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Wet Virgin tom. Thomas H. Mason, Business Managre A PROPOSITION. The editorials of the Wellsburg Herald show more ability and more honesty those in any other Republi can pa|*er of this State, coming to this office. And we are informed by persons from Brooke that its editor is a man of conviction, “whose opin ions do not change with the finan cial necessities of its pa|>er. ’ It has pleased the Herald, on several occasions, to say of the Democrat what we now say of it. The Herald advocates the Prohi bition Amendment, and the Demo crat is opposed to it. lhe Herald makes some reply to one ot our edi torials on this subject, but d«>es not give to its readers our view or ourj argument. We make a proposition | to the Herald: It* it will copv what. we say we will copy its reply. In| this wav the people of t! e State will have before them a fair and intelli- j gent discussion that will give them ! what can be said on both sides; thev may then vote understanding!)*, j The discussion is to be limited to j articles uot exceeding COO words in f length—and the shorter the better. Will the Herald accept our proposi tion? Mr. Jefferson’s letter may find an audience among men who profess to be Democrats. ‘•Revolutions proceed like the acts of a drama, and each act is divided into scenes which follow one another j with singular uniformity. Ruling powers make themselves hated by usurpations and incapacity. An op ]>osition is formed against them, com- | posed or all sorts, lovers of order ami lovers of disorder, reasonable men and fanatics, business like men | and men of theory. The opposition succeeds: the government is over- j thrown: the victors divide into a , moderate party and an advanced party. The advanced party go to ; the front, till they discredit them selves with crime or folly. The wheel has then gone round, and the reaction sets in.” _ i “Political convulsions work in a groove, the direction of which varies j iittlc in any age or country. Insti-; tutions once sufficient and salutary become unadapted to a change of circumstances. The traditionary holders of power sec their intereests threatened. They are jealous of in novations. They look on agitators ' for reform as felonious persons dc- . siring to appropriate what does not \ belong to them. The complaining parties are conscious of suffering, | and rush blindly on the superficial causes of their immediate distress.” i -- “The disposition to believe evil of! men who have risen a few degrees above their contemporaries m a it-a- | tore of human nature as common as it is base.” ——————— ■■■!■» WHY THE STATE IS POOR. — Those acquainted with the facts ' well understand that unless railroad 1 discrimination is prevented our home population must grow rapidly I ]>oorer. while a few shrewd men, in combination with railroad officials, • will acquire almost fabulous wealth by the development of the resources of this State. Not only so, but it is perfectly well known, to those ac- : quaiuted with the facts, that if rail- i road diseriminaton had been pre- t vented fifteen years ago our native population would now be a.-> pros perous us any people is this world. ’The present lull in politics offers a ( favorable opportunity to bring this , subject bofote thoughtful men and , to present to them a few of the many facts they should consider. 1111 mediately after the completion of the ('hesajM'ake a- Ohio railroad j certain official' of that corporation organized a company for the pur j*oso of buying the coal and lumber along the line and selling it at a profit in the open markets. It was called the t'oal A Lumber Agency,) and it had secret rates and facilities for transportation which weredenied to other shippers. The profits of1 this Agency were, of course, conceal ed, but it is apparent that such an Agency, composed of railroad offi cials, couhi not only fix the priee of whatever it wished to purchase, but, since other buyers were dis eriininated against, it could and did at once obtain exclusive control of the local market. It soon came about that this Agency allowed the home producer n margin of earnings barely sufficient to enable him to continue in business. In 1881 a committee of the Legislature made a partial examination into the facts about this Agency, and we copy a few extracts from the testimony printed in the Journal of that year: Mr. Berry, a coal operator of Fay ette county, testified: The l-juai A Lumber Agency is according to the genera! understand ing among sliipiHire. comp>08cd of Fitch A Hatch, of New York. Hatch is the first vice president of the C. A* O. My first contract with the Agency was three years ago. Mr. Mohler, a manufacturer of lumber at Charleston, testified: My understanding is, General Wickham, second vice president of the 0. A ()., is