in its opposition to slavery, than the aboliiibn ists had been. The result thus far, is equal to the anticipations of the most sanguine friends of the scheme. Know-Nothmgism has proved a powerful hand-maid,of,abo litionism. It has elected enough mem bers of Congress to secure an abolition Speaker, in the person of the first man that openly acknowledged "himself a Know-Nothing in (lie Halls of Congress, and that Speaker has prostituted his of fice to sectional purposes. Iu the appointment of thff Standing Committees, Mr. Banks has placed aboli tionists at the head of evert important committee, as well as nearly alt of the other committees. The South is driven from its natural position in the national legislature, and made to play second-fid dle to the Giddings, Campbells, Grows, Meacliams, Washburns, and other nor thern fanatics. Not even the Southern Know-Nolbings are recognized by the leader of the seciionalisls whom their par ty has foisted upon the country ; Mar shall, Smith and Carlile, have all been discarded by their " brother," to aid in the formation tff (hat great northern par ty which is " to successfully resist the aggressions of the slave power at the South"?or in other words, which is to be successful in, depriving the South of her just, natural and constitutional rights. It is not unusual fur Speakers of the House of Representatives to give their own party the preference in the appoint ment of committees, but never before was one half of the Union so completely dis carded as has been the South at this time. But the Southern " brethren" must re concile themselves to their fate. They cordially embraced Know-Nothingism with all its proscriptions, and cannot now, consistently, object to taking a little of their own medicine. They greedily jumped at the proscription of ^reignerr apd catholics, and must not flinch when they find themselves proscribed. ?? He that slays with the sword, by the sword shall be slain !" District Convention. At a Democratic meeting hell in Wes ton on the 12ih inst., Win. 1?. Arnold, Esq., offered the following resolutions which were adopted : Resolved, That a District Convention be held for the purpose of appointing delegates to represent this Congressional District in the Democratic National Con vention, to be held in Cincinnati!, Ohio, on the 2d day of June next, to nominate candidates for President and Vice Presi dent of the United Slates. Resolved, That this meeting suggest to the other counties composing this Con gressional District, the 1st day of May next, as the time for holding said conven tion. and Weston the place. Resolved, That every Democrat in this county be delegates to said District Con veniion. Wo cordially concur with the two first resolutions, and would suggest to the del egates to our Counly Convention tho pro priety of appointing delegates to attend a District Convention to be held at Wes ton, on the first day of May next. But we enter onr protest against the Convene lion being overflowed with the hundreds of unterrifled Democrats of Lewis coun ly. The sliin delegations which would probably attend from the other counties would be entirely swallowed up by the Lewis delegation. Wo thought that tho Democracy of Lewis had became dissalis? tied with such large delegations, since the Glenville Convention. The incon venienced of them was there experienced to a considerable extent, but it will be ten limeb worse with the Convention in their own county. Can't you reconsider that resolution, gentlemen ? As it is understood that the delegates to the National Convention are to be ap pointed by Conventions in the different Congressional Districts, we do not know that a belter proposition can be made than that offered in the above resolutions. The town of Weston is central, contains ample accommodations for the delegates, and is more accessible than any other cenlral town, and the lime designated gives ample opportunity for Uie appoint ment of delegates in the several counties of the district, as well as sufficient time for delegates appointed to the National Convention to attend to their duties. All things considered, therefore, we arc in favor of the Convention at Weston, on the 1st of May. What say the Democra cy of Harrison, and onr friends of the other counties 1 S3T At the Democratic primary elec tion in the Second District, on Friday last, Col. Wm. Blair and James C. Bade I iff were nominated for Constable : Andrew Radcliff, Wm. Sleuarl, James Carpenter and Cornelias Lawson for Magistrates, and Andrew Divers for Overseer of the Poor. Andrew Radcliff, J. M. Eib, Sam uel Carpenter and James Coplin were ap pointed delegates to the County Conren tion, and instructed to vote for Chas. Hol den for Sheriff, Col. B. Wilson for Com monwealth's Attorney, and Thos. Hick man for Commissioner of the Revenue. lie is only powerful who governs himself. J3TAn act has passed the House of Delegates permitting the Northwestern Railroad company to use its road, provi* ded it will pay the interest on $500,000 subscribed by Wheeling to the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, from July 1st, 1858, until the earth-works, except the tunnels, of that road, are completed to Wheeling. S3T The length of Mr. Carlile's speech has excluded a number of articles which we had