The San Francisco call. [volume], August 18, 1895, Page 12, Image 12

About The San Francisco call. [volume] (San Francisco [Calif.]) 1895-1913

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12
THE BIG ANTI-RAILROAD MASS-MEETING
Stirring Protests Against
.: General Graham's
Inscription.
TO KILL THE OCTOPUS.
Plan for- a Great State Conven
tion Against the Southern
Pacific. " ..
A COMMITTEi: OF FIFTEEN/
Washin-gtpn. Authorities Called
Upon to Bring: Co 1 1 is P. H v nt
ingrton to Justice.
. The mass-meeting at Metropolitan Hall
last evening was well attended, enthusi
astic arid unanimous in sentiment. In a
general way it took the form of an anti-
••BEFORE THE GOLDEN CALF OF THE CORPORATIONS OUR JUDICIARY IS ON ITS KNEES."
JAMES TAYLOR BOGEKS ADDRtSSINQ THE MASS-MEETING AT METROPOLITAN TEMPLE.
• • [Sketched by a "Call" artist.]
railroad mass-meeting, though, as Chair
man Ferguson -explained, they were not
opposed to railroads and wanted more of
them, and the specific purpose for which it
was called was to protest against the ob
noxious inscription that General Graham
had carved on the monument over the
soldiers that lost their lrves in the railroad
wreck at Sacramento. This point was by
no means forgotten. Attorney George W.
Monteith recited the incidents of the
wreck and argued ably from them that it
■was a monstrous insult to say that the
soldiers were "murdered by strikers." All
the other speakers characterized the in
scription in a similar manner, and the
following resolutions were unanimously
adopted:
Whereas, General W. M. Graham, the officer
in charge of the United States troopß stationed
at the Presidio hascau^ed to be placed on a
monument erected to the soldiers who were
killed in the wreck of the train, near Sacra
mento, July 11, 1894jan inscription charging
the members of the American Railway Union
with haying murdered them, be it then . '
Resolved, That we regard the action of the
taid Graham as a libelous and cowardly at
tack upon the good names and reputations of
innocent men, and.tii.'at we look with horror
and reproach upon- the use of a sepulcher of
the dead as a means of renting hatred*
spleen or malice, a-nd that in the placing of
■this gnqulisn libel upon the monument, Gen
eral Graham welL merits the severest con
demnation of all. lovers of justice and fair
play,: and '.-■ . ' ■
Raolvjed, That we demand of General
Graham the immediate removal of the inscrip-
uuu . • • '• . ■ ■ .. .
'-. :." . • "MIJEDEBEir BY BTRIKEES," .
Considering its presence a public insult and
disgrace, and
Resolved; That in-, event of the failure of said
General Graham to remove that inscription at
once, the chairman of this meeting be requested
to at once-forward copies of these resolutions
to the Secretary of . War. and to our Senators
and members of Congress with the request that
the proper action" be had to cause the removal
the said inscription: * :
But the meeti fig... took a broader scope
than this, and promises to accomplish far
more than the issuance of a mere protest.
It outlined a plan for a great anti-railroad
State convention, to be held not later than
Decehnber next, whose duty it shall be to
"devise ways and means to forever destroy
the political riower, and influence of the
great railroad monopoly in governmental
affairs."
The resolution and its stirring preamble,
the latter following closely, the boldness
and clarity of literary composition that
made Thomas Jefferson's document so
famous, reads as follows:
Whereas, For twenty-five years the govern
ment of this commonwealth has been under
the practical domination and control of the
Southern-Central Pacific Railroad moncpolv,
and during the greater.. part of which period its
influence has been paramount in all branches
of our State and local governments, legislative,
executive and judicial'; for:
It has nominated..and secured the election of
Governors and other executive officers to do. its
bidding. •.-.
It hag controlled and corrupted our Legisla
tures. . .. ,
It has in many cases secured tbe election ©r
appointment of Judges, who would at times
construe the law;, in; its interest, and against
the interests of the. people.
It has constructed and maintained a power
ful political machine, by means of which it
has been enabled to maintain its ' unlawful
supremacy. " . . ' "
It has fastened upon* us a corrupt and in
iquitous system of political bossism by main
taining upon its pay-.rpll corrupt manipulators
and political wire-pui-lers.