treasurer of the Agencv. W. L. Rawson is its pur chasing agent and Green is its in spector. He always gives us a sight draft on General Wickham. When the road buys lumber the inspection is not as strict as that made by the Agency. Mr. Faulkner, a coal operator at Goal Valley, testified: In 1.S78, General Wickham wrote me that I must ship through the Agencv and that I could not ship unless l did. Let the public consider whether it was possible for our native popu lation, along rhe line of the 0. A O., to obtain fair prices for their prop el ty when they were obliged to sell the coal and lumber to au agency composed of the officials of that cor poration. Let the public consider what was likely to be the profit of this Agency and what was likely to be the profit of the owner of the property. Let the public consider w hat would be the present condition of the country along the C. A 0. if our home population had been able to use the railroad on an equality with those who were interested in this Agency. In reading this testimony no one can fail to observe the difficulty that is always encountered whenever any attempt is made to bring before the people facts which railroad man agers wish kept secret. In this con nection three things should always be remembered: 1. The railroad managers have in their employ the ablest talent money can secure;—and the public using the road furnish the money to pay for this talent. 2 The moment any man of recog nized capacity evinces a determina tion to render ctlicieut service to protect the public against such a wrong, that man is singled out and against him is at once arrayed the most powerful influences that ever existed in any country. 3. The chief aim of the railroad managers is to exclude from the public service and to exclude from tin* ears of tlu* people true and ca pable men who are willing and able to do their duty in tlu* Legislature or in ('ongress. When these three things are re membered, it is surprising that this investigation uneaithcd even the few tacts that were brought to light, and when we consider that our modern politicians, with very rare exeptions. stand in mortal dread of the railroad influence: when we consider that almost the entire newspaper press of this State is always silent upon matters which the railroad man agers wish kept from the people, it is not at all surprising that the testi mony. printed, in lSSI, made no lodgment on the public ear. Expe p«*rienee proves that its \\ est \ ir ginia any proposition for the benefit of our native population falls still born, whereas, any proposition to strip then, of their property for the benefit of strangers is hailed as progress and as enterprise. Hut the question comes back to thoughtful men. where will this lead to, and what will be the condition of our na tive population uniess some new method and new policy be speedily adopted. The following extracts from the testimonv will give some idea of the eifect this agency had on local enter prise. Mr. Faulkner testified: 1 -(»ld mv coal to the best advati tage until after the creation »d the Agorn v but have been compelled to sell toil since 1878. Although I have $:HMK>0 to $40,000 in the business and have employed from fifty to sev enty hands, I have lost during that time about $2,500 counting nothing at all for my personal services. I could not live were it not for the profit on the store that I keep for the accomodation of the miners. It is the same case with all ttie opera tor- in gas coal in that region. No man can ship to the Eastern mar kets at the regular rates on the C. dr O. and make a profit. When the price of coal rises the company raises the freight. The agency is enabled to monopolizetiie wholecoal trade of the Kanawha and New River region. If a man does not ship through the agency his rates are so high that he canuot ship at a profit. The agency ca n “taboo" any one who offends them. It is generally understood that some men are favorites and get cars without trouble while others cannot. These men are of course satisfied, ( apt. W. R. Johnson is, considered one of the favorites. He , can always get plenty of cars when! I ran get none. The result is, my | miners leave and go to Johnson. Refore coming here to testily 1 saw , Johnson carrying around a petition against the passage of the bill. The last time I saw General Wickham, which was last month, I asked for a rate to Huntington. He referred me to the card rate which is seventy five cents. Mr. Wyant told me that he had a rate to Huntington at fifty five cents. When I sold coal to the agency I drew my draft on General Wickham. When in Richmond a few days ago, I met a couple of gen tlemen, an English and a Scothman. Thev told me they had been to Gen. Wickham and inquired aboutbuying lumber along bis road in West \ ir ‘duia, and he referred