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West Virginia Democrat. [volume] (Charles Town, W. Va.) 1885-1890, April 22, 1887, Image 2

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Thomas H. Mason, Business Manager

Three propositions,and only three,
comprise the sum aud substance of j
the Interstate Commerce bill,recent- ,
ly passed by (’ongress. This law
relates exclusively t<> tratli • between j
different States, aud can not, in any ,
wav, affect traffic that does not cross
State lines. Its three propositions j
are as follows:
1. Railroads shall not charge
more for a short than tor a longer 1
?. The rates shall be public.
o. There shall be no discrimina
tions between persons receiving the
same character and quantity of ser- j
vice. In other words a railroad shall
not give one person advantages over
another person. •
Railroad managers, an l their at
torneys, pretend to find difficulty in
•i:. lor-tandiug the provisions of this
law. but it is perfectly plain to those I
who wish to understand it, ami there
is not the slightest uncertainty re
specting there three propositions.
Heretofore railroad charges.being
unpublished, were largely a matter
of favoritism. If a shipper had in
fluence, or conld gain private access
to the ear of an official, he obtained
special favors and was thereby en
abled to crush competition. It was*,
(and, as to traffic within the State,
still is,) practically impossible for
any extensive enterprise, depending
on railroad transportation,to become
profitable unless conducted in part
nership with officials of the compa
ny, and affairs have reached that
condition when business men of ex
perience refuse to invest in our local
industries unless and until they se
cure some guarantee that such in
dustry will not be discriminated
against. The valuable water-power
property at Harper’s Ferry, and tin*
idle mill of Yantis * MeCraight, j
costing 175,000, staud as melancholy
witnesses of the condition that uow
prevails. Savary A ( b„ the owners
of the water-power, don’t build their
contemplated works because afraid
the B. & O. will advance the rates so
* as to absorb whatever may be the
profits of their business. If they had
been assured of protection, the Po
tomac- would have been harnessed to
machinery more than twelvemonths
ago and two hundred men would to
day be earning wages on property
now vacant and idle. The moment
it become a fixed fact that iudivid- j
ual shippers in West Virginia have
the same protection as to local traf
fic that Congress gives to interstate
commerce: the moment it becomes a
fixed fact that the outside public, as
t«> local traffic, will be protected
against the unlawful secret practices
of the inside railroad management,
then capital will feel safe and new
enterprises will spring up at even
railroad village in West Virginia.
Our young meu will then no longer
find it necessary to leave the home
of their ancestors in order to gain a
It is very true, that if the proposi
tion declared by Congress be enforc
ed within the State as to local traffic,
then the railroad managers will u<>
longer be able to suddenly accumu
late princely private fortunes by
means of the secret met nous they
now practice; and it is equally true,
that several citizens of this State,
now in partnership with them, will
have their profits considerably cur
tailed; but the benefit to the general
public will l»e immediate and im
mense. The enforcement, as to local
traffic, of the three propositions Con
gress applies to Inter-State commerce
will greatly stimulate the building
ol new roads within our territory,
because capital will then have a se
ent ity that the earnings of the road
will not be stolen. At present, it is
common experience that the inside
managers of a corporation generally
combine to swindle the absent hold
ers of its stocks and bonds. The
effect oil he law of Congress is to make
the securities of a company, if its
road i>e favorably located, the best
and safest of investments. Secrecy
is essential to the personal and prl
vate schemes of railroad managers,
but it is inutossible t> suggest any
legitimate business of a railroad com
pany which can be promoted by sc
erecy; and it is perfectly evident, to
every man capable of reflection, that
secrecy in the management of a high- 1
way is necessarily fatal to the sue- I
cess of every honest enterprise along j
its line
The people of this State, irrespect
ive of partly, demand the Legisla- .
lure to give our home shippers the !
benefit of the three proportions ap
plied to business which crosi.cs a
State line, and we jrointed out that
this might be accomplished simply
by declaring that the law of Con
gress should be applied to traffic
which is wholly within the State.