It has burdened us with an enormous bonded
debt based upon fictitious yalues, to maintain j
which it compels us to pay grossly extortion
ate rates of freight and fares.
It has oppressed and bankrupted our mer
chants.
It has discouraged and ruined our farming
industries.
It has oppressed and trodden on the rights of
Our laboring people.
And, lastly, it has brought this common
wealth to a condition that brings its citizens
face to face with ruin, starvation and bank
ruptcy.
' Ana now, believing that the time haa arrived
when all good citizens of our City and our
Stale, forgetting all past differences and con
tentions, and .laying aside all past political
and. other affiliations, should make common
cause and join in. a mighty and determined
effort to once and forever rid this great com
monwealth of- the accursed monopoly that
rests as an incubus upon its future; be it there
fore .
Resolved, That we, the citizens of San Fran
cisco in mass-meeting -assembled, do now call
upon our. fellow-citizens of this great State to
meet withus in convention that we may de
vise ways and means to forever destroy the
political power, and influence of the great rail
road monopoly' in the governmental affairs of
.our State and effectually eradicate its unlaw
ful power and dominion over our most vital
interests; andbe it
Btsolved, That to properly carry into effect
that object the chairman of this meeting ap
point a committee of fifteen, to have full charge
of) and to name the time, place and manner of
holdine said convention— to be held not later
than the Ist day of December next— end that
said convention shall consist of 350 delegates,
of whom 150 shall be selected at large from
the recognized anti-railroad men of the State,
the-remainder to be apportioned among the
several counties of the State in proportion to
population and selected by the people thereof
under such regulations as said committee may
adopt.
The committee of fifteen called for by
this resolution, whose duty it shall be to
"have lull charge of, and to name the
time, place and manner of holding the
contention," were appointed by the chair
man, Rer. M. J. Ferguson, as follows:
George W. Monteith (chairman), Adolph
Sutro, J. M. Bassett, James H. Barry, Barclay
Henley, M. McGlynn, Joseph Leggett, E. M.
Gibson, H. A. Knox, C. B. Williams, I. J. Tru
man, George K. Fitch, Green Majors, John M.
Reynolds, William H. Gagan.
The meeting was opened by a brief, buj;
pointed speech from Chairman Ferguson.
He was roundly applauded when he said,
"We are chiefly concerned now with the
subordination of men to property" — this
striking a responsive chord in the audi
ence, lie was followed by James Taylor
Rogers, who wanted to know why Collis
P. Huntington was above the law? He
advised the laboring men to use the same
powers that stand capital in such good
stead — combination and co-operation.
George W. Monteith. the attorney who
conducted the strikers' cases in the Federal
Court, was the. next speaker. He told the
story of the A. R. U. strike briefly and
graphically. M. McGlynn was the last
speaker. Before he took the platform the
following resolutions, calling upon the
Washington authorities to bring Collis P.
Huntington to trial for his offense, were
unanimously adopted:
Whereas, By reason of the sworn evidence
adduced in a court of justice and of the charge
of Judge W. W. Morrow to the last Federal
Grand Jury, it appears beyond cavil that one
Collis P. Huntington has been guilty of a crime
against the laws of the United States for which
he was-duly indictedby said Grand Jury, and
which indictment has been quashed by the
action of District Attorney Henry S. Foote in
entering a nolle prosequi therein, and now,
therefore, be it
Resolved, That we commend the action of
said District Court and said Grand Jury in en
deavoring to bring this wealthy criminal to
justice, and
Resolved, That we demand the immediate In
stitution of lawful and proper proceedings to
have the question of this man Huntington's
guilt fully determined and tried by a jury as
other persons charged with crime would be
tried, and if convicted receive the same treat
ment that a just court would inflict upon any
one who had violated the laws of the United
States, and
Resolved, That in view of the apparent un
willingness and disinclination of the United
States Attorney in this district to actively and
earnestly attend to the prosecution of this will
ful and disdainful violator of the law, we
respectfully request of the Department of
Justice et Washington, D. C, to designate and
appoint some reliable, conscientious and com
petent attorney or attorneys %vho can be
depended upon to appear in the United States
District Court ar.d earnestly, fairly and
efficiently try the issue of the guilt ot this man
Huntington upon a charge apparently so clear.