them to Mr. Hatch. They said they went to see Mr. Hatch and he told them that if they did not buy from the agency,in stead of from the parties owning lum ber in West Virginia, they would be frozen out. Mr. Smith, a lumber dealer of Monroe county, testified: The New York Hoop company have a rate $3.50 less than the usual rate. Mr. Foote, a lumber manufacturer of Charleston, testified: The C. A 0. made a large advance to my brother to enable him to in crease his lumber business, Mr. Forsythe, a lumberman of Charleston, testified: I have been shipping lumber on the road for seven years. From my information I believe that all the logs shipped to Richmond go through , the Agency and also one-half of the manufactured lumber. Under the system which has been adopted the company and the Agency together have got substantially entire control of the log and lumber business on the road. These extracts by no means ex haust the evidence which was then obtained, but they prove conclusive ly a condition of affairs which, if it were comprehended by the rank and iile of voters, would insure the elec tion of men able and willing to pro vide the legislation that is needed. Unfortunately, the machinery of party is largely in the hands of per sons who find a profit in promoting private enterprises like the C. A O. purchasing Agency. Unfortunately, j the general public lias not been able to distinguish between the men who serve the people faithfully and the men who sacrifice the people in order to earn favors from railroad man agers. Our native population will not prosper, until voters learn to distinguish between these two ' classes of men. ^— • THE SENATORSHIP. Experience proves that a judge seeking political office is apt to use his official position to win votes and, hence, the framers of our State Con stitution decided that the best way to preserve the integrity of the Ju diciary was to make judges ineligi ble to any political ollice. It, there fore. provides: No judge during his term of ollice shall hold anv other ollice, appointment or public trust, under this, or any other government, and the acceptance there of, shall vacate his judicial office: nor shall ho, nrnixu ins (-ontifawk 1 THEltEIN, HE ELIOII1I.F. To ANY FOI.ITI 1 CAL OFFICE. On one side it is argued that the Federal Constitution determines the , qualifications of a Senator and a State cannot add to those qualifica tions. On the other side, it is ar gued that the Federal Constitution does not go farther than to say who shall not be a member of the Senate, and, therefore, it is entirely compe tent for a State to add other qualifi 1 cations. For example, France may declare, “no person shall be an am bassador to that Government who shall not have attained the age of thirty,” and in such o:(fce, the law of this country might well provide, “that no person shall be an ambas- j sador who cannot speak French and who is not a native.” It is further argued, that even al though a State may not add to the qualifications mentioned in the Con stitution, yet a State has full author- j ily to provide that certain of her own citizens shall be ineligible to a ( particular ollice. In other words, it ; is competent for the State Coustitu- . lion to provide that a judge shall j not be eligible for any political of- ! lice. 1 he only provision in the federal j Constitution bearing upon this point is as follows: No person shall be a Senator w lfo shall not have attaiued to the age of 30, and l>een nine years a citizen of the t\ S. and who shall not, when elected, lx' an j inhabitant of that State for which ho : shall be chosen. The State Constitution provides: No judge, * * * during his continu ance in that office, shall be eligible to any political office. When a vacancy is already exist ing, the term of a Senator commen ces at the very moment of time when he is declared “duly elected," and, if i at that moment he holds the ofllceof judge, he is, under the State Consti tution, ineligible. If ineligible,when ■ elected, of course, his subsequent' resignation does not cure the disa- j iiility. Tlie following letter by Mr. Jef ferson will be read with interest: . Moxticeli.o, Jan. IS, 1814. Joseph C Cabell, Esq—Dear Sir* . You ask my opinion on the question, whether the States can add any qualifications to thofe which the Constitution has prescribed for their members of Congress? It is a question I had never before reflected on; yqt had taken up an off-hand opinion that the}' could not. That to add new qualifications to those of the Constitution, would he as much an alteration as to detract from them. And so I think the House decided in some ease; I believe that a mem ber from Baltimore. But your letter having induced me to look into the Constitution and to consider the question a little, I am again in your predicament, of doubting the cor rectness of my first opinion. Had the Constitution been silent, nobody can doubt but that the right to pre scribe all the qualifications and dis qualifications of those they would send to represent them, would have belonged to the State. So also the Constitution might have prescribed the whole and excluded all others. It seems to have preferred the mid dle way. It has exercised the power in part, by declaring some disqual ifications. But it does not declare, itself, that the member shall not be a lunatic, a convict of murder or a non-resident of his district. Nor docs it prohibit to the State the power o!