Since our last issue, however, this
whole subjeet has been thoroughly
investigated and considered by sev
eral of the ablest men iu the State
who concluded, that it would be
much safer and wiser not to make
anv changes in the law of Congress
except those necessary to apply its
provisions to our domestic business.
The State law should conform itself
to, and be identical with, the policy
pursued by Congress and it is, there
fore, proposed to follow the language
of the Interstate Commerce Bill
word for word Sxeept where changes
arc necessary. These changes arc
two •
1. 1 ue Federal law applies to an
common carriers whether steam
boats, railroads or canals. Inasmuch
as progrt>> in West Virginia is par
alizcd by the unlawful practices of
railroad officials and not by other
common carriers, the State law will
be applicable to railroads only. It
will not affect steamboats.
2. The law of Congress will be
modified so far only as may be nec
essary to confine the operation of the
State law to traffic which is wholly
within West Virginia.
It is incouee ivable that proposi
tions applied to freight between
Richmond, Va., and Huntington,
should not be applied to freight
between’Greenbrier and Charleston;
it is inconceivable that propositions
applied to freight between Baltimore
Md., anti Wheeling, should not be
applied to freigltf between Fairmont
and Wheeling. Persons who do not
deal directly with the railroads in
West Virginia can scarcely compre
hend the infinite benefit that will be
done to the general public iu this
State by enforcing the principles of
the Inter-State Commerce bill. The
circumstance thai the measure is
opposed by the railroad lobby and
by persons receiving secret favors
from railroad officials, is the strong
est argument for its passage. If
this law would not benefit the pub
lic the railroads would not oppose
it. If the managers of these corpo
rations were not guilty of unlawful
practices they would not try to de
feat this measure. The circum
s.nnee that tlmy are against it is
conclusive evidence that they prac
tice unlawful methods which, while
profitable to themselves and to their
secret partners, paralize individual
enterprise in this State and prevent
progress. The importance of this
matter is sure to be understood be
fore the nominations in ISSS. We
cannot believe that candidates for
[>opular favor will fail to observe
the siirns of the times. We cannot
believe they will fail to use the op
portunity now offered.
We are not of those who expect
Mr. Camden to retire. He has be
lt i ud him. and supporting him, pre
cisely the influences that elected
Payne, of Ohio. Stanford, of Califor
nia, and the other millionaires of
the Senate. There has grown up
within the last twenty years, in this
country, a privileged class composed
of a few enormously wealthy indi
viduals. They have become thus
wealthy by means of legislation in
tended to facilitate and promote the
rapid transfer of property from the
unorganized masses into the hands
of organized capitalists, banded to
gether to accomplish, by means of
legislation, that which could not be
attended by legitimate enterprise.
There is a universal popular demand
that the powers of government shall
no longer be used to build up a cap
ital class and to break down the in
dividual enterprises of men of limi
ted uievns. During the uext six
vears it will be decided whether the
Government shall be wielded in the
interests of the Jay Gould class or
in the interests of the other class—
and this other class comprises 95
per cent, of the population. In a
word, the issue is, whether the Gov
ernment shall be used to strengthen
those combinations, against the
body of society, that are being
formed every day. This issue will
be determined within the next six
years, and hence the extraordinary
and unprecedented exertions put
forward to retain Mr. Camden in the
Senate. His associations, his inter
ests and his business training single
him out as the very ally who can be
of the greatest use to the Jay Gould
class. The struggle at Charleston
is not a contest between rival poli
ticians; it is a struggle between the
rights of the unorganized masses
and schemes to plunder them. Wcj
do not expect Mr. Camden t»» re-,
tire;—the opportunities for making ,
money are too great. The wealth
of the Standard Oil Company,
placed by Mr. Hudson in the last
North American Rei'ietr at #400,
000,000 (accumulated in fifteen
years) has need for Mr. Camden in
the Senate. Against the influence
of this vast sum of money there
stand only a few bold and deter
mined men fighting the battle of the
unorganized masses.
i, Communicated.)
It was the “Kid” Democracy of
Ohio that repudiated Thurman and
Pendleton and men of that ilk, as
“moss backs,” and rejoiced in a
! name which marked the introduc
tion of new methods of professedly
Younger men. Under their potent
influence the Standard Oil Company
rolled its representative into the
Senate and the “Kids” triumphed.