And that we hereby request the Congressman
from this district to use his best endeavor to
aid in the appointment of such special counsel ;
and
Rcxolved, That a committee of five responsi
ble and learned attorneys be appointed by the
chair to take charge of this matter and en
deavor to secure tbe plain demands of justice
in this case.
Barclay Henley (chairman), Joseph M.
Nougues, John Curry, Charles A. Sumnor
.:ind A. W.. Thompson were appointed as
the committee of attorneys to have charge
of this matter concerning the trial of Mr.
Huntington.
There were no tiresome preliminaries.
THE SAN FRANCISCO CALL, SUNDAY, AUGUST 18, 1895.
A few minutes after 8 o'clock the east-wing
door opened and the tall form of Harry
Knox stalked upon the stage, followed by
George T. Gaden, Henry Rogers, Rev. J.
M. Ferguson. M. McGlynn, John M. Rey
nolds and several other gentlemen, who
occupied seats upon the platform during
the mooting. Dr. Ferguson rapped for
order and then spoke briefly. He said, in
part :
We are here to protest against partiality in
the administration of law and to raise our
voices in strenuous condemnation against a
x ulgar and cruel insult aimed at a worthy body
oi our fellow-citizens. We are not herein the
spirit of demagogues.nor do we seek to attack
the rights of property. Property has rights
which ought to ne respected. Neither are we
assembled to tight the railroad. Railroads are
good to have, and we want more of them. In
cidentally we desire to state that railroads
have no rights not delegated to other classes of
property or citizens. They must be taught to
keep their place in tbe community which sup
ports them. The evils of corporate rule in mu
nicipal, State and National politics must be
apparent to all thinking citizens.
One object of this meeting will be to inspire
thought and action in behalf of the total
elimination of railroad rule from our politics.
To this end we want to concentrate interest all
over the State until the voters will put men,
not parasites, in positions of honor and trust.
For years our politics have been dominated by
the corrupt influence of corporation rule and
it is time to call a halt.
Dr. Ferguson then introduced James
Taylor Rogers, who spoke in substance as
follows:
The war decided forever against that kind of
mastery involved in the great crime of human
slavery. But there are many kinds of mastery.
Besides the mattery of ownership, there is the
mastery of opportunity and the mastery of
property. This latter augurs a crisis in the af
fairs of this Republic. All who can read the
siens of the times see in the supremacy which
property has attained grave danger to the sta
bility of our institutions.
Property has become supreme and has
ground down to the dust the honor and man
hood of our land. Before the golden calf of
the corporations our judiciary is on its knees,
willing and waiting to do whatever it is bidden
to do.
Why is C. P. Huntington above the law? Be
cause he is better than you or I? Not at all. It
is because he represents property. This exam
ple shows the spirit of capital. By reason of
the limitations of labor wealth has slowly come
into possession of the power, until to-day the
United States Goverment is simply the mouth
piece of corporate interest.
If Huntington went into a Federal court to
morrow and asked for an injunction restrain
ing you and me from kissing our own children,
I honestly believe it would be granted. Debbs
is doing good service in the cause of labor and
patriotism. He is a better man now than ever
before. The seed that he is sowing will blos
som into the flower of concentrated effort on
the part of labor and then the battle is won.
Concentration. Here is the secret of success.
This is the weapon of capital, why should it
not be also used by labor? One thing is cer
tain, labor must either combine or submit to
the slavery which wealth is preparing for it.
Attorney George W. Monteith then re
viewed the great A. R. U. strike. In part
he said :
On June 26, 1894, the American Railway
Union on this coast by a unanimous vote of it's
members refused to handle Pullman cars, for
reasons well known and unnecessary to recite.
On June 29 live members of the American
Railway Union were discharged for refusing to
handle Pullman cars, and on the same day a
strike was ordered by the union, i. c. a cessa
tion of labor to remain in force until the rein
statement of those five men.
On the same day the Southern Pacific Com
pany issued an order shutting down all its
works; the mails and the movement of the com
modities of commerce were thereby stopped.
The American Railway Union offered to fur
nish men to move the mails, which offer was
flatly refused by the railroads. The public,
therefore, was unable to carry on its ordinary
commercial transactions.
Owing to the strike in this part of Cali
fornia, from five to six thousand railroad em
ployes were idle, and every opportunity pres
ent for deeds of violence if they were so dis
posed.