‘ declaring these, or any other, disqualifications which its particular circumstances may call tor; and these may be different in different States. Ot course, then, by the tenth amendment, the power is reserved to the State. If, whenever the Constitution assumes a single power out of many which belong to same subject, we should consider it as assuming the whole it would vest the General Government with a mass of powers never contem plated. On the contrary, the as sumption of particular powers seems an exclusion of all not assumed. This reasoning appears to me to be sound; but, on so recent a change of view, caution requires us not to he too confident, and we admit this to be one of the doubtful questions on which honest men may differ with the purest motives, and the more readily as we find we have differed from oversetves on it. (Jefferson’s Complete Works, vol.O, p. 80ft.) _ THE M'GLYNN INCIDENT. Louisville Courier-Journal. There are very few conservative people who sympathize with the sen timent, or motive, or aim, of the ab surd George-McGlynn movement in the East, albeit those men are mere ly endeavoring, in a public and law ful manner, to influence popular opinion and collect a party to push their theories by legal methods. The}' are entitled to the full protec tion of the law, therefore, and are exercising the unassailable right of free speech, than which none is hot ter hedged and more sacredly guard ed by constitutional muniments. But a foreign authority, in the per son of the Pope, is interfering with that right, as exercised by Citizen McGlynn. The Pope has notified him once anti again that it would be as well for him to hold his peace, but the Anti-poverty apostle, as he calls himself, has been' rebellious, not to say defiant. His Holiness has summoned him to appear at Pome in forty days, or be excom municated for his contumacy. Mc Glynn retuses to go, and will conse quently be punished by a foreign power for exercising his rights of an American citizen on Uncle Sam’s own domain. The Papacy has alwa) ■> been firm ly set against innovations upon the established order of things and has always been the very ue /this ultra of political conservatism. But in this instance the Pope has been bad ly advised, and mistakes sadly in his predicates. There are 7,000,000 Catholic people in this country who are as patriotic as the hest, but it is very obvious that they owe it to them selves to have a clearer understand ing with the hefad of their church. Foreign dictation in lawful politics is not wanted here particularly; and we arc no more desirous of having Roman authority exercised in limit ing the rights of free political action among our Catholic fellowcitizens than of having our Irish citizens acting here under the orders of Queen Victoria. Every citizen owes it to the pub lic, and to the free institutions un der which he lives here, to hold him self free and independent of all for eign allegiances which might inter fere with the lawful exercise of his rights as a citizen. And, undoubt edly, a precedent like this ought not to be allowed to stand without an earnest protest against both the fact and the principle. The Democrat expressed precise ly this view more than three weeks ago. CORPORATIONS IN POLITICS. Baltimore Sun. The question of corporate influ ence in the country presents itself in j two aspects, eacli of equal- import ance. The business relations of cor porations to the public, and especi- I ally such corporations as are common ! carriers, have received of late yeirs , a large share of public attention,and will continue to do so until they are j brought under proper subjection to wholesome laws and made to under-* stand that they are public servants and not masters, a fact of which they seem supremely ignorant. An other relation, in which they are quite as aggressive anil even more pernicious to the public good, is their political corruption and mn nipulation, which has been so con spicuous in many States of the Union. While it was Tweed and his co-plunderers who brought dis grace upon municipal administra tion in New York, we must not for- j get that dim Fisk and the corpora tion scoundrels who combined with him were