As the Standard is now urging
I West Virginia to elect another of
its favorites to a seat beside Mr.
Payne, the Kid plan of using
money here strongly resembles the
means employed in Ohio, but Mr.
j Camden’s friends rather applaud
j his guileless inuoccnce in sending
; money to a candidate for the Legis
lature “for campaign purposes?”
We would like to a9k Senator Lu
cas, Col. Chew and Hon. Jno. J. Da
vis whether Mr. Camden ever sent
either of them money when they
were candidates?
If these gentlemen shall say that
31 r. Camden sent them money to
help them on their way to a Legis
latnre before which he proposed to
be a candidate for the Senate, we
would like to know if they are aware
I that in the bribery investigations in
New York the evidence showed that
when members were bought the
bribe was generally accompanied
with the statement that the money
! was intended “to cover campaign
; expenses?”
31 r. Camden is entirely too un
worldly and unsuspecting for the
j Senate! To think that he should fall
1 into the misfortune of doing just
what corrupt men have done!
No, 31 r. Editor, some of us old
fellows cannot approve of the “Kidd”
i methods, whether the "Kid” be the
! giver, as in Ohio, or the taker, as in
! West Virginia; and, \rc think that,
whether the temptation to Mr. Cam
den lies in the business opportuni
' ties, or in the chance to show his
I statesmanship, (?) we had better
keep the old-fashioned notions and
steer clear of innovations that are
not improvements.
By-the-bye, this thing is costing
3Ir. Camden considerable of his
only stock in the trade of statesman
ship, and what some of us want to
know is, where would he get it back
if he should return to the Senate?
“Andrew Jackson.”
The charges against 31r. Camden
have not been proven and he is
stronger now than before.—f’amden
Let us inquire the charges and
examine the proof.
1. It is charged that he bribed State
Treasurer Burdett to keep the taxes
in the Parkersburg bank, of which
3Ir. Camden was president.
Is this charge proven? 31 r. Cam
den admitted it. The testimony is
' printed in the impeachment trial of
Burdett. The book is in the public
i library at Charleston and copies of
I it are in every village in the State.
1 Here is the draft.
Charlkstor, July 17,187:1.
At sight, pav to order of self $175
RENT DU E <>N* FA RM and charge same
to occount of
To lion. J. N. Canulen, Parkersburg.
The occult meaning of the cabal
istic words Rent due on fram was
this: That Camden had bribed Bur
dett to rent him the accumulated
taxes like one rents a farm. The
Senate of this State by a vote of 19
to 4 declared that this transaction
was conclusive evidence that Bur
dett was unfit to hold any public
otlice, and he was ignominionslv ex
pelled from the place to which he
had been elected. This judgment
was universally approved through
out the State. Burdett remains in
obscurity and disgrace; human in
genuity cannot distinguish between
the guilt of the bribe taker and
bribe giver; we must condemn both
or neither.
There are in the present Legisla
ture but three men who were mem
bers of the Legislature in 1875, to
wii: Reynolds, of Mercer; Gettin
ger, and Snider. We understand
why Reynolds supports Camden be
cause, among other reasons, he voted
against Burdett’s impeachment.
(See House Journal for 1S75, page
189). But we do net understand
how Gettinger and Snider can con
sistently do so. They voted to
impeach Burdett and were con
spicuous against him. It is true
that Mr. Camden was at that very
time a candidate for the Senate, but
no one suspected his connection
with the Burdett bribery. It had
been kept as secret as the grave nn
til exposed by a mere accident six
months after Caperton’s election.
The question is, whether Burdett
would have been nominated by a
Democratic convention after it be
came known that he had accepted
this bribe? If, after his nomination
and previous to the election, it was
discovered that he had accepted the
bribe—would the rank and file have
voted for him? Let Mr. Camden's
managers answer these questions.
In the lace of these facts is any one
60 simple as to believe that Mr.
Camden would be thought of for the
Senate were he not supported by cor
porations like tin-Standard Oil Com
pany. Here then is one charge
which we presume will be accepted
as proven.