During the entire strike not $10 worth of
actual damage was inflicted by members of
the union, a fact stated by me in terms of
broadest challenge in the argument of the
Mayne and Cassiday case, for the entire 6000
pages of testimony covering the whole trial
fails to disclose the contrary.
It was a plain contest in which the employes
would not work on the employer's terms and
the employers would not allow them to do
otherwise.
As the railroad could not be run without
competent men, unless it could fill the places
of the strikers.it must either abandon the busi
ness or re-employ the men on their own terms.
But there was no necessity for a complete
abandonment of its business, for the men vol
untarily and without pay offered to transport
the mails.
The company would not do this; it firmly
made up its mind to force the men to come to
its terms, and how could it be done? Simply
by making the stoppage of traffic so complete
that the public would suffer, would cry out
and condemn the cause of the interruption.
There is one great obstacle in the way—pub
lic opinion — the sympathy of the vast majority
was with the men; unless It could be turned
sgainst them the railroad must lose.
Then it was that the crafty octopus began to
lay its plans. First it tried threats of the black
list; fail; up, then tried to stir the public by the
cry of riot. The men stood firm, maintained
wonderful order and discipline and committed
no act of violence.
The company called on the officers of the law
to protect it. The Sheriff enrolled extra depu
ties and went to the scene of supposed danger.
They found no violence, no lawlessness, simply
a hxed determination not to work until they
secured their rights. Arrest them I Imprison
them! howled the octopus, but the cautious of
ficer knew that he hud no right to imprison free
men simply to aid their oppressor to strengthen
tne chains of their slavery and refused to do so
until an act of violence w"as done, and that act
never came.
The octopus grew desperate; Its army of
spies and detectives were told to do all they
could to discover something, some hook to
hang even a hair on, but they failed.
A t last apian was hit upon. It was wildly
heralded an "attempt" wouid be made to
move a train, if the strikers did not "interfere,"
on July 3. The and "spotters" of the
octopus were busily engaged in inflaming the
men and the people about the disastrous
effects of moving that train during the strike.
It was openly announced when the "attempt"
would be made, lor it was to be nothing more
than an "attempt," and the whole population
of Sacramento turned out. In the meantime,
however, having failed to alarm the peace
officers on the ground, who could see for them
selves, the railroad called on the Federal
authorities.
But to return to the 3d of July. As the morn
ing of the 3d wore on a vast horde of Sheriffs,
constables, police and United States Marshals
flanked and supported by railroad spies and
spotters, made their appearance. The depot
swarmed with sightseers. A great drama had
been promised and all turned out. The first
thing to be done was to clear away the crowd;
in this the A. R. U. men willingly joined. Over
at the roundhouse a little column of smoke
told that an engine was being fired up. The
j Marshal and a lot of deputies went over to
j "protect it" against those imaginary vio
; lators of law and order. It began
to move slowly, steamed toward the
depot, crossing switch after switob as It neared
the train that awaited its arrival. The onlook
ing people watched it with bated breath ; there
were the officers of the law engaged in dome
the bidding of the monopoly— even they saw
the members of the American Railway Union
aiding them keep back the crowd, helping the
enemy, they thought, encompass the men's
defeat. Just then the engine had nearly
reached the train ; the despised Pullmans were
already attached to it; it had reached the
supreme moment when overwrought nature
could stand no more. Then that mighty
crowd— not strikers, but citizens, merchants,
doctors, mechanics, lawyers and farmeTs—
moved as though by some mighty
power impelled, without warning, but
with one wild cheer broke through the lines,
and pushing aside everything in its path
rushed on and grasped the hated Pullmans
and with one mighty and united effort hurled
them away and down the track at lightning
speed. There was ho conspiracy in that move
ment. It was a terrible outburst of the right
eous indignation of outraged humanity, and
when it arose to the accomplishment of its pur
pose it was imperial in its grandeur, Irresist
ible in its movement. It was a mighty concur
rence of the will and power of a myriad of
courageous souls, and the tempestuous out
pouring of the burning indignation of 10,000
honest hearts.
But it was enough to make an excuse. The
engine was sent back and Knight prepared
and Baldwin sent by wire a requisition to Gov
ernor Markham for militia.