the chief destroyers of ju- ' dieial and legislative integrity in the Empire State. Things were carried , so far and with such a high hand j that public indignation was at last aroused, and the low methods and criminal practices which corporation managers found congenial to their tastes and necessary to their ends were at last destroyed, or at least so I crippled as to be no longer an over shadowing disgrace to the State. The same course has been run else where, and notably in Pennsylvania, Illinois and other States, where cor poration influence was so baneful to politics and business alike that leg islation was found impossible to , remedy the wrongs until the people’s ' needs were formulated in new con- j stitutions, which commanded also j legislative obedience. Even then, m | one of the States, the corporate pow ' er of the State was so potent that j the constitutional provisions were | i permitted to “lie in dull oblivion and to rot” for more than twelve years, before the legislative conscience was quickened to obedience by the oaths administered and by the public voice. It became almost an axiom at one time that in the struggle for honest government against the pow er of the railroad corporations the cause of the people had no chance of SUCeCSS. 1 ue people ui luurse i\m «, from the beginning, that the rail roads and canals belonged of right to the State for the use of the peo ple, and that the corporations hav ing them in charge were really but the agents of the public to run them for their owners, and yet so myste rious, corrupt and powerful was the iniluence of these selfish and soul , less bodies over the law-making power that it was simply impossible to hold them to their duties and re sponsibilities. Their security in wrongdoing being dependent upon the power of their lobbies to control legislation, of course one step, and a very important one, was to see that such pliant tools were sent to the Legislature as could be used to cheat ( the public whenever the cupidity of their masters required it. This has led to every sort of political manip ulation and interference—not open ly, so that the mailed hand could he | seen, but through agents, attorneys and hungers on, who fawn or bull doze as best suits their cold, calcu lating purpose. Not only have eon j ventions been packed lime and i again, but it is safe to say that bal lot-boxes have been more often stuffed in their interest than for all other interests combined. As we before said, public atten tion is being awakened and directed everywhere to these cold-blooded en emies of the public good. The peo ple are beginning to realize that they are the masters, and have the reuie dy in their own hands. They ap- j i preeiate as never before the enormi I | tv of these creatures of the public, : whose very life was breathed into their nostrils that they might serve the public and promote its general good, impudently assuming to ignore the power that made them, to per vert the purposes for which they were made, and even attempting to ! debauch the State by so corrupting and defiling its sovereignty as to make it their mere tool and play thing. I he people of this good state must not delude themselves into the belief that they are freer from corpo ; ration influences than others who have found it necessary to rise in their mighi and put them down. The worst thing that could befall us —bad as other evils may be—would be to permit the political control of the State to pass into the hands of our corporations, their agents or at torneys. It was aptly and strongly said by one who waged ail endless war upon corporate wrongs that “there is no other subject upon which the press is so shy as upon this, the ino3t important of all. Afraid to oppose the corrupt corpo rations. and ashamed to defend them, it sinks into silent neutrality. Pru dent politiciansalwnvswant a smooth road to run on, and the right path here is full of impediments. In this state of things we seem to be weaker than we really are, for the unhroKen heart of the people is on the side of justice, equality and truth. Monop olists may sneer at our blundering leadership, but they had better be think them that when the worst conies to the worst our raw,militia is numerous enough to overwhelm their regulars, well paid and well drilled as they are. They have de stroyed the business of hundreds for j one they have favored. For every millionaire they have made ten thousand paupers, and the injured parties lack no gall to make oppres- ! sion bitter.