2. It is charged that Mr. Camden
voted against the Reagan Bill which
prohibited a greater charge for a
short than for a longer distance.
This law had passed the House and ;
was defeated in the Senate;—Mr.
Camden voting against it.
•In dune 1885 the farmers of Mon
roe county met in mass meeting and
here is the resolution they adopted:
llexolved: That we unhesitatingly ex- j
press onr disapproval of Senator t'ani- j
uen’s vote against the Reagan Bill
This charge is proven to the satis- |
faction of Monroecouuty farmers and |
it is well known that neither Van '
Veit nor Rowan could have been |
elected had they expressed a purpose ;
to support Camden.
It is true, some three years after
wards he offered to amend the Cul-1
lorn bill by inserting the Reagan j
prohibition, hut he did not “shift his j
! sails*’ until popular opinion became ;
j too turbulent to be resisted. It is ,
common knowledge that the railroad ;
managers arc making a desperate ef- j
fort to repeal this provision, ami the ,
! question is, whether it is not safer to
send to the Senate some one whose
views have always accorded with
the public interest and with the pop-j
ular healt on this most important
! issue?
3. It is charged that he organized
and, until within the last six weeks
i was president of, the Camden Con-;
soli dated Oil Company. It is a j
i branch of the Standard Oil and be- ;
ing such is part and parcel of the j
most dangerous monopoly this world
has ever seen.
Mr. Hudson pointed out in the
March North American lleview that
the Standard Oil Company had a
capital of or.e million dollars ten
years,ago and its wealth lias so increa
sod that to-day the market value of its
securities represent the enormous
aggregate of $400,000,000. i'lie se
cret contract between the Standard
Oil and the Railroads, has been ex
posed and printed. The profits of
this contract, in reduced freight
charges alone, were ten million of
dollars in eighteen months, and this
contract enabled it to crush every
rival enterprise, We again print the
words of the contract:
It is agreed that the railroads wil! at
all times co-operate with the Standard
oil Company to maintain its business
against competition and the railroads
will raise or lower rates for such times
and to such extent as may be necessary
to overcome competion with the Stand
ard (>il Company.
Is this charge proven? Is it safe
for Mr. Camden to have the power
! of a Senator? He is as much inter
ested in the Standard Oil Company
as any one who does not h< Id a
larger amount of its stock. His
brother-in-law, Thompson, of New
York, is one of its chief managers.
Why not make Gould Senator? Be
cause his associations and methods
are not in harmony with the inter
ests of the people. The associations
and methods of the Standard Oil
Company are even less in harmony
with the interests of the people.
4. It is charged that he,in conjunc
tion with ourotlier representatives at
Washington, prostituted the Federal
patronage to build up in this State
an office-holding hierarchy, ready to
sacrifice anything and everything to
accomplish his re-election to the
Is there a man in West Virginia
who pretends to intelligence that
doubts the truth of this charge? Is
• it not notorious that to oppose Cam
den's re-election has been certain
exclusion from appointment? The
nature of the case does not admit of
different testimony. To prove thitt
the sun shines, we point to it.
‘ 5. It is charged that he combined
with the Republicans to defeat who- j
ever would not support him.
His managers in Harrison defeat
1 ed Jno. J. Davis. At the recent
election in this county his followers
here did whatever they could to de
feat Beckwith, the regular Demo
cratic nominee, and to elect Higgin
botham, the Republican nominee. If
any one doubts this, let him make
inquiry of any citizen in Jefferson
of reputable standing.
G. It is charged that he used large
sums of money to secure men in the
Legislature who would vote for him.
Mr. Kidd admits that Mr. Cam
densehthim $200. Gilmer is largely
Democratic, and Kidd s election was
assured. Why give him $200? Did
Mr. Camden send money to John J.