Under the law there is but one case in which
the Marshal can call upon the militia. It is
when he is unable to serve process — i. c. war
rants, supenas or other orders of a court. In
his requisition to the Governor, Baldwin
falsely stated that he was unable to serve pro
cess, and on the stand in the strikers' case ad
mitted that he had not at that time a single
process in his hands, 60 he not the militia
through false pretenses.
But the militia came, and the next day oc
curred the affair at the depot. Most of you
have an idea, that the strikers resisted the
militia. Far from it. There was simply an im
mense crowd of ten or twelve thousand people,
who came to see what was going to happen.
Naturally in the crowd, women and children
with the rest pushed toward the front, and
then it was that the octopus wanted the militia
to fire. General Dimond was too good and
.brave a man to order his men to fire on that
defenseless mass of humanity, and placed th»
responsibility with Mr. Baldwin. .Had Bald
win taken a company of men around to the
rear he would have had the depot in five
minutes, but he had what he wanted, the
militia had been resisted, and paved the way
ior the regular troops.
But the railroad was as yet beaten— the men
would not come to terms and therefore some
thing else must be done. Public opinion was
with the men. Something had to be done.
Now, at this point the men had won by their
good judgment, good order and by abstaining
from deeds of violence. There was just the
thing needed to destroy public confidence, to
turn the tide the other way— one awful
deed of violence; one terrible act of crime—
something, that would instantly horrify and
shock the sympthetlc people. It was the only
thing that would save the octopus and the one
thing that would ruin the men. Both recog
nized it. The men steadfastly refused to do
anything wrong and , the railroad could not
bullyrag them into it.
There was but one thing that would enable
the octopus to reach the same end. If some
awful catastrope would but occur that could
be laid at the door of the American Railway
Union the effect would be the same as though
it was the act of some its men.
The catastrophe came, and from the wreck
of a railroad train on July 11 there were taken
the dead bodies of five unfortunate men, whose
death was the event that at last turned the
tide, snatched victory from the jaws of defeat
and made the old monopoly once more tri
umphant. The strikers were charged at once,
everybody knew they were guilty, they were
tried and condemned without a hearing, arrests
were made, the battle was over, and the rail
road secured all it wanted as the result of the
horrible death of five innocent men.
The first thing we seek in ferreting, out the
mystery of an unknown crime is the presence
of a motive, back of that a prospective benefit,
and in this case who was the beneficiary of
that awful crime, and before its commission
who would most likely benefit by such an af
lvi r 7
You can form your own opinion. It is a fear
ful thing to charge any one with murder. We
may say a man would lie, would steal, rob or
commit arson, but murder— no! The 'line is
drawn there. And yet when a man has murder
in his neart, when we know that he has given
away before to the murderous passion and with
malice aforethought killed another, the line
may fade away.
Then on this* question of mere probability,
who would be most; likely to have wrecked
that tram? The brave men who gave up their
sustenance to aid their struggling brothers in
the town of Pullman, who stood so firmly and
unflinchingly by a principle they loved, or the
corrupt monopoly around whose history dances
the specters of the murders at Mussel Slough.
and whose superintendent sent telegrams to
section men to tear up rails that would ditch 1
trains and hurl to eternity two train-loads of
murder lurk? 117 And< my ' riendß> did dark
fi An«t«!L the xc item and amid the whirl of
sensation and of calumny/ the sober judgment
£ ,i£ ce a h SCS WaS cast aside, and on the im
pulse of the moment created a lasting impres
fr^^ hofl V. njusticethftS men havesuf
lerea, ana has aided their heartless oppressors
to persecute, blacklist and almost starve.
o4rv rtr«nl£ rlt mUSt be fOUnd > aild a P° or
SSui,h en ? an> with a loud mouth
i toflv a Z° r n s v. oi d ynamite, was brought
thn £.t r «»V fi Ibbe1 bbe0 >' cd «cated as a witness,
was tr£J h«V5 ce f man .. wa " « ni «y;the man
tin™? «,; i « defended convicted and sen
™"i™i^r under the shadow of the
gauows tor another's crime
th?. n l h >, c ? trik "?' trial ln ' the I Federal Court
this whole artair was ventilated. Sherburne,
the boy, said ; that Worden hired : a ; team that
m «o?nt s;i? d t^ U slx , other men went out to
£££?£« 1 i th^ treßtle : the men got out, he
heard an explosion; the menicame back and lie
drove them twenty miles toward Woodland.