*’ It is in just this state of things t hat the independent news paper demonstrates its value by its course in behalf of the people. CONVICTS TO MAKE BRICK. The directors of the Penitentiary have determined to put the unem ployed convicts at work making brick for the new building, which will require between 000.000 and 700,000 brick. The contracts on which the pris onets are now employed will shortly expire, and, at the recent meeting of the board, no bids were received for the now idle prisoners. One of J the directors is reported l»y the //i- | (elligeticer to have said, "ihat it will be necessary to hunt up some class of work that will not enter into eoinpetion with anv private enter prise. and he proposes to make fur nittire for the public schools because there is no one in that business in i the State.” With due respect, we , pronounce this unadulterated non sense. The penitentiary should be conducted on business principles. The convicts should he emploved in whatever way will best contribute to making the penitentiary pay its ex penses. Unless it does, the people must be taxed maintain this itisti tutiou. The directors have nothing whatsoever to do with the competi tion between different industries; their first duty is to maintain proper discipline and their second duty is, to save tax payers all the money they can. Reinforcing the Interstate Com- ; merge Law.—The Michigan Legis- , laturc has passed the ‘ Rogers bill for regulating traffic rates on tlie railroads in that Stale. It prohibits pooling; prohibits the charging of a larger or an equal sum for a short haul than for a long one; forbids charging one person a greater rate than another for similar service; re quires all roads to post placards of passenger and freight rates in con spicuous places in depots, and fixes the penalties for violations of the law. Let the public remember, the rail road managers defeated the Chew bill at the extra session. In Michi gan, the people rule; in W csl \ ir ginia, the railroad managers. An Important Railroad Enterprise. A dispatch from Parkersburg, W. Ya., says: “Work was begun Saturday on the Black Diamond Railroad, which I is projected from this eitv to Clifton Forge Ya. Work was begun in or der to hold certain voted subscrip tions, which would otherwise expire about the middle of June, but the work will be prosecuted in good faith and there is at last every assurance that the road will be speedily com pleted. Indeed, to those who are on the inside of matters there can hard ly be a doubt of this. The board of directors were in session here Tliurs day and Friday. Judge Higley and E. J. Granger, of New York, were in conference with the hoard. Mr. Granger will sail in a few days for London to perfect arrangements with the syndicate which was rep resented here last fall by Archibald Fairlie, F. B. S., the eminent civil engineer. Within two or three weeks we shall know exactly what the English syndicate will do, but the present chances are largely that tliev will furnish the capital to con struct the entire road. It will begin at Parkersburg, extend thro’ Wood, Wirt, Calhoun, Gilmer, Braxton, Webster and Pocahontas counties, West Virginia, and Bath and Alle ghany counties, Virginia.! . inerting at Clifton Forge with the Chesa peake and Ohio.'’ OPINIONS OK US. EVERY WORD TRUE. Fayette, May 31.—In renewing my subscription I will add a word | for publication. The State will go Republican un less we convince the people that our party will carry out in good faith the principles so ably and so dis tinctly set forth in your paper, the j only paper in this State, so far as I can see, that comes square up to the mark. Our party will be judged by the expressions of its politicians,and these politicians will follow what they think is the popular current. The circulation of the Democrat does good in this way: People read it and say. “those arc my sentiments exactly.” Politicians hearing these expressions take the hint and the next moment are speaking out the very things the Democrat has said. I have seen enough of politics to know that i( such a paper at this time had 10.000 readers our next j candidates would be men who, as you put it, “gay what they mean and : mean what they say,” and with such candidates our majority will be over 10.000. I therefore appeal to Demo crats to do as I am doing and extend your circulat ion as much as they can. : The more the paper is read the better it is liked, and it comes nearer being a fair exponent of sound Democracy I than any I have met with in 20 years. The truth is, our party can not get along without it, and it is only a question whether it will be distrib uted among the people in time to set them thinking tor the next cam paign. * * * It should be read by all the young lawyers who expect! to take a hand in politics and desire to be posted as to the matters most popular with the bone and sinew of the party. They can get an educa tion from it they will not get from any other paper or papers. * * * The above letter is from a Demo crai known fur and near lor liis po litical sagacity. The ( arson City (N’ev.) I’nion thus comments on