Davis to aid his election? Did he i
send money to Jetfersou to advance ;
the election of Mr. Beckwith? It is \
absolutely nauseating to hear men,!
who pretend to respectability, even j
insinuate a doubt as to the truth of |
this charge. Of course this distri-,
bution of money was kept as secret
as possible and, in the absence of
official investigation, specific proof
cannot be produced except where
some accident, as in Kidd’s case,
made the facts too public to permit
denial. There is in Charleston, at
this moment, conclusive evidence
that money was sent by Mr. Cam
den. either directly or indirectly, to
ten other members of the Legisla
ture, and it is computed that heex
pended, during the election and dur
ing the nominations, at least $18,
000, exclusive of the money he gave
to the newspapers. It is easy for'
Mr. Camden to state specifically and
catngoricnlly the persons to whom \
he gave money during his candida
cy, and it is greatly to be regretted j
that there is not a sufficient number
in the Legislature able and willing
to compel an exhaustive investiga
tion of this matter. The politicians
may try to keep it secret, but“inur-1
dcr will out,” and the corrupt use of
money by Mr. Camden is talkedj
about and denounced at every cross
road in this State. The rank and
file understand this matter far bet
ter than his managers buspect.
Chew, Flournoy and their comrades,
who are standing as a break-water
between Corruption and the rights of
the people, grow stronger in public
confidence every hour of the day.and j
we predict that, for several years
to come, it will be impossible j
to elect in this State any one of those
who have made themselves conspic
uous by their support of Mr. Cam
7. It is charged that during the
last session he said to a Republican
member of the House:
That if the Republicans
would give him the votes ne
cessary to elect him he would
never raise his hand again
against that party.
Did Mr. Camden say this? It is
easy for him to answer, yes or no. j
Fortunately,the Republican referred
to is an honorable man, and has
self-respect enough and manhood
enough to repeat in public what he
has said in private. We are well
aware that in his speech Mr. Sum
merville adroitly evaded •> specific
denial of ibis statement.. Mr. S.<-m
merville said:
1 have heard Mr. Camden speak oil
tills subject, and have heard him say
that if elected to the Senate, that would
be an end of personal politics with him. i
The question is. not what Mr.
Camden said to Sommerville, but
what he said to a certain Republican
of the House, whose standing is
such, that no man dares impugn his
veracity. It may be very true that
Mr. Camden made to Sommerville
the statement he reports, but the
public will observe that Mr. Camden
and his friends are extremely care
ful not to deny that he made to a
Republican the statement we have
quoted. Language fails to express
the infinite disgust every honorable
man must feel when he hears Cam
den advocated on the ground that
“his election will strengthen the
Democratic party.”
These are only a few of the charg
es which have been made; these arc
only a tew of the reasons why Mr.
Camden should not be returned to
the Senate. We have not the space
to give others. Are these charges
proven? Are these reasons sufficient?
(Our Charleston correspondent is
very competent and, being a GEN
TLEMAN, has access to circles not
reached by one less favorably known, j
His letters may be safely trusted as
an impartial picture of what he sees
going on around him.)
Charleston, April 20, 5 p. m.—
Camden came along with the mem
bers. He is confident of getting
enough Republicans to elect him;
he still retains the men he had at
the adjournment. “The 12” arc as
firm as a rock, and, say what they
will, the Catndenites sec and feel
that the 12 are far more respected,
admired and trusted by the people
than the 38 who propose to coalesce ‘
with the Republicans or do anything j
else to effect his election. At least
two of his followers have openly de
clared that they will not vote for
any one else, and while others are
too prudent to 6peak publicly this
is evident^ the feeling that Camden
has managed to establish. The con
trast between the quiet, dignified
deportment of the ••Twelve” and
the conduct of the more prominent
of Camden’s snpj»orters is very groat
indeed. The‘-Twelve” feel thatth«y !
have the people behind them and
that the more the truth comes out
the greater will be the endorsement
given them. The Camden men on
the other hand realize that they can
not possibly succeed except by keep- j
ing up a policy of hvpooiisy and do- j
ception. Although they try to make ,
a bold appearance they well know .
their constituents will repudiate;
them as soon as the rank and tile
come to understand the situation. It ,
may be safely assumed that the,
fight stands exactly as it did at the
adjournment. Camden has been to
New York and has doubtless con
sulted his business partners in the J
Standard Oil and other gigan 1
tic enterprises which desire to keep !