Then all save Worden got out, and he and
Worden drove back, ana as they came in sight
of the wreck they saw the people returning
from viewing the wreck and took four or five
back with them, and by-the-by, not one of
these four or five spectators has ever turned up
to corroborate the boy's story. He rot back to
Sacramento about 3 "p.m. then he collected
the bill of Knox on a written order. After
that he made a statement in writing to Sammy
Knight (which, by the way, Knight absolutely
refused to produce at the strikers' trial), and
after all that, in company with two Southern
Pacific detectives, Gibson and Burke, took that
tired team, and alter it had hauled seven men
and a boy twenty miles up and the man and
boy twenty miles back, in all forty miles, and
again went over the same route and found the
tools he says Worden left in the brush.
That is the Southern Pacific version of the
affair. They charged Hatch and Appleman as
being two of the men with Sherburne. Each
proved an alibi and both were instantly ac
quitted. Both were ably defended by Gen
eral Hart, and had he defended poor Worden
the same result would have been brought
about.
In the strikers' case we placed on the stand
two reliable witnesses and had two more who
swore they saw Worden drunk at the A. R. U.
headquarters at 1 p. m. the day of the wreck,
at a time he was with Sherburne, if the boy
told the truth, twenty miles away. Sherburne
himself collected the bill of Knox at 1:30 p. m.,
when he was miles away, if his story be true.
The order-issued by Knox was not for a car
riage for Worden but for a man named Whee
ler, and to substantiate the railroad side of the
case they have to claim Wheeler as an alias for
Worden. So much for the way the octopus
seeks to account for the wreck.
On the other hand the union charges it on
one Charles O'Brien. O'Brien was a tramp,
with two fingers gone from one hand. He
tried to pass himself oa the secretary of the A.
R. U. as a member and said he had done some
thing "awful good" for the "boys." He
wanted to get a steamer ticket to San Fran
cisco, and when asked for his membership
card said he had lost it. When the secretary
went to look for the roll the man disappeared.
The next day, the 12th of July, he turned
up in Oakland with a man by the
name of Barrett. They went to President Rob
erts of the A. R. U. then, and presented a letter
purporting to be from Knox, but Roberts being
familiar with Knox's handwriting would not
accept it, and a telegram was sent to Sacra
mento to ascertain who these men were. Knox
had been arrested, but a day or two later the
telegrams reached him at the jail, and Oakland
was informed that the men had no connection
with the A. R. U. In tne meantime, however,
Barrett and O'Brien told Roberts and others
that they had wrecked the train and wanted to
get money to get out of the country. Roberts
refused to give them any, making the excuse
that he wanted to hear from Sacramento first.
While waitiner two of the men followed Bar
rett, who boarded the Oakland local and rode
on a Southern Pacific pass to the pier and then
went up into the office of the superintendent
of the Southern Pacific Company. The man
reported to the union, and later in the day,
when Barrett came back, he was openly
charged with being an impostor and having a
pass. Some of the men wanted to throw him
down and search him, but he backed up into
a corner and drew a pistol, but finally con
sented to be searched If one of the men went
to his room with him. No sooner was he out
of the hall than he ran away and has since
disappeared with O'Brien. The next day
O'Brien mailed a written confession to the A.
R. U. at Sacramento, which was posted at San
Francisco July 16, G a. m., and was received In
Sacramento that afternoon and immediately
turned over to General Hart.
There was no dynamite used at the trestle,
as we fully demonstrated on the strikers' trial;
simply a rail loosened. One man could have
done it alone, and I believe one man did do it.
This Is in substance the story told by twenty
witnesses, and it makes a chain of evidence
sufficient to hang Charles O'Brien twice over.
We offered to prove all this on the strikers'
trial, but it was ruled out.
Now, you can take these two stories and
judcje whether or not General Graham's in
scription should stand.
M. McGlynn was the next speaker. He
strongly condemned the action of General
Graham in placing an obnoxious inscrip
tion on the Presidio monument and took
occasion to say a few words in defense of
the People's party, which he announced
was "good enough for him."
He had heard rumors of a new party,
but had made up his mind to stand in the
old ranks.
In concluding McGlynn emphasized the
necessity of concentrated effort on the part
of labor "in order to free itself from the
oppressions of capital."