prepared and have been handed us f"r Puhligati?n- T tXf news items. Our friends will please bear with us until next week, and we hope that we shall find ample apology with our Know-Nothing readers, in our effort to placa..their pet fairly before the public. . .. . f Diokbnb' Works.?We hare received specimens of Peterson's uniform edition of Dicken's Works, advertised in another column. They are all they purport to be, and we would recommend those who desire copies of the inimitable writings of " Boz," to avail themselves of the pro. sent opportunity. Railroad Accidkkt The express train westward, on the Baltimore and Ohio RnHroad was thrown eff the track down a bank 80 feet hi_>h, killing the fireman and woundipa the engineer. The aoci dent occurred on the 20th, and was caus ed by the breaking of a wheel of one of the cars. ISy- A Democratic primary elootlon was hold at Bridgeport, on last Saturday} at which D.. D. Wilkinson, and L. Clark woro nominated for Magistrates, and tlie duiogates instructed to sup port Col. Winter for Sheriff, and Col. Wilson for Commonwealth's Attorney. ?37* The card of Ool. B. Wilson, in re ply to the interrogatories propounded to him in the Register of last week, has been received but is crowded out. ?y\Ve liavo been shown, through the politeness of Mr. Boardly.the gentleman ly engineer stationed upon the Olarks. burg residency of theN. \V. Va. Railroad, plsms of the new car^ooupling described below. Our means of judging of itsprao tical utility is limited, but wo should think it u decided improvement upon tho old plan, and hope that it will bo adopted on litis road. We frequently see accounts of accidents happening whilo coupling curs. This improvement avoids the ne cessity of that dangerous duty, and will save many lives and limbs. Improved Itnilrond Coupling. Among the dangers of life and limb that have formed a part of the institution of railroads, there is no one cause that has led to greater sacrifices than the risk attending the coupling of railroad car*. Public indignatjon and sympathy are quickly excited when by negligence or unavoidable accident a railroad passen ger is injured or killed, but tbo multifs rious dangers to which tho employees of railroad companios are exposed, and tho frequency with which they becomo vio tims to those dangers, have consed to ex cite comment. We appear to have reach ed the conclusion that tho loss of an arm or a leg, or total deprivation of lifo Bre part of the fottuno of war as much for tho railroad man as for tho soldier, and that neither can expeot us to be very sen sibly nlFected by their misadventure*. Nevertheless humanity is as greatly out* raged by the unnecessary sacrifice of tho life of a human brakesman as in that of the better known pnssenger, and the ef fort which removes or lessens the risk to which the former is exprafed is deserving of attention and encouragement. This end, we believe, has been very success fully accomplished by J. T. England, of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, io the invention of a self-acting car coupler. So many inventions intended to accomplish this purpose have been brought to atten tion, and have so uniformly failed, that railroad men have looked upon the final attainment of the object as doubtful, and adhered to the old mode of hand coupling with all its risks to the employee, who is required to stand between the cars to perform the operation, with the knowl edge that the slightest degree of inex pertness on his part or of over impetus from the locomotive will drive the cars together and maim or kill him. Mr. England, howover, has overcome the dif ficulties that have perplexed others and has completed an apparatus that is at once simple, and has every promise of entire efficiency. In form U does not dif? i ? ,on? *.n ortJinnry coupling apparatus. Inside it has a large iron ball, cast with the coupling case. This ball, when the coupling link is withdrawn, rolls down towards the month of the ease, where it lodges against a projecting lip and pre urU18 l'le couP!'nfJ pi" from falling down. When the ball is driven back by the en trance of the coupling link, the pin fall*, and the operation of coupling is perfono- " ed. The ball also performs another im portant purpose with eqnal facility r if11 JUpfn k?ck it lodge? upon the eod of the colpting link, holding it up in ? horizontal position. Railroad men will easily understand from tbis description the operation of the invention. It *3' act with equal facility upon trains of so/ length, upon any grade and upon MJ curve. All that is necessary is to fix d* coupling link at one end of the car and ? j ?raise the pin and to allow the bsll to roll I forward at the other end. In the f I case the ball bdlds the coupling link '? I position, in this other it eopports th? p>*- I All that is then necessary ivto push tb? I together?the ball is pushed back, I the pin falls, and the operation is perioral ed without loss of time Or dkuger to say M one. Mr. England deserves both co0' I lendation ana reward for tbis invents*' le more so as it was attempted by bi? in the h^pe of preventing the painfal *e" ? cidents which in the transaction of immense business of the ^Baltimore sad M Ohio Railroad- are continually caused "1 I the ordinary mode of coupl1--" -**?- ?