him as their representative in
the Senate. At ail events, it is very
apparent to me (and I think 1 am ;
on the inside sufficiently to speak :
intelligently) that no stone will be ■
left unturned to bring about his re- J
election. Every man who is ap
proachable will be tempted to the
utmost. There is a decided feeling
here that in this desperate crisis a
committee of courageous men ought j
to be appointed to be. ready to in
vestigate and expose any bribery
that occurs. The republicans have
really some first class men in this
Legislature. I name for example
Judge Hoke and Hayraond of the
House and there are several in the
Senate equally as good. As it ^
would be a eontession oi gum ior
Camden’8 men to oppose the appoint
ment of such committee, they would
be afraid to do so and it would be
an effectual preventative of bribery.
I am sorry to say it, but it is gener
ailv understood here that much cor
ruption is apprehended. There is
| some talk about adjourning soon
after passiug the appropriation bill
and before the second Tuesday but
ns yet every body is at sea. Col.
Chew is by eommoti consent regard
ed the safest and most level-headed
man in either body, and his inilti
ence when he takes a stand, carries
more votes thau any other man can
command. Chew’s strength lies in
the fact that he consults freely and
I is always open to advice and reason;
besides this, every body recognizes
that he is perfectly square, straight
forward and truthful. Although
; his opposition to Camden is unswerv
ing, because lie is convinced that it.
is unsafe to have such a man in the
i Senate, yet there is nothing vindic
tive in his opposition, aud he is very
popular with the more respectable
of Camden’s followers. 1 have not
as yet, found the time to see
Mr. Beckwith. The most knowing
ones here, even in Camden’s circles,
in their confidential moments, admit
that the bone and sinew of the party
are’uualterably opposed to Camden’s
election, and that he has no
1 strength whatsoever outside of t hree
classes: (1) His partners in money
making enterprises. (2) Men who
arc on the make and expect favors,
including politicians who want his
influence to be nominated in 1888,
and (3) A number of quite respect
able men w ho mean to do right but
who have? been deceived by the per
; sistent misrepresentation of the
Ring politicians. It is too early for
me to venture to go further than to
> say that unless bribery or some
equally corrupt influence is exerted
Mr. Camden cannot be elected by
this Legislature. As far as is
known, the Republicans stand as
they did at the adjournment.
Both Houses met at 12 o’clock;
The same organization was of course
continued and the only ceremony
was the formal calling of each body
to order by its presiding leer, and
all the old clerks entered upon their
duties at the point they left off. The
Governor's Message was read and
at 3:10 both Houses adjourned until
10 a. in. to-morrow’ morning.
Hamilton of the House (a Cam
den man,) offered the resolution giv
en below. I shorten it by leaving
out unnecessary words. Sydcn
stricker objected to its immediate
consideration and. under the rule,
it lies over one day.
Whereas, Camden's term expired
4th March last and caused a vacan
cy.jvhicli Lucas was appointed to
fill “until the next meeting of the
Legislature, as prescribed in the U.
S. Constitution,” and whereas the
Act of Congress provides “that when
ever, on the meeting of a Legislature,
a vacancy exists the Legislature shall
proceed, on the 2d Tuesday after
meeting and organization, to fill
such vacancy.” Resolved, That the
Senate and House will, on May 3d,
proceed, in the manner provided by
the Act of Congress, to fill said va
cancy, and that such proceedings
shall tUen and there be taken, in all
respects as provided by said Act.
On yesterday a bill was introduced
in the House to apply the Inter
state Commerce bill to our local
traffic. We will give a full account
of it in our next issue. A bill was
also introduced in the Senate to pro
vent frauds in nominations.
The Baltimore Sun has a dispatch
—that the “Twelve’’ are ready to
compromise on any man except Cam
den. If it be determined to .take a
ballot, then, in our judgment Chews
proposition is the only one that can
bring about harmony:—Let the 38
make a list of 5, 10 or 15 persons
either of whom they will support;
let the 12 make another list with
the same number of names, then a
caucus will select between the per*
sons who !i|!|K\-ir on both lists T Vs
is perfectly fnir and (if there to
be a ballot) will certainly bring
nbo it harmony.