THE STATE REPUBLICANS
They Indorse the Protest
Against Foster as Election
Commissioner.
The Central Committee Favors the
the National Convention In San
Francisco.
Responding to a call of Chairman P. B.
Cornwall thirty-six members of the Re
publican State Central Committee assem
bled at Golden Gate Hall, on Sutter v street,
yesterday afternoon.
In the absence of D. M. Burns, Frank
Quade was elected secretary. The rollcall
was answered by the following members,
or persons holding proxies:
C. S. Long, J. S. Chillis (proxy P. B. Corn
wall), R. S. Row (proxy William H. Brown), R.
If, Barstow, J. M. Manuon, \V. A. Mackinder, A.
G. Rhoads (proxy P. B. Cornwall), Thomas
Flint Jr., W. 8. Russell, C. Meling, I. S. Cohn,
T. C. Duff. J. H. Dawson, H. S. Fairchild, J. G.
Tyrrell (proxy A. Louderback), William Cluff,
E. C. Hughes (proxy Jacob Shaen), A. Ruef, J.
Martin, G. C. Ross. 8. F. Ayers, J. 8. Asay. A. B.
I.eramon, P. B. Cornwall, I. Upham, W. W.
Montague, L. Dennery, W. C. Johnston, Asa R.
Wells, E. C. Palmeri, M. Cooney, James Me-
Nab, J. H. Doak, W. H. Checkering.
The chairman stated concisely the object
of the meeting. It had been called at the
request of many Republicans to take some
action on the organization of the Board of
Election Commissioners under the new
law.
Several resolutions were introduced and
two or three motions made. The discus
sion lasted for an hour or more.
M. Cooney made an i:n passioned
speech, wherein he declared that Foster
was not a Republican, and that the letter
and spirit of the law, which contemplated
that the Republican party should select
the Republican Commissioners, had been
violated. He believed that the action of
the executive committee of the Republi
can State Central Committee in protesting
against Foster's nomination should be
sustained. He declared in favor of straight
out Republican politics, and referred to
the timidity and lack of party spirit in the
Republicans of the Jast Legislature. He
characterized their conduct as a falling
down for patronage. In the course of his
remarks, the assertion was made that
Foster was not a Republican when he was
appointed, and there was no telling
whether Foster would stand up for the
Republican party in the future.
One of the speakers censured the Com
missioners for failing to eject Jacob Step
pacher, assistant secretary of the board.
Speeches were made by James McNab,
A. Ruef, G. 0. Ross, Jacob Shaen, A. B.
Lemmon, J. S. Asay and others. The bur
den of remarks favored the indorsement of
the action of the executive committee, and
after several substitutes had been with
drawn and a motion to lay everything on
the table had been ruled "out of order the
meeting by a unanimous vote adopted the
following preamble and resolutions:
Whereas, Under tho law passed by the last
Legislature, commonly known as the Election
Commission law, the Republican party of Cali
fornia is entitled to have two Republicans
upon the commission who shall be satisfac
tory to the executive committee of the party;
and whereas, the Mayor of San Francisco, act
ing under said law, did appoint certain citizens
to be members of the said commission, and
that, acting under the letter and spirit of the
same law, the Republican executive com
mittee of California did in due time and in
proper form protest against the appointment
of one of said citizens, namely, Samuel Foster,
upon the statutory grounds, which protest the
said Mayor has ignored, and that the said
Foster is likewise acting Commissioner
aeairist the protest of this committee; be it
therefore
Resolved, Ttiat we, the members of the State
Central Committee, iully indorse the action of
the executive committee in making and filing
such protest ; and be it further
Resolved, That this matter be referred to the
State executive committee, with the power to
take such further action therein as the judg
ment of the executive committee shall deem
proper and expedient.
After the adoption of the foregoing reso
lutions several committeemen left the hall
and those that remained discussed the sub
ject of paying some incidental bills of the
organization.
Chairman Cornwall presented an elab
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orate report relating to correspondence
with members of the National Committee
on the subject of holding the next conven
tion of the party to nominate a President
in San Francisco.
The correspondence indicated that the
Eastern committeemen were anxious to
ascertain the Presidential preferences of
California Republicans. The McKinley
men in the East wanted to know whether
California would promise to support Mc-
Kinley. The Reed men were eager to
ascertain whetner the silver sentiment
here would be strong enough to influence
public opinion against their favorite. The
Morton and Allison committeemen also
desired information as to how California
stood on their respective candidates.