the editorial in this paper touching the defeat o( Chew's bill to give our home traflic protection against railroad discrim ination It is evident that the people of West Virginia are dealing with the same character of political infamy that has done so much to stifle the manhood of our own State of Ne vada. The following from the W. Va. Dkmookat lias so many points that have a familiar sound that the readers might not strain his fancy \ei v much to suppose it was writ ten in Nevada. Tile salvation of Nevada depends on the circulation of papers, like the I’nioH, which are not under railroad control. It is only a question of time, when the public will compre hend the value of such papers. The railroad managers succeed in thwart ing legislation, simply because the press barricades access to the ear of the people. Virginia's Slate Pencil Factory. Sun, CiiAHKi.oTTKsvii.i.K, Va., Muy 30.-— Few know lliat one of the two slate pencil factories in America Is in Virginia. The first ever established in this country is still in operation in Vermont. For many years Amor ica looked to the Welsh mines for supplies ot slate, while great depos its ol this material lay concealed in the earth on this side of the Atlan tic. One of the most extensively worked is known as the Hocking ham vein, and the mine is located at Arvon. The slate quarried at this mine is used chielly for roofing and mantels. It hardens with age and altogether is the most durnole ma terial used for roofs. The mine of J. K. Williams A Co., at Arvon, has been sunk to the great depth of 173 ffot, and is 300 by 170 feet in di mension. This same vein runs under the James river into Fuvanna and Albe marle counties. In this latter conn ty is situated the slate pencil facto ry of Hanning, Canovcr & < «», of New York. It was not the first .-date quarry opened in this country, but was begun upon the failue of the first—the Albemarle Slate Company —but on a new line, the manfacture of slate pencils. The quarrv from which the slate is taken is within a few feet of the factory. The process of manufac ture is simple, and may be described in a few words. When the blocks of slate are brought from the quarry they arc split into sizes convenient for handling and are conveyed to the factory. Here the llakes of slate pass through three sawings—tin* first reduces them to long strips, the second to squares, and the third to blocks just long enough to make si\ pencils. In this last shape the slate is passed through a machine which reduces its size somewhat, and a second and third machine reduce it still further; and two other mu chines reduce the slate to the shape of the ordinary pencil, except that the ends arc rough. Of these, one is sharpened and the other is smoothed by emery. They are then sorted, counted and boxed. The counting is done very expeditiously by means of a board containing fifty slots, each of which hojds two pencils. A handful of the pencils is taken and spread on the board— the slots full mean 100 pencils. The whole product goes to New York, and this amounts to something like 30.000 per day. The profits, according to the ad mission of these o|>crators, are good, and the cost ot the plant exceeding ly small—say, #2,300. They give employment to a large number of people, who would otherwise find it hard to make a living among the huckleberry barrens which surround the quarry and factory. RAILWAY STATISTICS. There are 290,000 miles of railroad in the world. In 1885 the railway* ofthcCnited States carried 312,08b, G41 passengers and 400,453,439 tons of freight. Each person was traniy ported an average distance of tw< n ty-threc miles, hence Hie entire movement on all the roads was equal to carrying 8,541,309,674 jH-rsons one mile. Massachusetts takes the lead in passenger transportation with 58,800,887; Pennsylvania next, then New York, Illinois, New Jersey, and Ohio. In freight tonnage Penusvl vania takes the lead with 105,705, 91G tons, and Now York second. There are about twenty-live miles of double track, sidings, etc., nineteen locomotives, G21 freight cars, five baggage and mail, and thirteen pa* sengers-cars for every 1,000 miles of railroad in the I’nited States. Speed is hard to average. The sixty and seventy-five miles an hour train is generally a myth. An av erage of forty-eight and three-tenths miles per hour is the fastest time in the I'nited States. This is made on the Pennsylvania “limited” in It* run from Jersey City to Philadelphia, ninety miles, in less than two hours. The “Flying Dutchman” is supposed to make the fastest time in the world, between London and Bristol, J1H | miles in less than two hours; the av erage, though, of even this fast train is only fifty-nine and one-third mile* per hour. There are several other trains noted for remarkably fast time on short distances. Sometimes