We do most earnestly urge the
Democrats in the Legislature not to
compromise on a Trimmer. Do not
elect a man who has been afraid to
express his opinions. Such a man
will certainly desert the very jrei'sons
to whom be is most indebted for his
election. Wc infinitely prefer Cam
den to any mau who has been play
ing false to both sides. We have
in our eye several aspirants who,
while pretending to be in favor of
him, have been scheming to accom
plish his defeat. Give us a man
who stands out so the people can see #
him. If the writer held the relat ions
to Mr. Camden that are held bv
Chancellor, Leonard or Sommervilie,
he would infinitely prefer Lucas for
two years to Henry G. Davis for six.
If the writer were supporting Cam %
den, lie would certainly prefer a
square, bold, manly opponent to any - ,
Mugwump. On this point we are
certain we express the judgment of
the party. A Mugwump, in politics,
is a failure, as is an Hermaphrodite
in natural history.
Camden's organs are trying to cre
ate. an impression that a vote for
Senator will be taken. All our ad
vices from Charleston indicate that,
as usual, these organs seek to mis
lead the public. All our advices in
dicate that a majority of the Legis
lature- believe, this extra session has
not authority to elect.
It is perfect nonsense to suggest
a danger that this State may be un
represented. In any event we will
have two Senators. It Lucas’ term
expired on the meeting of the Legis
lature, the Governor can inakeanoth
er appointment.
Mr. Lucas will uot visit Charles
ton. This is r.ota question between
he and Camden; it is simply whether
the Legislature will obey the Stale
Aldeksox, April 12.—Enclosed
check is for subscriptions of the fid •
parties * * * I would not be with
out your paper at any price I could
afford to pay. It so nearly reflects
the sentiments in this part of the
State, I consider it invaluable. You
certainly have inaugurated a new
crea in jsdities. Revolutions never
go backwards and now the ice is bro
! keu the good work will go on.
The above is from one of the most
substantial and influential citizens
of Monroe and is a fair sample of
| the letters routing to us from every
: part of the State. The significant
feature of our correspondence is, that
professional politicians, (especially
t hose who train with the Ring.) steer
: clear of the Democrat. Unless we
i greatly mistake the signs of the
times, new men will be brought to the
front:—men of nerve, positive men,
: whose popularity does not depend on
neutrality: men who do uot prate
about party discipline and the next
moment recommend to the President
a man like Sargeant as being worthy
of appointment.
i Communicated.)
i To day’s Register has a letter by
Col. Byrne of Charleston, Caindeu’s
near kinsman, endeavoring by jug
; gling figures to discredit the state
| nient “that in spite of the pretended
influx of capital to build Camden’s
railroad, the value of property in
this State accoiding to the Auditor,
decreased $8,000,000 between 1885
* and 1886 and $5,000,000 between
i 1884 and 1886.” We have only
time for a single word. Col. Byrne
compares the value in 1864 with the
j value in 1886 and thereby creates a
false impression. Nobody knows
better than he that in 1864 the war
had just ended and the then assess
ment was a ridiculous farce. Again.
He adds in, the railroad property,
which was trifling until within the
last few years. It was tilling be
cause the Davis-Camden Bing ex
i eluded from oliice such men as had
the nerve to value railroad property
as high as other property. If Col.
Byrne desired a fair discussion he
would have printed his letter in the
Democrat ho the same persons could
read both sides.
But Col. Byrne’s first letter undfcr
J took to holster up Davis’ statement
that building Camden’s railroad
from Wheeling to Mason county
brought $3,000,000 into the State.
Where did this money go? The
value of property decreased $191,000
in Mason between 1885 and 1886; it
decreased $141,000 between 1883
and 1884; the decrease in Wetzel
was $120,000. Either Camden’s three
millions is a farce, which we believe
is true or else the money did not be
come visible in counties through
which his road runs. Here is a nut •
for Col. Byrne to crack. It only re
quires a little examination to exjtoso
, the pretenses invented to bolster up
Camden. **
The trial in Winchester of Riden
our for the murder of Broy resulted
j in a verdict, yesterday, of g*.:iltv of
murder in the first degree.

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