As far as could be ascertained the letters
were non-committal. All wanted to ascer
tain how California stood on candidates
without giving an opinion as to how the
committee rated San Francisco as a con
vention city.
A resolution was adopted requesting
each individual member of the State Cen
tral Committee of California to use every
proper influence possible to induce the
National Committee to select San Fran
cisco as the place for holding the National
Convention.
The lepal committee of the State Central
Committee consists of W. H. Chickerinp,
Alameda; E. C. Hart, Sacramento; J. C.
Daly, Ventura; A. Ruef and M. Cooney,
San" Francisco. It is understood, or at
least surmised, that these lawyers will be
called upon by the executive committee to
institute proceedings in the court to test
Samuel Foster's ri^ht to act as a member
of the Election Commission. The last
clause of the resolution adopted yesterday
contemplates action of this character.
Word was given that Messrs. McNab,
Montague, Wells and Dennery, who for
merly sustained Mr. Foster, voted readily
yesterday to indorse the action of the ex
ecutive committee in filing the protest.
Henry L. Dodge, one of Foster's earnest
supporters at the original meeting, was
absent.
The session of the committee yesterday
was executive. The newspaper reporters
were excluded when the chairman called
the meeting to order.
Among Republicans at the hall who
were not entitled to admission were M. M.
Estee, J. F. Sheehan, Samuel K. Thornton
and County Clerk Curry.
BANQUETED THE COLONEL.
Officers of the Third Regiment, N. G.
C, Honor Their New
Chief.
Colonel J. C. O'Connor, recently elected
to the command of the Third Regiment,
N. G. C, was tendered a banquet last even
ing by the line, staff and field officers of
the regiment. The dining-room of the
California Hotel, where the affair took
place, was tastefully decorated with flags
and bunting of the National colors, and
covers for thirty-two were laid.
It was an occasion of its kind par
ticularly brieht, and, amid the clinking of
glasses, the sparkling of wine and repartee,
the officers of the Third drank and toasted
the health of their new commander in a
way calculated to convey to him an ade
quate impression of the esteem in which
he is held by his subordinate officers, and
the respect and obedience he may expect
during his service at the head of this im
portant branch of the State's civil army.
Lieutenant-Colonel J. P. Smith presided,
and after the elaborate menu proposed the |
toasts.which were responded to as follows:
Colonel O'Conner, "The Third Regi
ment."
General Warfield, "The Second Regi
ment."
Adjutant-General Barrett, "The Gov
ernor."
Colonel Barry, "Regimental Officers."
The officers and guests who participated
in the banquet were :
Colonel O'Conner, Lieutenant-Colonel J. F.
Smith, General Warfield of the Second Regi
ment, Colonel McDonald of the Second, Lieu
tenant-Colonel Garry of the Second, Major
Fisher of the brigade'staff, Lieutenant-Colonel
Boland, a rctirtd officer; Colonel Knox.also
retired; Adjutant-General Barrett, Colonel
Bush, Colonel Daniels, Colonel Barry and the
following officers of the Third: Lieutenants
Kchriiue, West, Judge, GuiaU, Hayes, Bailin*
ger, Ralph, Sullivan, McCrae, Dwyer, Captains
Warren, Kennedy, Meagher, Connely, Marshall,
Rethers, Delaney, Fitzpatrick and Lark in.
WHERE IS MILLARD?
He Has Been Absent from the State
Fifty-Four Days.
Leading politicians eagerly inquire,
"Where is Lieutenant-Governor Millard?"
Some reply that he ia in Kansas, while
others say that he is in Michigan.
The remark was made yesterday at
Golden Gate Hall, while the Republican
State Central Committee was in session,
that the Lieutenant-Governor had been
absent from the State for riftyrfour
days and that if he remained outside of
the boundaries of the State six days
longer he would forfeit his right to the
office under the constitution.
M. M. Estee, who assisted in framing
the constitution, was asked if such pro
vision existed and he said that the con
stitution so provided.
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jfiTCountry orders solicited.
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Address
B. KATCHINbKI,
10 Third Street, San Francisco.
PHILADELPHIA SHOE CO.